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Professors World Peace Academy

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN


Author(s): Nasreen Akhtar
Source: International Journal on World Peace, Vol. 26, No. 2 (JUNE 2009), pp. 31-63
Published by: Professors World Peace Academy
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20752885
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THE
POLITICS:
OF DEMOCRACY

POLARIZED
CHALLENGE
PAKISTAN

IN

Nasreen Akhtar Lecturer of Political Science


International Islamic University
Women Campus. Office No: C-016
Sector H-10, Islamabad
Pakistan
Nasreen Akhtar is a Lecturer of Political Science and InternationalRelations in theDepart
ment of Politics and InternationalRelations, International IslamicUniversity, Islamabad,
Pakistan. She earned an M.A. in Political Science, and an M.Phil, inU.S. history and
relations.

international

In Pakistan, state elites have been


affiliatingwith the different ethnic
groups for their own political
interests.This diminishes the sense
of equal justice and state legitimacy.
The

of a nation-state

creation

is

a historical process thatmay take a


long time to complete. This is not
to suggest that Pakistan or other
Third World countries have to pass
the

through

same

sequences

of

state

making as the Europeans did. We


need to highlight the complex issues
and the constraints that Pakistan
has faced since its inception in
1947. While the internal obstacles
to national
known,

integration
one must
also

are well
consider

the

geopolitical pressures that emanate


from the regional and international
environments.

The

central

theme

of this paper is that nations and


identities are evolutionary processes
that cannot be artificially and
externally imposed, but only aided
by policies that are sensitive to needs
of the constituent

groups.

INTRODUCTION
Polarized politics ishaving an immense
impact on the Pakistani nation and
it has been posing securitythreats to
a state founded on the principles of
peace,

prosperity,

and democracy.

internal factors are leading the Paki

stani nation

toward war,

conflicts, and
60
the Army.1 Over

clashes

against
since Pakistan
years have been passed
was founded.
a serious
Is polarization
on
I
in
Pakistan?
elaborate
problem

how ithasmaterialized during the civil

military

regimes.

notions

of nation-state

The dominant elites in Pakistan,


and elsewhere in the Third World,
have uncriticallyaccepted theWestern
and

central

in structuring
the state and
national
integration. This
promoting
ization

idealization

is predicated

on

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two

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

interrelated postulates:

(a) the nation-state

is the form of a modern

state,

and that (b) centralization is the sign ofmodernization.2 However, the


European

or even

pattern of the nation-state

fashioning

a uniform model

of nation-building for all developing countries is dangerous, and might


lead to self-destruction.

There

ismuch

evidence

and many

reasons

for this

cautionarynote, but one will sufficeto explain thepitfallsof pursuing the


policies of nation-building through a strong centralgovernment.
It is an historical accident thatmost of the post-colonial states like
Pakistan have inheritedamosaic of ethnic, religious and linguisticgroups
thathave a proud past, a strong sense of ethnicor communal identityand
rich cultural

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

The European pattern of


the nation-state or even
fashioning a uniform

model

of nation-building

for all developing


countries is dangerous,

and might

lead to self-

these

to say,

traditions. Needless
had

groups

a semi-autonomous

existence5 ifnot a self.rule5for centuries


before western colonization. The con
structionof a cohesive national identity
by the central state, primarily through
"primitiveaccumulation of power,"3 and
without political legitimacy
would rather
provoke resistance, alienate important

sectors of the society, and might under


mine the legitimacy of the state itself.

destruction.
hh^hi^hhh^^h

In Pakistan,

state elites

have

been

with thedifferentethnicgroups fortheirown political interests.


affiliating
This diminishes the sense of equal justice and state legitimacy.
In my view, the creation of a nation-state
is a historical process
take a long time to complete. This is not to suggest that Pakistan

that may
or other

ThirdWorld countrieshave to pass through the same sequences of state


making as theEuropeans did.We need to highlight the complex issuesand
the constraintsthat Pakistan has faced since its inception in 1947. While
the internal obstacles

to national

integration

are well-known,

one must

also consider thegeopolitical pressures thatemanatefrom the regional and


international

environments.4

The

central theme of this paper is that nations and identities are evo
that cannot be artificially and externally imposed, but
lutionary processes

only aided by policies thatare sensitiveto needs of the constituentgroups.


What are the policies that various Pakistani civil-militaryregimes have

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

to strengthen

attempted

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

the idea of Pakistan's

IN PAKISTAN

security, and nationhood?

How have political culture and religion affectedthe state policies? How
have ethnic, linguisticand religious groups responded and have adverse
impacts on democratic

process? What

have been

issues and challenges

on

thepath to nation-building inPakistan andwhy has democracy not taken


root? In answering these questions, we will focus on the following two
propositions:

a) Promotion of economic or cultural interestsof ethnic groups alone


not guarantee

does

their integration

until they are allowed

to par

ticipate in the political process, sharepower, and develop stakes in


the state.

b) Devolution of power, regionalautonomy and recognitionofmultiple


within a pluralistic,democraticframe
linguisticand culturalidentities
work would contributeto national solidarityand laythe foundations
for the development

of a nation-state.5

ISLAM AND PAKISTAN


Islam could be a complete code of life,ifitwould be practicedwith a true
spirit.Although Islam stressestheMuslim Umhha (Muslim unity), inour
fragmentedworld thishas been amirage. Moreover, Muslims indifferent
regions have differentcultures, and have divided in differentsubgroups;
Sunni, Shite,Wahabi, Deobandi, etc. In theunited India,Muslims ignored
and were

differences
Islam had

taken deep

united

for the same cause of "an

state."
independent
Its strong pillars tremen

roots in the sub-continent.

dously influenceditsfollowers inUnited India. The formationof Islamic


identityin British India was also influencedby a varietyof cultural and
political

factors. Islam gave people

coherence,

direction,

and meaning.

However, the role of Islam in promoting a sense ofMuslim political


community inpre-independence era and itsmobilizing appeal during the
of
Pakistan independence period has produced conflictinginterpretations
its relevance

to the construction

of a Pakistani

nation.

This

controversy

stems from the fact that the leaders of themovement, includingQuaid


i-AzamMohammed Ali Jinnahrested the claim forPakistan on the idea
of a "Muslim

nation."

He

argued

that Islam was

not

just

religion,

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but

33

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

represented

a separate

nationalism

for a variety of reasons,

social order,

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

a civilization

and

culture,

that gave

theMuslims a distinctive character as a political community.6Different


strataofMuslims in the subcontinent supported the concept ofMuslim
not

all of them religious.7 Most

of

the supportersof Pakistan rejected the notion of territorialnationalism,


that Islam

claiming

transcended

narrow

ethnic

and

lingual differences.

Dr.Allama Mohammad Iqbal, thepoet and philosopherwho proposed the


idea of Pakistan in 1930s, said "It isnot theunityof language or country
or the identityof economic intereststhat constitutesthe basic principleof
our nationality.
We aremembers of the societyfounded by the Prophet."8
However, Jinnahdid not conceive Pakistan inpurelypan-Islamic terms.His
ofMuslim

conceptualization

nationalism

was

special, based

on

protection

ofminority rights,and defined in relation


to theHindu majority.9

The question Pakistanis


have confronted is
Islam could
whether
serve as effectively a

After Pakistan's

Islam
independence,
source
of confrontation

became

the

between

secular

and

religious

leaders;

even religion could not unite the people


in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) andWest

unifying force the same

way as itdid during the

The

Pakistan.

struggle for the creation


of Pakistan.

confronted

have
Pakistanis
question
iswhether Islam could serve as

effectively a unifying force the same way as

itdid during the struggleforthe creation

of Pakistan.

There

are three different per

spectiveson thisquestion thatcontend forshaping thenational identityand

nationhood.

Let us characterize

sub-nationalist.

The

these roughly as Islamist, modernist,


and
Islamist position on nation needs a little explanation.

The Islamistsbelieve that Islam is a complete code of life,has answers to all


modern

problems,

and itmust

be relied upon

as a source of
personal

con

duct and public affairs.


They define Islam essentiallyas a political ideology,
and set themission of the faithful,at least in areaswhere theyhave formed
an independent

state, to create an Islamic

state, establishing

supremacy

of

the Shariah (Islamic law or way of life).10


The Islamistsdoctrinallyrefuse
to consider

territorial definition

of a nation

as relevant

to the Muslims.

Their conception of an IslamicMillat (nation)would embrace all believers


irrespectiveof theirrace, language or domicile. Faith inAllah, Quran and

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POLARIZED

the Prophet

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

gives them a far greater

OF DEMOCRACY

sense of
togetherness

IN PAKISTAN

than any other

factor.11
Using thisphraseology, or, ifyou wish, symbolism,the Islamists
stressthe role of religion in achievingnational unity.
The second andmore vitalaspectof the Islamistperspectiveisconception

of an Islamic state. By deconstructing

the history of the Pakistan movement,

theyclaim that the country's independencewas won in thename of Islam,


and that the driving forcebehind the idea of Pakistanwas the creation of
an Islamic state.12
This seems to be a total reversalof theposition that they
tookduring thepolitical struggleforPakistan.The Ulema (Islamic scholars)

from Ahmr,
to support
istmovement

and even Jumut-i-Islumihzd


refused
a national
because
they believed that

Jumiut-i-Ulema-i-Hind,
the creation of Pakistan
could

not be Islamic.

