Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies

Available online at www.ajms.co.in

Volume1, Issue 4, November 2013

ISSN: 2321-8819

Can the Subaltern Change?

K Aravind Mitra
Assistant Professor
Department of English
The Central University of Karnataka
Gulbarga
Karnataka
Abstract:
This paper is an attempt to analyse why the subaltern community remains
subaltern in spite of a change towards which they strive and what kind of
expression or the speech they have and how it is interpreted by themselves and
the dominant community. The problem is in the discourse in which the mimetic
faculty works and how it is internalized into the discursive practices of the
subalterns. Added to it the relationship that a subaltern shares with the dominant
community and how he tries to be the same is also examined.
I excessively depend on scholars like Louis Dumont, Antonio Gramsci
and Thomas Khun to support my arguments and draw an inference to prove how
the subaltern culture not only imitate but also inculcate the same by altering the
practices of the dominant community.
Key Words- Subaltern, Caste, Structure, Mahar, Revolution, Mimesis and Alterity.

A change which can be called development

needs a shift in thought process, ideologies
and apparatuses with which people work to
construct a community. Basic problem arises
when there is a difference in these
constructions. A few forces make claims that
their construction is superior and the
preceding inferior thus leading to a
hierarchical structure. The lower strata
would be extremely influenced by the upper
and at the same time try to achieve the
good that is designated by the latter. Can
they do it? Or what we call subalterns is
capable of changing the paradigm they work
with? Let us try to answer these questions
with reference to the Mahar community.
Here comes the rukhwat, come and
watch,
Our Inibais got an itch in her crotch.
Give her a couch, shes on heat,

Our brother is so mad, he says, You

know what?
Get a he-buffallo from the jatra to
fuck her,
Thats the only thing that can please
her.
Get up, iwan, take off her clothes,
Show her the house, give her a bath.
(92)
Let us examine another event from the
same book,You asked me about her
mother, right? What shall I tell you? Such
a slut she is! God knows what she does.
And this one here is her child, isnt she?
What else you can expect then... Fix her
pallav on her head with a nail (101)
The quotations explicitly show the
contradiction involved in the behavior of a
group of women practicing and
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experiencing a culture. The narrative

which is a marriage song in the Kambles
book is replete with sexual notations and
indicates that marriage is leading to
procreation. The song is sung in front of
the bride and groom who know nothing of
sex and procreation. In the other instance
cited we can notice how a small child is
denigrated as a slut just because she
drops her pallav and this indicates the
rigidity that applies to a married woman.
In the book we get varied instances
showing this kind of contradictions.
Precisely we can notice the difference
between theory and practice of this
community. This cultivated difference is
due to what Gramsci calls Contradictory
Consciousness (324). One of it is explicit,
that is formed by the contributions of his
or her tradition in a given community and
the implicit is formed almost by the
thoughts current in a given community.
That means in a given event he is affected
both synchronically and diachronically.
The reactions of a person having
contradictory consciousness to an event
are fractured and fragmented. When it
comes to the Mahar community that is
discussed in the autobiography, application
of the same requires the community to be a
unified whole. The community also has
internally framed hierarchic structure on
the basis of certain yardsticks hence
dividing the people within the community.
This shows diversity, but when it comes to
certain practices and customs that are
cultivated by their culture we find certain
similarities. In Baby Kambles book we
find the Mahar of the sixteenth share as the
superior community in terms of sharing
the dead animals but we have no further
detail differentiating it from the other
groups of the Mahar in terms of its
practices. We find references considering
the Mahar of the sixteenth share are rich
and preferred relation in terms of marriage,
but when it comes to the question of
religion they also fit in the extreme end of
the hierarchic structure. Applying the
Gramscian
notion
to
subalterns
consciousness Partha Chatterjee quotes