Even

Jamat-e-Islami

(Islamic

Party)

opposed the idea of Pakistan.They believedMuslim Ummahi. and did not


trustthe leadershipofWesternized Muslims like Jinnah.13
The Jamiat-i
Ulema-i-Hind

and the famous Deoband

Islamic

seminary rather associated

themselveswith the Indian nationalism.14The position ofMaulana Abul


Ala Maudoodi, themost articulateand celebrated exponent of the Islamic
state, on the creation of Pakistan

had the same reservation

and was not dif

ferentfromtheorthodox ulema.isThe only differenceis thathewas equally


opposed to the Indian nationalism.16But theiropposition to Pakistan inno

in the political process, or pre


way could exclude them from participating
new
to the
vent them from migrating
country, as many of them did. After
is an
that Pakistan
the creation of Pakistan, the Islamists have contended
state, meaning

ideological

that the sole purpose

of making

Pakistan was

to

create conditions forthe Islamicvalues andway of life.


Maulana Maudoodi
any failure to implement Islam in
goes one step further in characterizing
state affairs as "a form of national apostasy."17 The scholars from various

religiousgroups had failed to convince the people of East Pakistan, those


who had foughtagainst theirown people and army.
A more

complex

construction

is the "ideology

of Pakistan"

that was

thrown intopublic debate for the firsttime in the 1970,18 and got official
support during the dictatorship of Zia-ul-Haq (1977-88). None of its
advocates has yet clearlydefinedwhat itexactlymeans, but by implication
"ideology of Pakistan" refersto two things:Islam is thebasis of nationhood
inPakistan; Islammust be accepted as the supremeguiding principleof the
state.19 Even

the most

professed

secular

leaders have

frequently

brought

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35

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

the "ideology of Pakistan" intopolitical debate, not realizing that itwould


strengthenthe politics of Islamization. It is partly this ambivalence and
political use of Islam by the secular elites thathas allowed the Islamists to
set the agenda of Islamic politics.20Presently,a fewpeople have hijacked
Islam topursue and implementitaccording to theirown understandingand
purposes. The Militants inFederallyAdministeredTribal Areas (FATA) do
not understand

or support

the meaning

unconventional

interpretation
security of the state and nation.

struction, development,

of "ideology of Pakistan." Their


of Sbaria21 has tremendously
affected the

In my view, nation-building
needs con
denial
democracy and rule of law. Deconstruction,

of development, and lawlessnessby themilitants inFATA has destabilized


the process
^^

in the twenty-first century.22


i
It is common perception

of nation-building

is a vast difference
between claiming a state

There

forMuslims, which was


the case when Pakistan
was founded, and
, ,
Islamizinq

A A. .
a state.

in Pakistan

thatPakistanwas achieved in the name


of Islam Let us examine some of the
contradictions of the Islamist position
on cation-building. First, it ishistorically
incorrect that
^
demand for Pakistan
an
rested on the promise
of creating
,
T..
run
state in the vision or the fun
Islamic

damentalists.

There

is a vast difference

which was the case when Pakistan


claiming a state forMuslims,
a
state.
and
founded,
Islamizing
It was the consistent failure to reach an acceptable
agreement on the

between
was

constitutionalguarantees to the rightsof theMuslims inBritish India that


strengthenedthe demand forPakistan. The Muslims in theUnited India
were being denied their fundamentalrights.A sense of deprivation insti
gated

the Muslims

to be separated.

The

objective

was

to preserve

cultural

identityand protect economic and political interestsofMuslims by creating


a state in theMuslim majority areas.As mentioned earlier,Islamic symbol
ismwas regarded necessary for the politicalmobilization of theMuslim

masses

and it served that purpose

very well.

Even

today

in Pakistan,

Islam

is being regarded as an effectivetool to serve political purposes by both

state and non-state

actors.23

Second, the foundersof Pakistan, particularlyIqbal and Jinnah,have


been grosslymisinterpreted by the Islamists in support of theirviews on

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

the relation between


associated

with

of them was

Islam and the state. None

the idea of an authoritarian,

hegemonic,

even remotely
or a theocratic

state,which the Islamiststodaypursuewith somuch dedication.There isno


doubt

that, on occasions,

Jinnah made

brief references

to Islam

in seeking

support forPakistan, but dragging him closer to the Islamistposition is a


very recentphenomena. An objective reading of historywould reveal that
the creator of Pakistan was

a constitutional

to the core,

democrat

and a

secularMuslim.24 Jinnah'spresidentialaddress to theConstituentAssembly


of Pakistan, on August 11, 1947 bears testimonyto this: "You are free,

you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques

or

to anyother places ofworship in this stateof Pakistan.You may belong to

has nothing to do with the business


any religion or caste or creed?that
and ideological
of the state."25 Unfortunately,
Jinnah's real personality

outlook fellvictim to thepolitical exigencies of the authoritarianstate and


ulema.26

obscurantist
Third,

once

Pakistan was

achieved,

Islam alone

could

not foster soli

darity. Islam emphasizes Shum (consultation)which is the core element


of democracy

and without

consultancy

democracy

cannot

take root. As

challenges

in the newly Muslim


ethnic groups in East

we know, the concept of consultancywas lacking in Pakistan's political


institutionssince 1947. As the political environmentchanged due to the
stateelites, the centraldynamicsof politics and the true spiritalso changed,
requiring an authoritarianapproach to strengthenthe bonds of political
community. The Muslim
state. The post-separation

leaders

faced

from the Hindu

majority,

Pakistan (presentBangladesh) andWest Pakistan emerged as a political


force and new polarization
along center province lines emerged.
issue was rights and a fair share of power in the new state. The

The main
separation

of formerEast Pakistan amplydemonstrated the fact that faith (religion)


and political

interests are two different matters.

This

episode

must

have

put an end to thewishful thinking that thematerial interestsof diverse


or can be superseded by
regional groups and state elites are insignificant
theholy politics of Islam.
The empirical fact is that the economic disparity,denial of political
power, injusticeand superimpositionof new formsof culturalor ideological
identityfomentthe ethnicnationalism seen inPakistan. Power politics and
ethnicrivalryhave taken root in society.This should have ended reliance

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37

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

on Islam as the sole basis of nation

formation.

But

it cannot

be. The

reli

gious leadershave continued theirrhetoric,paying littieor no attentionto


and concrete

involve the genuine

issues that might

pragmatic

interests of

the peoples of differentregions.Rather, they serve to promote theirown

communities

instead of the nation

or state. In my view,
religious

leaders

have been promoting the sense of community,not of a largerhumanity.


People do not havemuch trustin religious leaders' abilityas political lead
ers, thus formore than sixtyyears a single religiouspolitical partyhas not
had heavy control in centralgovernment.Rather, religiouspolitical parties
have

influence in the parliament


political
on religious matters obscures
nation-building
had

as an "alliance."27

Basing
very real issues pertaining

to thedistributionof political power and participation ingovernment and


erodes

distributionof political

in the politi

cal union.

Basing nation-building
on religious matters
obscures very real
issues pertaining to the

trust and confidence

A nation,

as

opposed

to a state, is a

cultural identity.It is a politically con


scious andmobilized collectivity
ofpeople
which

possesses,
government or

power and participation


in government and
erodes trust and
in the
confidence

or may

aspire to, self


independent statehood. A

is not necessarily
citizenry of a state, nor

nation

the same as the

is it restricted

to

a common

those who

possess
language,
ancestry, or cultural heritage,
although
are usually involved. It
these components

political union.

is "essentially

subjective,

a sense of social

This isan era of nation-building.Since the


belonging and ultimate loyalty.28
end of theCold War many newly independent stateshave emerged on the
world map and nearly a billion are deprived citizens of old states striving
to become

modern

nations.29 The

challenge

of nation-building,

operating

in a highly complex nexus of society,economy, and polity,hinges on the

issues of access
The

to and the stakes in structures of power.30


is a historical process
creation of a nation-state

that may

take a

longtime to complete. This isnot to suggest thatPakistan or otherThird

World

countries

have

to pass through

the same sequences

of state-making

as theEuropeans did, but to highlight the complexityof the issue aswell as


the constraints

38

that Pakistan

faces. While

the internal obstacles

to national

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

one must
integration are well-known,
sures that emanate from the
regional

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

also consider
and

the geopolitical
pres
international environments.31

Nation-building is an evolutionaryprocess; it cannot simplybe imposed


by externalpowers or by the rulingelite but depends on thedevelopment
of society.
Another

dilemma which

the Pakistani

nation

faces afterQuaid-e-Azam

is the lackof charismaticand sincere leadership.The centralconcern of this


paper is to examinewhy Pakistani regimes have failed to strengthenthe
ideology of Pakistan.How have Pakistanimulti-ethnic groups responded
to the question of ideology?This paper will explore how ethnic and reli
gious groups have been politicized and promoted by the stateandmilitary
elites.

CONFLICT BETWEEN IDENTITY AND IDEOLOGY


It is a grave problem that the new generation hardly understands the
meaning of "ideology of Pakistan." They are strivingto understandwhat
Pakistan is. It ishard to blame them; our political socialization process is
not

strong enough.

Even

political

leaders32 have denied

the "two nation

theory."33The two nation theorybecame mirage when the people from

demanded
their separate state "Bangladesh"
because
they
a different
era could not
The
spoke
language "Bangla."
post-independence
unite the two units (East Pakistan and West Pakistan). Geographical
gaps

East

Pakistan

divided the stateelite politically,economically and ethnically;theMuslims

of
struggled to preserve their Islamic ideology. Yet the question
was
sense
in
East
less
Pakistan.
The
of
relevant
ideology
political depriva
tion increased the sense of a separate identity and Bengali nationalism. As

of India

a result of such questions

of ethnic identity, Pakistan

has created

enormous

difficultiesin developing a coherent sense of nationhood. The fact of a


was
religion
in East Pakistan.

common

ment
a

rendered

irrelevant during

the secessionist

move

Religion has polarized more societies than ithas unified.Even within


single religious denomination

one may find numerous

strands. Doctrinal

differences,political contestation forpower,material gains and territorial


space canmake the particular religion and the question of itsauthenticity
one of great
dispute.34

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39

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

Complex

historical

and

social

factors have

shaped

interaction

the

between religion and ethnicityinPakistan, a statewhich came into being


with the supportof ethnic groups.
the perception
thatMuslim
identity was threatened
Pre-Independence,
by Hindu dominance was amore important factor than ethnicity forMuslim

groups and political parties.Of course, Islam has remained at the centerof
post-Independence political discourse; nevertheless, it is today less impor
tantwhen the central issuehas become thedemand of constitutionalrights
(provincial autonomy) by various ethnic groups. The troublingquestion
ofwhat typeof statePakistan should be?liberal democratic or Islamic?
evokes distinct responses from each social
sector and political interest.

Ethnic identityand

language became more


important once Pakistan
was created. The fact
of a common religion
was

rendered

Military

irrelevant

during the secessionist


movement
in East
Pakistan.

affairs. Thus

political

civil-military

rule as well

as

theirpolicy preferencesprovided a space

for community groups to emerge


effective force in the state.
Among
the Pakistani

country, the quest for shaping


to the ethnic and political
dimension
quence

leaders, mainstream

parties, and Islamicistshave all attempted


to define this relationship according to
their own vision of a just society and
the role of religion in society and state

the three main

forces

state has added

in the

yet another
As a conse

of Pakistan.

polarization
of these conflicts of interest and the strange alliances

as an

they produce,

the autonomy of the civilpolitical sphere and civil libertiesand minority

rights has been

severely compromised.

During themilitary regime of General Zia-ul-Haq, the promotion of


ethnic politics and Islamization35was inevitable because military rulers
needed the supportof theminority ethnicpolitical parties to balance and
offset the mainstream

parliamentary

parties.

In 2006,

General

Musharraf

dealtwith theBaluch nationalistswith an ironhand.36The military opera


tions in Baluchistan have posed a great securitythreat to the process of
nation-building.

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

NATION BETWEEN RELIGION AND STATE


Since Pakistan began fightingthewar against terrorism
within Pakistan in
FederallyAdministeredTribal Areas (FATA) and supportingtheU.S policy
inAfghanistan, the nation has been divided into differentsections.The
fundamentalistinterpretations
of Islam and Sharia by the localTaliban has
increased

strong resentment

against Talibanization.

Another

group

feels

thatTaliban are fightingagainst an imperialforce (U.S.) or for justice so


the statemust support theirdemands for speedy justice and peace.37Thus
society has been divided into moderate-religious
tions. Intra- and inter-state religion clash

and extreme-religious

sec

^^^mh^m

has been a major obstacle in promoting


As a conseqUence
nation-building inPakistan.
Qf these conf|icts Qf
. A
. A.
In the twenty-first
A
J
century religion
.
i
r tr
j
? i 0 interest and the strange
has

emerged

as a powerful

force which

has both divided and united theworld.38


Non-state actors (religious groups) used
India's soil to destablize Pakistan.39But
the significance of religion was never
denied in thepast. In British India the formation of Islamic identitygave direction
and meaning

to its followers,

promoting

alliances

theY Produce,
the autonomy of the Civil
Political sphere and civil
liberties and minority
rights has been severely

compromised,

mmmmmmammmm^^^^^mmmmm

a sense of political community to economically-deprivedMuslims during


the Pakistan movement.

In fact, Islamic ideology has produced


conflicting
of its relevance to the construction
of a Pakistani nation.

interpretations
This controversy

stems from the fact that the leaders of the movement,

includingQuaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnahrested the claim forPaki

stan on the idea of a "Muslim

nation." He argued that Islam was not just a


a
but
separate social order, culture, and a civilization
religion,
represented
a distinctive character as a
that gave the Muslims
political community.40

Different strataofMuslims in the subcontinent supported the concept


ofMuslim nationalism, although for differentreasons.41Jinnahdid not
conceive

Pakistan

in purely pan-Islamic

terms. His

conceptualization

of

Muslim nationalism accommodated the protection ofminorityrights,yet


was defined in relation to theHindu majority of the subcontinent.42

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41

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

NATION AND CONTROLLED DEMOCRACY


Democracy isnot simplydefined as the ruleofmajorityor elections to form
a government.

Modern

democracy

includes

the rule of law, accountability,

and justice in all the state institutions.This has never been fullyrealized
in Pakistan.What prevailed is power politics, personalities, injustice,and

inequity. Pakistan suffered due to an excess of centralism and the lack of


democratic
values. The nation has always sacrificed for the promotion
of

democracy and the supremacyof law43but has never tasted itsfruit.As I


process requires the true develop
in Pakistan was that rulers assumed

earlier, the nation-building


of democracy. What
happened

mentioned
ment

power throughdubious means, and thenemployedmore dubious means to


sustain their power. And

Modern

democracy
includes the rule of

constitutional

and justice inall the

Democracy

state

institutions. This
has never been fully
realized in Pakistan.
prevailed

means

but perpetuate

their

rule by subvertingall routes fororderly


and legitimatepolitical change.44

law, accountability,

What

there are others

who come to power through legal and

has been under

the con

trolof both civilandmilitary rulers.State


elites created the impression that the
people

is power

are not capable

of democracy,

and

theyneed to implementtheirown politi

politics, personalities,
injustice, and inequity.

cal vision
Since

to run the institutions.45


Pakistan's

independence

in

1947 until the fall of East Pakistan in


1971,

ethno-centrism

prevailed,

and this acted as encouragement

nationalism.Tariq Ali has discussed this:

to Bengali

"Inequity and inequitable distribution of resources by the central govern


ment had isolated the Bengali from the state, especially after 1954, when
the overall economic situation deteriorated. Out of the total development
fund, East Pakistan's sharewas only 22.1% and non-Bengali businessmen,
Pakistan had set up most manufacturing

financed by capital from West


enterprises."46

42

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

In fact, the limited Bengali


in the central government
representation
had increased the sense of deprivation,
suppression and exploitation. The
in
East
Pakistan
the Bengali people anti
economic
situation
made
fragile
West

Pakistan

federal

and also enhanced

their ethnic distinctness


move

structure of Pakistan.

The Bengali
inWest
other ethnic communities

encouraged

in the unequal

for provincial
Pakistan.

autonomy

Unfortunatelythe same ideologyand the same religioncould not defuse

the sentiment
Ethnic

of separate nationalism
between Bengalis
and Punjabis.47
in East Pakistan and, to a lesser extent,
identities were strengthened

in the smallerprovinces ofWest Pakistan, especially inSindh. Ethnic hostil


itybetween East Pakistan andWest Pakistan increased afterthe elections
of 1954 when all the opposition parties united and emerged as a force,
theUnited Front, and theydefeated theMuslim League. Their victory
gave greater impetus to Bengali
between Bengali
and non-Bengali

ethno-nationalism.
workers

gave

Increasing violence
the central government

a pretext for dismissing theUnited Front government, establishing the


governor's rule inEast Pakistan and banning theCommunist Party.This
dismissal caused furtherresentmentamongst the Bengali population and
Communist
The

Party.48
close association

of the governor

General

Ghulam

Muhammad

with the Punjabi elite and the neglect of the Bengalis increasedpopular
resentment.