Gramsci in his article Caste and Subaltern

Consciousness,
It signifies that the social
group in question [a
subaltern group of great
mass (in the novel it is the
Mahar community)] may
indeed have its own
conception of the world,
even if only embryonic: a
conception which manifests
itself
in
action,
but
occasionally and in flasheswhen, that is the group is
acting as an organic totality.
But the same group has, for
reasons of submission and
intellectual subordination,
which is not of its own but
is borrowed from other
group [in the novel it is
from Brahman community]:
and
it
affirms
this
conception verbally and
believes itself to be
following it, because this is
the conception which it
follows in normal timesthat is when its conduct is
not
independent
and
autonomous,
but
submissive and subordinate
(170)
Gramscis views are upon the
political, intellectual and social aspects of
Italy and parts of Europe, so
contextualization is necessary while we
have to apply his views on the Mahar
community. The implicit consciousness is
formed unconsciously in the subalterns.
They do not recognize that their selves are
formed by the Other. One important thing
to evidence the same is the hierarchic
divisions in religion that have infiltrated
into the smaller communities also. In the
autobiography we can see how the
societies divisions and classifications are
internalized by the Mahar community. The
existence of two extremes in the linearity
of the hierarchical order of Varna system
is Brahman and Shudra. The same

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Anthropometric variables as predictors of bone mineral density in volleyball players

hierarchy order can be seen in the Mahar

community also. The Mahar of the
sixteenth share is the superior group and
enjoyed the highest share of food and other
basic amenities that were designated to the
whole community. This group forms an
Other within the community and claims
superiority. Now let us see how a caste is
formed. According to Louis Dumont,
little societies shut in on
themselves and juxtaposed
to our fellow men in
modern society. Well,
nothing more false. The
caste isolates itself by
submission to the whole,
like an arm which does not
wish to marry it cells to
those of stomach. (41)
The key point here is the separation
is done by the subalterns by submitting
themselves to the dominant community.
This creates a contradiction in the
consciousness and hence in the
expressions. The subaltern community in
the autobiography reiterates almost the
methods of the elite as a mode of
resistance against the existing power
relation. The feeling of the superiority is
felt by the males of the Mahar community
by dominating their wives as they were by
the other upper communities.
When the Mahar set off in
the evening on his begging
round, he felt great pride in
the sheep-wool blanket on
his shoulder and his belled
stick. His chest would swell
with
pride.But
the
moment he entered the
village, his chest would
deflate like a balloon and he
would shuffle around as
inconspicuously as possible
so as not to offend anyone
from the higher caste. (75)
The event consists of two
contradictory aspects. The act of begging
is viewed differently by different
communities. The Mahar treated it with a

special status such that the person in

question feels superiority among his
community people, but for his Others he is
the inferior as begging makes the persons
status lesser in comparison with the giver.
But the dichotomy is not felt by the Mahar
community
people.
Their
explicit
consciousness is formed to an extent that
they fail to realize how they have to
change the current pathetic position of
living. Even the so called change that is
brought into the community actions will
end as futile efforts since they forget to
notice that they are normalizing the
existing paradigm of the elite within it
instead of framing a new one. Before
dealing with this let us look at few other
things that might give impetus to the
argument.
In the system of hierarchy we
follow the inferior and superior equation.
This is evident in religion, but the same is
infiltrated into the caste system. Dumont
defines system as A system is conceived
as made up of objects each with its own
essence and it is in virtue of this essence,
together with a definite of law of
interaction, that they act on another: (40)
Of course this seems to be the approach
depended upon after assuming the
universe which is structural to a very high
degree. (40) Dumont also uses many
other approaches and definitions of
system. The next question is to check
whether this holds good for the Mahars
system. The definite law of interaction if
we assume is formed by the same
contradictions then the result is Gramscian
passivity (333). It is not just the stasis,
but a condition where there is no change in
the way of life which is further guided by
the commonsense. Another aspect that
Dumont speaks is essence of the objects
under the system. The essence is formed
by two kinds of thoughts, one is formed by
the group and the other borrowed. This
dialectic relation without synthesis
between the two exists in all the activities
of the Mahar community.
Let us move how the Mahar
community resists when their freedom is