The Governor's

the gulf of mistrust between


and
of great concern. Weak

reliance on the Punjabi community widened


East and West Pakistan. Parity was an issue
in the central
limited Bengali
representation

for
increased the sense of exploitation. The Bengali demand
government
an autonomous
inWest
other ethnic communities
province encouraged
Pakistan.

The separation of East Pakistan amply demonstrated that faith and


political

interests were

two different matters. National

solidarity on religion

obscures real issues pertaining to the distributionof political power and


participation,eroding trustand confidence in thepolitical union, effecting
fragmentation

rather than cohesion.49

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43

OF DEMOCRACY

THE CHALLENGE

POLITICS:

POLARIZED

IN PAKISTAN

OBSTACLES AND RESTRAINTS IN THE WAY OF NATION


BUILDING
Is building of a nation inevitable?This process cannot be achievedwithout
or is not
functions. If a state has become dysfunctional
"legal"
then the nation cannot be promoted.
functioning under the Constitution,

a state's

This isnot justa theoreticalstatementbut a practical requirement.Societies


and statesare interlocked.The institutionaland political capacities of the
state of Pakistan

have declined

very sharply over the past quarter

century.50

The role of the state in nation-building is inevitable,yet takes on a dif


ferentcharacterwhen hijacked by undemocratic forces. Since the 1950s,
themilitary has dominated inPakistani politics. It has conducted foreign
policy directlyor indirectiy.51
Political

forces in Pakistan

have a consensus

on the parliamentary

form

of democracy,which the two constitutionsof the country,1956 and 1973,


draftedby the two respectiveconstituent assemblies, amply reflect.Paki
stan's

colonial

political

heritage

and

its post-independence

development

of institutionsare responsible for this consensus. The British introduced


political institutionsand practices in the subcontinent that they knew
best, rooted in theirown history.Our founding fathersfightingthe case
for Pakistan

could not think of any other political

system, since their own

political experiencehad included traininginBritishconstitutional law,and


they were

grounded

in the history of its institutions.52

Military leadershave thricetriedto reorientthePakistanipolitical system

toward some sort of presidential form of government. Ayub Khan who was
the first to try so many things was the first leader to change the parliamen

tarysystem,replacingthe 1956 Constitutionwith his own in 1962. He was


elected indirectlyby an electoral college of councilors comprising eighty
later increased

thousand,

to one hundred

and twenty thousand.

The

second

military ruler,Yahya Khan, wanted to give the countryhis own versionof a


presidentialsystemafterstabilizingthe situationinEast Pakistan,which had
deteriorated to a complete collapse of authority.But, with mass rebellion
and Indian

intervention,

the country broke

apart. Yahya

Khan's

dream

of

creating a stablepresidential systemdied with his exit frompower.


Since 1985 we have seen attemptsby twoothermilitary rulers,General
Zia-ul-Haq

and General

Pervez Musharraf,

to alter the parliamentary

struc

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN


tureof the constitution,purportedly to balance the executivepower of the
primeminister.With the provision of "58-2(b) powers"53 in the hands of
thePresident, thepolitical systemof Pakistan iscloser to an executivepresi
dency in its functioningthan a parliamentarydemocracy.Article 58-2(b)
has been used
governments.

as a political weapon
The political parties,

to destabilize

elected
democratically
as well as
both mainstream
religious

and regional,havemade theirpreferenceknown by promulgating the two


parliamentaryconstitutionsand by removing 58-2(b)?when theyhad an
opportunity to do so in 1997, through theThirteenthAmendment to the
of Pakistan.

Constitution

In 2002, the military establishment under Musharraf's


its agreement

abandoned

with

leadership

demo

craticforceson establishingtheNational With the provision of


in the
Security Council, and by re-inserting "58-2(b) powers"
the 58-2(b) provision through the Sev- hands of the
President,
enteenthAmendment. Surprisingly,the the
political system of
same parliamentarians who supported
pakistan is c|oser to an
the deletion of 58-2b in 1997 voted for
executiye pudency
. .A ,
that has
the Seventeenth
Amendment
A.
i i
i m its functioning
ii
ii
to
the hands
brought that power back
iamen arY
^ an a ^ar
arliamentar
of thePresident.This is a greatweakness
in the Pakistani political system.When
democracy._
on sale for
legislators are permanently
parliamentary
political benefits and corrupt patronage,
take root.54

democracy

cannot

We might speculate elsewherewhy India, where politics is perhaps


equally corrupt,has had someworking democracy formuch of the same
post-Independence period. Is it themultiplicity of ethnic and caste and
religious identitiesthathas made it too difficultfor any class,military or
political, to impose hegemony?
Vested

interests and

cial groupings

the establishment

and parties have countered


laws and even constitutional

by rescinding
Fourteenth
Amendment

that wanted

to create

artifi

efforts against floor-crossing


The case of the
amendments.

for corrupt
is an example.
But floor-crossing
inducement is just one of the factors destabilizing parliamentary democracy.
There are other, perhaps more significant, reasons for the derailment of the

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45

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

system in Pakistan. Chief among them ismilitary rule and its


parliamentary
The takeover by the military four times in
so-called "guided democracy."
of leaders to stay in power as long
Pakistani history, and the determination

as possible bymanipulating political institutions,


has caused an institutional
decay thathas included the political parties.55
Military rule could not have been effectivenor lasted long had itnot
politically co-opted the same eliteswho held public office in the civilian
governments.This was enabled by the political fragmentationengineered
by themilitary regime and intelligenceagencies under itscontrol. Itwas
a conscious and well-designed effortofmilitary rulers to divide political
forcesby rewardingthosewho joined theirrule and oppressing thosewho
refused to render thepolitical servicestheydesired.56
In Pakistan's

^^^^^^^^^^^^B^^^?

Although the Pakistani


leaders both military

and civilian accepted


,

political

history,

the

centralizationof statepower did not take


into consideration the ethnic> cultural,

md re?ional
Kn8uific
VFromday
reaJjtjf
state elites regarded
the
the
one,
voicing

.
worked
c
,.
/c
i
federalism, they
or regional interests (tor provincial auton
. .
. .
.
f
its spirit. In fact,
_. _
A
A
73
against
.
.
omy) as anti-state; theirdemands were
they turned Pakistan into suppressed through coercion. Although
an authoritarian state.
the Pakistani leaders both military and

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^mmmm
against

civilian accepted federalism, they worked


state.
its spirit. In fact, they turned Pakistan into an authoritarian

The frequent dissolution of the elected government by the power

ful Governor/President

and provincial
adversely affected

rule has
governor's
Pakistan. Over-centralization

assemblies

and

enforcement

the nation-building
and the frequent intervention

of

in
approach
by the central

governmenthas been thenorm. The Pakistan People Party's (PPP) leader


Zulfqar Ali Bhutto was the firstelected PrimeMinister who removed the
Bluchistan governmentofNational Awami Party (NAP) inFebruary 1973.
The practice of removing unwanted

governments

continued.

Nawaz

Sharif,

who formedhis government in theCenter in 1996, dismissed the Sindh


Assembly inAugust 1999. This was because the PakistanMuslim League
(PML) government in Sindh lost itsmajority in theHouse after
Mohajir
Qomi Movement (MQM) and PML broke up theiralliance.
Ifwe look into Pakistan's political history during the transitional

46

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

democratic process from 1985 to October 1999, all elected parliaments


failed to play a proper legislativerole; theyrubber-stampedall ordinances
and passed billspresentedby the executivewithoutmuch debate or scrutiny,
perhaps

under

some pressure

from the military.

In the 1950s, politicians (inWest Pakistan) andmilitary elites remained


They used

dominant.

their institutional power

to topple governments,

and

establishednew political parties and groups, playing one against theother.


There were frequentallegations of inefficiency,
nepotism and corruption
against politicians.
General Zia-ul-Haq

was

the firstpresident who

exercised

institutional

and constitutionalpower (EighthAmendment 58-2 b) and dissolved the


PrimeMinister Jonejo's elected government in 1988. President Ghulam
Ishaq Khan continued the samepractice.He also used the same amendment
to dismissBenazir Bhutto's government in 1990. The same president dis
missed the elected governmentofNawaz Sharif in 1993.57Benazir Bhutto
inpower nominated Farooq Khan Laghari forPresident. PresidentLaghari
dismissed Benazir's government in 1996. AfterBhutto's dismissal,Nawaz
Sharifwas elected theprimeminister.His partyhad a two-thirdsmajority
in the Parliament.He eliminated theEighth Amendment 58-2 (b) from
theConstitution. Nawaz Sharifbecame themost powerful primeminister
Pakistan had seen. The eliminationof 58-2 (b) diminished the powers of
thepresident and Farooq Khan Laghari resigned.Nawaz Sharifnominated
his trustworthy man as the next President
power to dismiss the government.
This

imbalance

of power made

of Pakistan?ensuring

the prime minister

he had no

near-absolute.

His

conflictwith General Pervez Musharraf over the KargilWar of 199958


resulted in his removing him as Chief of theArmy Staff and increas
ing resentment among Army officers. They refused to accept the newly
Musharraf
seized power and dis
(General Zia-u-Din).
appointed Chief

missed the elected PrimeMinister Nawaz Sharif,the federaland provincial


and suspended

governments

the national

assembly,

senate and the provin

cial assemblies, declaring that theConstitution would stay in abeyance in


October 12, 1999.
PrimeMinister Nawaz Sharifhad dismissed theChief ofArmy Staffa
fewhours before themilitary actionwhen theGeneral was stillflyingback
to Pakistan

from Sri Lanka.59 Musharraf

dismissed

Nawaz's

government,

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47

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN


put him jail and filed case againstNawaz to disqualifyhim and, as men
tioned earlier,theSupreme Court's verdictwas not acceptable to theSharif
and their party.
Interestingly, Mr. Nawaz

brothers

regime.

It was

the PPP-led

was

not

disqualified
during Musharraf's
in Pun
that was not comfortable

government

jab where PML-N was ruling as themajority party.General Musharraf,

who

toppled

the Nawaz's

the "Chief Executive"

became

government,

in

October 12,1999. He announced his seven point agenda forhis govern


ment

that centered

on economic

revival, law and order, good

governance,

accountability and the eradication of corruption,with no timeframe for


of democracy.60
As with earlier dismissals of govern
ments
in office, the removal of the gov
the restoration

General Musharraf
became

the "Chief

Executive"

ernmentofNawaz Sharifand themilitary

inOctober

takeover were

12,1999. He announced
his seven point agenda
for his government that
centered on economic

in the Supreme
challenged
of Pakistan. The Supreme Court

Court

in 2000 declared thatGeneral Mushar


raf's extra-constitutional

d'etat

coup

of

12 October 1999 was validated on the

revival, law and order,

basis of doctrine of State necessity

good governance,
accountability and the
eradication of corruption,
with no time frame
for the restoration of

61
When

electedofficialsfailto controlthe situation


politically,the army is justifiedin taking
control

The
once

to restore order.62
October

again

coup demonstrated
that the state elites consider

the freeplay of political forces a danger


to national security. It had been their
consistentpolicy to control thepolitical process, restrictparticipation and
guide thepolitical process from the top. In theirelitistview of politics, the
masses cannot be trusted;thepeople
popularwill of thepoor and illiterate
are vulnerableto themanipulations of the socially-influential
landed aristoc
democracy.

racy.63 The Army

comes

forward

to protect

the solidarity of Pakistan.64

By abrogating or suspending the constitutions,themilitary acquired

vast powers

to remove,

and

if necessary,

eradicate

all sources

of societal

opposition. Political parties thathave been dominated by the landlordclass


or single dominant individuals and institutionsof the civil society,have

48

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POLARIZED

proved

POLITICS:

too weak

THE CHALLENGE

to offer any resistance

OF DEMOCRACY

to unconstitutional

IN PAKISTAN

rule. So frag

mented ispolitical lifeinPakistan that those in the opposition have hailed


the removal of elected governments. Such celebrations over the downfall
of the governments

of other parties have

anticipated

the removal

of these

verypartieson the same grounds. The feudalpolitical culturehas strength


ened the view thatdemocracy has only legitimized the power of themost
influentialclasses.The political crisis isdeepened and the development of
is delayed.65
institutions necessary to support democratic
governance
The generals took away whatever
the provincial
elites had
autonomy

acquired under the Constitution of 1973. The Musharraf regime used


coercion

against Akbar

Bugti who

demanded

provincial

autonomy.66 Con

sequently,authoritarianrule has strengthenedethnic identitiesmore than


building the intendedunifiednation.67

FRAGMENTATION AND NATION-BUILDING


Pakistan

is a fragmented

nation-state.

It is a society composed

of a mix of

ethnic groups in all provinces; all ethnic groups share their culturewith
differentprovinces. Baluchis migrate to Sindh, thereare Pashtuns livingin
Sindh, and Punjabis have been assimilated inKarachi.
to their movements,

ethnic groups have emerged in all provinces


of Pakistan. Today ethnic groups can sometimes even pose a security threat
when they have access to high quality weaponry. External forces also play a
Due

major role inpromoting ethnic identityinmulti-ethnic states.Specifically,


India played a role infomentingBaluch nationalism, as Pakistan has played
a role inpromoting theKashmiri.
The

collective

nationhood

experience

of many

post-colonial

states

providesmixed evidence of the success of creatingnational solidarityand


a sense of common

national

identity. Not

all states have

really succeeded

innation-building based on the equitable distributionof power or repre


sentation

of all groups;

nor have

they all fallen apart.

Ethnicmovements have at times shiftedfrom seekingadvantagewithin


the state tomoving beyond to the realm of ethno-nationalism,and then
revertingto earlierpositions. These shiftshave correlated primarilywith
international

influences,

such as the case of the "greater Baluchistan"

and

Pashtunmovements.We have seen in the elections of2002 and 2008 the

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49

POLITICS:

POLARIZED

of ethnic-coalition

re-emergence

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

THE CHALLENGE

in the centre.

partnerships

The political factorsinethnicpolitics have been highlightedbyHamza


has

Alvi, who

stressed

state structure, weak

the over-developed

political

institutions,and the perception of "Punjabi hostility" asmajor causes of


conflicts.68

regional-ethnic

Pakistan iscomprisedof heterogeneous ethnicorders; infact,thepeople


of Pakistan forma complex "polygot" asTahirAmin puts it,withmigration
from Central

Asia,

Ifwe

residents.69

and Iran, plus the indigenous

look at

history before the secessionistmovement of 1971, therewere sixmajor


ethnic groups: Baluch, Bengalis,Mohajirs, (Urdu speakers in Sindh who
migrated fromNorthern India), Punjabis, Pashtuns, and Sindhis.
b^^^b^^i^^
But,with the exceptionof theBenga
lis inwhat was East Pakistan until 1971>
Although ethnic groups

havehas
beena
ofethnic
thcrc
^s
in
dl
?c
India>
groups
Provinces-Unlike

claim a home province,


the same territoryis
. .

claimed

, . A

iL

Pakistan

has not

11^
c ,

as the historic

altered

status or the provinces

the territorial

it inherited from

homeland by at least

BrMshIndiain1947 So

Other ethnic

groups claim a ?home province^ accord.


same terri.
Bakhsh
^
ing to
toryisclaimed as thehistorichomeland by

one other, and in some


instances, more than one
identity.

IIB1^"

^^

"B^^"^^"^?

more

than one other ethnic


In Sindh

and Baluchistan,

ethnic

at least one other, and in some

identity."70
waves of migration

have

altered

instances,
the demo

with the inflowof refugeesfromother parts of India


graphic balance; first
in 1947, and next fromAfghanistan in 1979, when the Soviet Union
invaded the country.Since then,only theANP (AwamiNational Party) has
demanded

Pakhtunkhawa,

complaining

about

domination.71

Punjabi

But

theirdemand is fulfilledby the present government of the PPP. Unequal


distribution

of economic

resources

has

led to migratory

movements

and

movements in the case of Bangladesh and now Baluchistan.


finallyseparatist
Punjabi and Pashtun migration in Sindh have led to Sindhi andMohajir
movements.

They

use

language

and history

to authenticate

separateness,

asHindu andMuslim parties did in pre-Partition India.72 In Punjab the

Siraiki community also claims to be a separate group


agrarian region and a major source of revenue.

in South

Punjab,

an

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

The relationshipbetween democracy and themulti-ethnic polarized


society

is interactive. The

ethnic character

of society

influences

the politi

cal ordering of the community,determines the rules of politics and shapes


the general patterns of political behavior; democraticmaturitymitigates

ethnic tensions.73

The BritishRaj supportedPunjabis and Pashtunsmore thanother eth


nic groups. As a part of theirdivide-and-rule strategythey termed ethnic
groups who supported the British during the uprising of 1857 "martial
races"while groups thathad been instrumentalin theuprisingwere dubbed
"non-martial races."74The biggest colonial legacyof the Britishhas been
the highly centralized

and authoritarian

state apparatus

that came under

the

domination of Punjabis and Pashtuns over time.Consequently, the state


elites of Pakistan

have

tried to create a single nation-state


by using
for their nation-building
policies.

Islam

as a smokescreen

and Urdu

InWest Pakistan, ethnicgroups raised theirvoices againstprejudice and


discriminationby thePunjabi dominating class,and theBaluch clashedwith
the center in the late 1950s on the issueof land allotmentstoPunjabi settlers
along the borderwith Sindh. Since 1999, landhas become a political issue
at Gwadar, where non-Baluchs
have
resentment.75 Baluchistan's
Governor

been
has

allotted lands, increasing local


said that Gwadar
port belongs

to theBaluch people.76This port can play a vital role in the development

of Baluchistan.

the confrontation

But

between

the Center

and Province

will hurt development,


peace, and stability in Baluchistan.
The central government
needs to rethink its present

nation-building
terms
in
of
reconciliation
and
strategy
political
provincial autonomy. Strong
and authoritative central governments have always weakened
the Pakistani
state. The state elite has accommodated
ethnic groups, promoted
ethnicity
own
its
for
personal political interest. It has also instigated a sense of strong

nationalism

among

them which

eventually

has turned anti-Pakistan.