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interplaying with the power of the

dominant caste. Here the notion of power
should be narrowed down to violence
though Foucault differentiates power from
violence in terms of the former acting or
structuring the action and latter directly
acting upon the body. The Mahar
community in the power relation stands as
the other whose actions are structured for
the possible or desired outcome by the
dominant community. The eighth chapter
of the biography starts with
The other world had bound
us with chains of slavery. But we
too were human beings. And we
too desired to dominate, to wield
power. But who would let us do
that? So we made our own
arrangements to find slaves-our
very own daughters-in-law! If
nobody else, then we could at least
enslave them. (87)
Now it is evident that power relations
work here in terms of enslavement, violence
and domination which are to an extent
perversion of power. But in the
autobiography the realization of power is in
terms of violence and slavery which in
Foucaults analysis do not exactly constitute
the nature of power. We lack evidence in the
work to show how exactly the Mahars were
treated in the hands of the dominant
community. But the quoted line says that the
women repeated what they experienced not
only from the dominant community but also
from the Other in the power relation. The
events in the eighth chapter show how the
community people react against what they
follow as a norm. Marriage as an auspicious
occasion is enjoyed but for the concealed
reason of getting a prey to wield power. The
cultivated notions within the culture are
expressed in all terms, rituals and activities.
The events that we can take note are many
but among them chopping the nose of the
daughters in law in the name of chastity
violation and also getting possessed to
threaten in the name of the God deserve our
attention. The mothers in law no change in
the position when it comes to hierarchy of
the religion wields power on their daughters

in law to show how much they suffered.

They are explicit in denoting that Did not
she teach anything? I pamper you a little and
you take advantage of that! Look what a nice
sasu I am! My own sasu was a spitfire. A
burning coal! Holding a burning coal in
ones palm was easier than living with her!
(95)
The woman here is placing herself
in the position of a victim and victimizing
the other. She is showing the tendency of
alterity. The same tendency is shown by the
opposite sex in various other cases. The
sasra would start instigating the son to chop
the nose of the daughter in law as a mark of
masculinity. What we exactly see here is the
way in which the subalterns are trying to
resist the oppression indirectly in terms of
repeating the same to their targeted inferiors.
In one way they are enjoying the status of
the oppressor. The mode of resistance for the
Mahar community here is wielding power on
others. Let us see another example that
exemplifies a different mode of resistance of
the community. The author explains how
Ambedkars birth anniversary is celebrated
with great pomp and glory. When the author
and a few of her friends were requested to
sing a song on the occasion they
instantaneously sing,
What a shameless god! How Im
fed up with him!
The stink of abir and gulal, friend,
has made me lose my appetite
The sounds of the taal and
mridung, make any head ache so!
Why should I see this Vithoba? He
is nothing but a black stone! (112)
This expression brings forth how the
children of the community imbibed
antagonism
towards
the
dominant
community and their rituals and how it is
constituted in their common sense. In fact
another point is here the children are aping
the behaviors of the dominant caste in the
book. They denigrated, dehumanized and
mocked at the culture of the Mahar
community. In turn the Mahar community is

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Anthropometric variables as predictors of bone mineral density in volleyball players