CHALLENGES AND THREATS FROM WITHIN


Unfortunately the state structurehas been weak and the political system
has remained

unstable

As we know, no nation

in Pakistan. Unified

social structures are weakening.


a strong state and

and society can progress without

strengthrelates to a state's institutionaland political capacity to perform

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51

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

functions, i.e. deliver services to society and provide


and civilian regimes have been equally unaccountable.77

its primary
Military

justice.

The judiciaryhas with rare exceptions been facilitatingthemilitary

regime. The

acceptance

of the doctrine

of necessity on critical occasions

has

undermined the judiciaryfromworking as theguardian of the constitution


and protectorof the sovereigntyof theparliament.The judiciary is identi
fiedas power broker,a facilitatorunder the coverof theLaw ofNecessity.78
Whenever the judiciaryrefusedto obey the ruler,whether civilianormili
tary,ithas been suppressed. Judgeshave been forcedon leave; theywere
retired before

tenure or detained

and dismissed

as General

Musharraf

did

in 2007.79 The deposed Chief Justice (CJP)of Pakistan, Iftkhar


Muham
mad,

Since

took oath as CJP under Musharraf's

Provisional

Constitutional

Order

(PCO), and legitimizedthemilitarycoup.


Chief Justicehimselffoughtwith theState

Pakistan

has been
the U.S. war

for himself and his colleague's

supporting
on against terrorism in

reinstate

ment and has come back to his previous


position onNovember 2,2007.80 But the
question comeswhether hewould be able
towork as an independentChief Justice

Afghanistan, religious
extremism and terrorism

both have been posing

under

a grave threat to nation

the present government

or whether

the judiciarywill get itsindependenceand


building process.
the people will benefitwithout discrimi
nation? In the long run, inmy view, it
cannotwork. The appointmentof the judges is a big question mark; they
are appointed by thepresidentunder theConstitution of 1973. In thepast
both theprimeminister and thepresidenthave been confrontingover the
of judges.81
appointments
Since Pakistan has been

supporting

the U.S.

war

against

terrorism

in

Afghanistan, religious extremismand terrorismboth have been posing a


grave threat to the nation-building

process. Religious

extremists have chal

lenged thewrit of government and the localTaliban have imposed Sharia82


in some areas ofNWFP (NorthWest FrontierProvince).83Both provincial
and federalgovernmentshave lost theircontrol over the Swat District of
the NWFP.84

The

Post-Bugti

scenario

poses

a great threat in Baluchistan.

The current government has not ended themilitary operation against


Baluch militants.

52

If it is continued

and Baluch

demands

are not met under

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN


the constitutionof 1973, then civilwar may well break out.
The grandson of the lateAkbar Bugti, Brahamdagh has founded "Bal
uchistanRepublican Army" in2007. He threatenedthepresentgovernment
of PPP: "if thegovernmentwould not stopmilitaryoperation inBaluchistan
it should wait how we

we

subversive

know,

repay" he demands
activities,

Bluchistan."85 As
"independent
and
kidnappings
targeted murders86 have

increasedmanifold, especially in Baluchistan where a section of Baluch


nationalists

taken up arms. On

have

the other hand,

the Taliban

are chal

lenging the State's securityand have stretchedthe securityapparatus.

POLITICS BETWEEN REALISTS AND IDEALISTS


The major factorsthatprevented democracy fromflourishing:
a) the role of the higher judiciary in condoning the sackingof civilian
government
perpetuation

solution of parliament,
providing
of self-interest by dictators. November

and

a cover

3,2009

to the

makes

Pakistan's history,over sixtyyearspassed, the firsttime the Supreme


Court resistedthe executive and themilitary both.87 If the judiciary
would

not protect

the dictator's

and elites'

be a differentcountry;

interests, Pakistan would

b) the other factorwhich has been themajor obstacle in theway of


democracy and nation-building is the lack of democratic values in
the state institutions

and democratic

approach

in our

leadership;

which has divided our society in


c) the lastfactorthat is also significant
ethnic groups has been an undemocratic,
and authoritative nature
our
of
top leadership of mainstream
political parties as we have seen
after elections

2008.

The present government

of the PPP was not comfortable

with the Paki

stanMuslim League Nawaz (PML-N) government in the largestprovince


Punjab afterthe PML-N decision to quite itsalliancewith PPP.88 Political
rivalry increased between the twomajor parties (PPP-PML-N) when the
PML-N

decided

the two parties

to support lawyers movement


could not reach a compromise,

and "long march." When


the Supreme Court's
deci

sion to disqualify the formerPrimeMinister Nawaz Sharif and theChief


Minister of Punjab on 25 February 2009 strengthenedNawaz's image

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53

POLITICS:

POLARIZED

THE CHALLENGE

nationally

and

contesting

elections.89President

Court

The

internationally.

OF DEMOCRACY

was

decision

IN PAKISTAN

seen as political,

not legal or constitutional,because the judgeswere appointed byMush


rraf.The decision destabilized the entirepolitical structurein the country.
Under theCourt's verdict, the Sharifbrotherswere declared ineligible in
Asif Ali Zardari, who

has been denounced

by the Sharifbrothers,dismissed the PML-N government inPunjab that


imposed Governor Rule after the court verdict.The decision to impose
governor rule, I think,was thewrong one at thewrong time. The PPP
which united the
lost itspopularity and PML-N gained public sympathy
nation against the PPP-led government. From February 25 toMarch 16
(the twentydays "politics for power"), the political history of Pakistan
polarized the society and party leadership between realists and idealists.
The demand for a national agenda by the idealistsdominated with the
Army's

and

international

community's

intervention. We

saw a military

interventionon the eve of a political deadlock and a serious confrontation


between political partieshas alwaysbeen crucial90andwill be continued in
the futureifthe politicians fail to actwisely and pragmatically.The Chief
of theArmy Staff (CAOS), General Ashfaq Kayani, has frequentlybeen
meeting with thepresident and primeminister to resolve the political cri
sis. This

Musharraf

time

the Army has restored

its image which was

lost by General

during his regime.

The restorationof the deposed Chief Justicewould not be possible


intervention.

without

CAOS's

moment

to restore the Chief

The

government's
Justice is an admission

decision

at the

last

that over-centralism

is

not a political solution. It is a denial of thepeople's power and a graverisk


to state sovereignty.This political dimension will not be reversedby the
realists.This isnot the firstPPP government thatwas uncomfortablewith
the Punjab government. Primeminister Benazir Bhutto, during her first
tenure,also confronted the then-ChiefMinister of Punjab, Nawaz Sharif.
Thus political interventionfrom the center during the entirehistory of
Pakistan

has been

rampant.

In my view the denial

of provincial

autonomy

and politicalmandate has weakened theprocess of nation and statebuild


ing.Concentration of power in the center has weakened the philosophy
of Federation.

Today

central government

Balouchistan
due

a security challenge
to Baluchistan.
of autonomy

has become

to its denial

for the

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

THE POLITICS OF NATIONAL RECONCILIATION


OR POLITICAL INTERESTS
The politics of national reconciliationhas been applied in Pakistan's his
tory,but itnever been applied for thenational interestor nation-building.
State elites always used

the term "reconciliation"

either to stay in power

or

to facilitatea specificethnic,political group. General Mushrraf also took


initiative about

national

reconciliation

(NR).91

In fact, itmade

a secretive

political deal asNR becauseMushrraf and Benazir Bhutto had bitterpoliti


cal relations.Mushrrafwanted to be elected thepresident for thenext five
years and Benazir Bhutto wanted to be a primeminister for the thirdtime,
butMushrraf's 17th92amendmentwas themajor hurdle inherway. Both
promised to facilitateeach other and theNational Reconciliation Order
(NRO)93 issued byMushrraf in 2007. InMay 2006, Benazir Bhutto and
Nawaz Sharifboth had signed the "Charter ofDemocracy"94 (CoD). Both
condemned dictatorshipand pledged thattheywould continue democratic
struggle againstMushrraPs regime. Benazir Bhutto ignored CoD and
on a deal for
compromised
sharing power with Mushrraf.
The present government
is also using the tactic of "political

recon

ciliation" to retain and maintain itspower and has filed a petition in the
Supreme Court to review the Sharifbrother's case against theirdisquali
fication. President Zardari also has announced the intention to liftthe
Governor rule from Punjab and accepts PML-N's majority to form the
provincialgovernment. It happened afterthePPP failed to get itsmajority
in the Punjab provincial assembly.95Atthe time when this piece is being
discussed

the Supreme

Court

has commenced

a hearing

to seek reversal

of the Supreme Court's decision on 25the February 2009. Will theCourt


nullifythe previous verdict and on what ground?Will the Sharifbrothers
be declared eligible to contest elections?Will theCourt will play its role
These questions determine thepolitical relations
independentlyand fairly?
between PPP and PML-N and the independence of judiciary in Pakistan
after the reinstatementof the deposed Chief Justice. It is,however, too
early to judge given the fact that deposed Judgeswere restored shortly
before thisarticlewas written.

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55

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

CONCLUSION
The consequences of polarized politics inPakistan are that thenation has
not developed democratically,economically,and politically.State elites,both
civilian and military,

have

failed to promote

a democratic

state structure

and political system.The spiritof theConstitution has never been imple


mented. Most of theproblems of nation-building arise from idealizing the
nation-statemodel. What is needed is constitutionalpolitics and power
inwhich the state guarantees economic,
cultural and political
arrangements
a new social contract exercised and constituent groups
rights and, in return,

accept the institutionaland territoriallegitimacyof the state.


Democratic

norms

and values

are not a measure

of political

ideology.

What matters to thepoliticalparties and political leaders is "political conve


nience

to justify one's misrule

or the party boss orders."

Currendy,

Pakistan

is passing through the gravest period of itshistory.Religious extremists,


terrorists, nationalists,

and ethnic groups

are the greatest

security threat

to Pakistan. Ifwe look at the currentpolitical system,theArmy has the


upper hand inpolitical affairsaswe saw, for example, during the firsttwo
weeks ofMarch 2009.
Another factorwhich has promoted undemocratic political culture
and undermined

the nation

as a "united

nation"

is that political

parties

have been dominated by the landlord class or singledominant individuals.


Institutionsof the civil societyhave proved too weak to offer any resis
tance

to unconstitutional

rule. Since

confrontation

Pakistan

has

suffered from political


those in the opposition
have not only

among the politicians,


of elected governments
but have also demanded
such an
act on the ground that the government was not functioning
unconstitutional
hailed

removal

according to theConstitution. There cannot be greaterpolitical absurdity


than such demands and celebrations over the downfall of government of
other parties.This also shows absolute political immaturity,lustof power,
selfishnessand lack of self-esteemamong the political class of Pakistan.
A strong feudal political culturehas strengtheneda view thatdemocracy
should not be themost preferredway of political and economic develop
ment of Pakistan and that democracy has only legitimized the power of
the most

Ifwe

influential classes.
look at Pakistan's

political

structure and history we

can see that

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

cannot

over-centralism
identity, and

overcome

the state elites must

the forces of nationalism,


ideology, and
accept and respect the Constitutional

rightsto disengage theundemocratic political forcesand regain legitimacy.


We have to recognize that the politics and ideology of identityisprimar
ily about

as a cultural

self-preservation

entity, and about

economic,

and

political rights.
Since theworld has been changed by the presence of global media,

about nations, states, and the movements


for self-preservation
cannot be suppressed. The state can no longer hide truth from citizens.
the state needs to respect the Constitution
and Constitutionalism
Thus,
must be seen in all state institutions in order to be seen as promoting
a fair
information

and legitimate government.

Notes
1.

In 1971, people

inEast Pakistan, now Bangladesh,

fought with Pakistani

Army.
2.

Author's

discussion with Prof. Dr. Rasul Bakhs Rais, 26 January 2009.

3.

Youssef Cohen, Brian R. Brown, and A.F. K. Organski, "The Paradoxi


of State-Making: The Violent Creation of Order," American Political
Science Review, Vol. 75, No. 4 (1981), pp. 901-10.
cal Nature
4.

Ken Booth, ed., New Thinking About Strategy and International


(London: Harper Collins Academic, 1991), p. 270.
5.

Rasul Bakhsh Rais, op. cit.

6.
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Speeches and Writings ofMr.Jinnah, Vol.
Sh. Mohammad Ashraf & Sons, 1960) p. 160.
7.

Security

K.K. Aziz, A History

of theIdea ofPakistan

1 (Lahore:

(Lahore: Vanguard,

1987), 4

volumes.

8.

S.A. Vahid, Thoughts and Reflections ofIqbal (Lahore: Sh. Ashraf & Sons,

1964), p. 396.
9.

1984).

StanleyWolpcrt,Jinnah

10. Abu-Al Maudoodi,


Publications Ltd., 1969).

ofPakistan

(New York: Oxford University Press,

IslamiRiyasat(Islamic

State) inUrdu

(Lahore: Islamic

11. Abu- Al Maudoodi,


Nationalism
and India, (Pathankot: Maktaba-i
was
a
Maudoodi
Jammat-i-Islami, 1967).
religious scholar in Pakistan. He
considered a most respected person and an authority on religious issues.

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is

POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

12. Abdul Hameed

Nayyar, "Rewriting the History of Pakistan," inAsghar


The
Pakistan
Khan, ed.,
Experience: State & Religion, (Lahore: Vanguard, 1985),
164-177.
pp.
13. Afzal
(Lahore,
D.C.:

Iqbal, Select Writings and Speeches ofMaulana


1944), p. 452.

14. Hafeez Malik, Moslem Nationalism


Public Affairs Press, 1963), p. 240.

Mohammed

in India and Pakistan,

Ali,

(Washington,

15. Freeland Abbott, "The Jam'at-i-Islami of Pakistan." The Middle East


Journal, Vol. 11 (Winter, 1957), p. 40.
16. Maudoodi,
Tehrikh-i-Ajzadi-i-Hind aur Musalmans
(The Indian indcpcn
dence movement

and Muslims)

inUrdu

(Lahore:

Islamic Publications,

1974).

Islamic Law and Constitution, trans, and ed., Khurshid Ahmad


Islamic Publications, 1960), pp. 5-6.

17. Maudoodi,
(Lahore:

18. The

reason: the separatist movement

in Bangladesh was at its climax.

19. Sayeduddin Ahmad, Ideology ofPakistan


of Historical and Cultural Research, 1998).
20. Charles H.

Kennedy,

Islamization

(Islamabad: National

in Pakistan

(Islamabad:

Institute

Institute of

Policy Research).
21.

Islamic laws according toQurannic

princples.

22. In FATA, militants challenged thewrit of the government and even theArmy
failed to restore the Government's writ in Swat and some Agencies in FATA.
23. Pakistan got independence on August 15,1947 but the first constitution
was delayed due to the religious factor (1956). General Zial-ul-Haq
used Islam
to gain political support from the various sections in the country. The bloody
era when some clergywere going to impose
incident occurred during MushrraPs

Sharia within the Capital and challenged MushrraPs


powers. Currendy, Molvi
Fazlullha has challenged the writ of the government in FATA and is striving to
impose misinterpreted Sharia. Girl's schools are being burnt or closed. Women
cannot move. Thus, Talibanization
is being imposed in the name of Islam.
24. Sharif-u-al Mujahid, Quaid-i-Azam
(Karachi: Quaid-i-Azam Academy, 1981).

Jinnah:

Studies in Interpretation

25. Quaid-e-Azam
Mahomed Ali Jinnah: Speeches as Governor-General
Pakistan 1947-1948 (Karachi: Pakistan Publications, n.d.), p. 65.
26. Rasul Bakhsh Rais. Op.

of

cit.

In 2002, six religious parties, in the form of theMMA


(Muthida-Mujles
United
Front, emerged because people in Pakistan were opposing General
Amal)
MushrraPs policy "war against terrorism." Unfortunady, theMMA also supported
27.

Mushrraf

for political gain and established

their government

inNWF,

FATA

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POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

(currently the government) has signed an agreement with the local Taliban in Sawat
district,where they have established their own courts and have imposed Sharia.
28. Robert J. Jackson and Doreen
Political Science. (New Jersey: Simon &

Jackson. A Comparative
Schuster, 1997), p. 35.

29. Lucian W. Pye. Politics, Personality and Nation


1962.) p. 3.
for Security. (U.S.A: MIT,

Building: Burma's

30. Urmila

Phadnis, Rajat Ganguly. Ethnicity and Nation


Delhi:
(New
Sage Publications, 1989), p. 59.

Asia,

Introduction

of

Search
in South

Building

31. Mohammed

Ayub, "The Security Problematic of theThird World," World


43
Vol.
Politics,
(January 1991), pp.265-266.
32. Altaf Hessian,
leader ofMQM
visited India
(Muthida Qomi Movement)
statement
resentment
in
where
his
anti-Pakistan
increased
2004,
civil society. See details inDawn and Daily Times, 8-10 November 2009.
inNovember

33. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the great educationist was convinced thatMuslims
could not live together.

and Hindus

34. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, Recovering

theFrontier State: War, Ethnicity and State

inAfghanistan,(USA: LexingtonBooks, 2008).


35. See detail

in Khalid Hassan,

Rearview

Mirror,

(Islamabad:

Alhamr,

2002).
36. "Akbar Bugti killed in an Army operation,"

2006.

Daily

Times, 27 August

37. In the Swat deal ofMarch 16, 2009, the government accepted the Tali
ban's demands to exercise Sharia. Under this deal the judges were barred from
the courts. Seven Qazi
(religious scholars) were appointed to Swat High Court.
See detail in "NWFP gov't asks Swat judges not to attend courts over Security
Concerns," Daily Times, The News, March 19, 2009.
38. This post-9/11
incident makes religion a source of conflict between and
within the states. This incident adversely affected Pakistan because religious forces
have united against the state. Suicide bombers are being used as a weapon which

civilians, security personnel, and political personalities, including the


former prime minister Benazir Bhutto (27 December 2007) and foreigners.

has killed

39. On November

26, 2008,

terrorists attacked Mumbai.

religious groups, e.g. Laskar-e-Taiba


banned byMushrraf regime after 9/11.

Pakistani-banned
organization,

which

India accused

is a Kashmir based

Mr. Jinnah,Vo\.
40. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Speechesand Writings of
Sh. Mohammad Ashraf & Sons, 1960) p. 160.
41. K.K. Aziz, A History of theIdea ofPakistan

1 (Lahore:

(Lahore: Vanguard,

volumes.

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1987), 4

POLARIZED POLITICS: THE CHALLENGEOF DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN

42. Stanley Yfolpzvt, Jinnah ofPakistan

1984).

(New York: Oxford University Press,

43. The

long March, March 2009 (Lawyers movement)


supported by the
political parties, and civil society against the government succeeded after lawyers,
and common people were scared. Some lawyers were burned alive in Karachi
during Mushrraf era in 2007, some of them were targeted by suicide bombers.

importantly, judges were put under house arrestwhen they refused to obey
MushrraPs order inNovember 2007. See details inDaily Times, May 13, 2007.
Most

44. Nasreen Akhtar, "Ethnic Politics and Political Process in Pakistan" paper
was presented in the conference on 15-16 October, Organized byMalaya Uni
versity,Kula Lumpur, Malaysia.
45. Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in theTwentieth Century: A Political History,
Karachi Oxford University Press,1997.
46. Tariq Ali, Pakistan: Military Rule on People's Power, (New York: William
Morrow, 1970).
47. Nasreen Akhtar, "Ethnicity and Political Process
48. Khalid bin Sayeed, The Political System ofPakistan
ments with Houghton Mifflin 1966), p.62
49. Rasul

Bakhsh Rais.Professor

interview), December

of Political

Science

28, 2008.

50. Rasul Bakhsh Rais.


2008.

"A Dysfunctional

in Pakistan," op. cit.


(Pakistan: by arrange
at LUMS,

(personal

State." Daily Times, 18 November

51. Author's
interview with Islamabad-based
on
11
anonymity),
February 2009.
52. Nasreen Akhtar. "Pakistan's Undemocratic

(Ret) Col.

(who requested

Political Culture" http://arts.


on 28 December 2008.

Accessed

monash.edu.au/mai/asaa/proceedings.php.
53. General Zia amended the constitution 1973 and inserted 58-2 (b).The
president shall dissolve the National Assembly if a situation has arisen inwhich
the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the
provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary, see,
The Constitution of theIslamic Republic ofPakistan, (Islamabad: Ministry of Law,
Justice and Human Rights, 2004), p. 32.
54. Nasreen Akhtar, "Pakistan's Undemocratic

Political Culture,"

op. cit.

55. Ibid.
56. Ibid.
57. Nawaz

Sharif challenged the Presidential Order in the Supreme Court.


Presidential Order was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court and the
Nawaz Sharif government was restored. Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Nawaz Sharif

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

could not work together. The then-Chief of theArmy Staff,General Abdul Hamid
Kakar forced them to resign. See text inDawn, May 26,1993.
58. Limited war was fought between India-Pakistan. Both Prime Minister
Chief of theArmy Staff blamed each other.
59. Dawn,

October

and

13,1999.

60. Mushrraf was forced to resign on August

18, 2008.
itsArmy, and

61. Shuja Nawaz, Crossed Swords: Pakistan


(Karachi: Oxford University Press 2008), p. xxxi.
62. "Army asked to be ready if security worsens,"

theWars Within

Daily Times, March 15,


was
same
2009. In early 1977, the
given by Prime Minister Zulfqar Ali
proposal
to control
Bhutto's aide to ask the then-Chief of theArmy Staff,General Zia-ul-Haq
the situation and he would leave his office until the situation was controlled but
General Zia rejected that proposal.
(Islamabad: Alhamr, 2002).

See detail inKahlid Hassan,

Rearview Mirror,

63. Rasul Bakhsh Rais. op. cit.


64. Mushrraf's
mized
65.

theArmy's

interviewwith the Indian press on March

intervention in politics.

9,2009.

He

legiti

Ibid.

66. Akbar Bugti was killed in a military operation on August 26, 2006.
67. Tahir Amin, Ethno-Nationalist Movements of Pakistan: Domestic
International Factors, Institute of Policy Studies, (Islamabad: 1988). p. 77.

and

AM, "Authoritarianism and Legitimating ofState Power in Paki


in Subtrata Mitra (ed), The Post-Colonial State in South Asia, (London:

68. Hamza
stan?
1990).

69. Tahir Amin, op. cit.


70. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, "Politics of Ethnicity and Democratic Process in Paki
and theEmerging World Disorder, Gurnam Singh, ed.,
stan" Ethno-Nationalism
Delhi:
Kanishka
Publishers, 2002).
(New
71. Author's
requested

interview with

Islamabad-based

retired bureaucrat

(who

anonymity).

72. Tariq Rehman,


versity Press, 1996.

Language

and Politics in Pakistan, (Krachi: Oxford Uni

73. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, Recovering


op. cit.

inAfghanistan,

theFrontier State: War, Ethnicity, and State

74. Craig Baxter, Yogendra Malik, Charles Kennedy, & Robert Oberst. Gov
ernments and Politics in South Asia. (Colorado: West view Press, 1998.) pp 8-9.
75. Rasul Bakhsh Rais, talk in seminar on "Dialogue on Provincial Autonomy,"

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POLARIZED

organized
2008.

THE CHALLENGE

POLITICS:

by aid action organization

IN PAKISTAN

OF DEMOCRACY

in Ambassador

Hotel

6 August

Lahore,

76. See detail in,Malik Siraj Akbar. "Raisani saysGawadar Belongs to Baluch,
Daily Times, December 22, 2008.
77. Rasul Bakhsh Rais.

"A dysfunctional State," Daily Times, November

2008.
78. Shuja Nawaz,

removed the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court

2007.

80. General Musharraf


November

28,

op. cit.

79. General Musharraf


Pakistan inMarch

imposed

3, 2007.

a state of emergency

of

in the country on

81. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and President Farooq Khan Laghari had
conflict over the judiciary in 1996.
82. Islamic laws are being implemented according to theirown understanding,
and they have set up their own courts.
83. Abdul
December

Saboor Khan.

3, 2009.

84. Daud

Khattak.

Times, December

"ANP's

"Taliban

Impose Sharia inHangu,"

leader says Swat is out of Govt's

7, 2008.

85. Malik

Siraj Akbar.
2009.
February 10,

"Barahamdagh

Daily

Times,

control," Daily

threats to 'repay' PPP," Daily

Times,

86. See details inDawn, January 27, 2009 and Daily Times and Dawn,
3
2009.
UNHCR
official
Baluchistan
Libera
John
Solecki,
February,
kidnapped by
tion United Front.
87. Haris Khalique,

"No democracy no tolerance," The News, May

9, 2008.

88. The Party leaderAsif Ali Zardari, (President of Pakistan) broke all promises
he made with PML-N on the issues of judiciary and repeal of 17th amendment;
includes 5 8-2b. See detail inDaily Times, August 26, 2008.
89. See detail, "The Supreme Court released judgment on the Sharif brothers
disqualification case,*Dawn, March 21, 2009.
90. Talat Masood.

"The Crisis and theArmy," The News, March

91. South Africa's model


Reconciliation

Commission:

16, 2009.

2002 earned global respect. See "Ghana's National


A Comparative Assessment" on www.ictj.org/static/

Africa/Subsahara/GhanaCommission.pdf.
92. Under the 17th amendment the person who has served as Prime Minister
twice cannot avail a third term, so both Benazir and Nawaz Sharif were declared

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POLARIZED

POLITICS:

THE CHALLENGE

OF DEMOCRACY

IN PAKISTAN

ineligible. These days, the removal of the 17th amendment has become PML-N's
agenda.

93. See detail inDawn, The News, October 6, 2007. Under thisOrdinance,
all corruption cases against Benazir Bhutto and her husband Asif Ali Zardari (
President of Pakistan) were given amnesty.
94. Text of Charter of Democracy, see inDawn May 16, 2006.
95.

"Zardari

signs summary to liftGovernor's

2009, Daily Times,March 29, 2009

rule,^ The News, March

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30,

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