following the same towards its other. This

kind of resistance would lead to nowhere
except creating a spiral and the situation
remains unchanged. The relation between
the subaltern community and the dominant
community in the book seem to be like
Hegelian master and slave dialectic. Hegels
dialectic relation was in terms of feudal,
again the same relation was contextualized
by Marx to analyse consumption and
production relation in the capitalist society.
Though the dialect is phenomenological, let
us try to critically theorize the relationship
of the two extremes given in the book. Here
the thinghood is not land but the work done
by the subalterns to the need of the dominant
community. The dominant caste though
denigrate the community in question, cannot
leave without their work. For example we
get to see the Mahar community people
carrying the dead carcasses for the appetite
purpose, traversing across the village
carrying the sad death note and so on. Here
the person performing the work is a slave in
comparison to his master who is in turn
enjoying the service. Phenomenological
implications make us to see this as
consciousness trying to identify itself in
relation to other as consciousness of
something is always the consciousness of the
other (15).
Next is the negation of the work of
slave by slave himself. Here comes the
problem with respect to the Mahar
community. Instead of ending in being for
self they meet an accidental climax in aping
the master assuming his pleasure as the real.
Of course even Hegels realization is at
phenomenological level. Thinghood relation
is flawed by the servant here and by this; the
master goes on enjoying the labor claiming
the authority and independence. The same
flaw is done in imbibing the ideas of
Ambedkar into the common sense of the
community. The good sense which was
derived from it is no different from what
they had before imbibing the same. Let us
look at the incident of the authors childhood
which would otherwise plausibly look like a
prank.

They [girls of the dominant

caste in the community] would
run away and those left behind
would be prey in our hands. We
would attack them furiously,
pull their long plaits, push them
as much as we could. But we
would get back all of this and
more, once we entered the
classroom. Then the teacher
would hurl at us, to hit us with a
long ruler, and make us bend
down and hold our toes till
school was over. (109)
In relation to this let us see what
happened to the change that the Mahar
community was willing to bring forth.
Every person wants to brag about their own
greatness and wisdom. People have started
breaking the community for their own
selfish ends. This has led to disintegration of
the community. (102)
The purpose to quote these many
lines is to indicate why the community
practically fails to frame a new paradigm
required to bring in the change. Even the
ideas of Ambedkar and his intellectual angst
with Gandhiji are observed as one among
the narratives claiming the dominant
position but not betterment. In fact
narrativizing Ambedkar is nothing more
than a mode of resistance and the short
limerick kind they sing to hurt the dominant
community girls
Oh this Brahmin caste has no shame
Women squat before the barber for a
shave and
Wheres Gandhis spinning wheel gone?
Bhim has shaved Gandhis head off. (109)
The above lines clearly show us how
Hegels phenomenological dialectic is
practically unrealized. Related to the same
context we can take the example of the
authors father who is different from the
community people and also a hope to change
the existing paradigm. The incidences show
his generosity to the community people by
helping them in cash and kind. But he fails

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in the context of his family where he stops

working and starts eulogizing the deeds of
Ambedkar which is no different from
narrativization. The main problem with the
community is that it is caught in the
community spiral and the works done to
shift the paradigm are in fact normalizing
the existing one. Though it is difficult to
hypothesize, we can say that the reason
behind this passivity is the contradictory
consciousness. The anomalies required to
change the paradigm are in fact not more
than anything except certain modes of
resistance. Kuhnian Paradigm is a
paradigm is an accepted model or pattern,
and that aspect of its meaningIn its
standard application paradigm functions by
permitting the reduplication of examples any
one of which could in principle serve to
replace. (23)
Kuhn gives a parallel to the
scientific revolution in the political
revolutions. A set of people running the
administration reaches to a stage where
they feel that the existing paradigm is
failing to give the expected results. This
situation is called crisis where many other
contesting groups try to utilize this
situation by claiming to bring a revolution
in the system of administration. However
a need of paradigm is a delimiting
condition as it is generated by the always
already existing paradigm. The Mahar
community is also working in this sort of
a paradigm, where if we consider the
behavioral pattern as the matter
constituting it, then the people who are
working within either normalize it or
change it. The community for its dream
of peaceful existence should change it.
But they fail to recognize that they have
contradictory consciousness and their
works instead of shifting the paradigm
normalize it. As in the case of political
revolution, within the community also
there are many individuals contest to
change the paradigm. Prof Maya Pandit in
order to fill the gaps in the
autobiographical narratives has added the
interview of Baby Kamble and there we
can see a certain conscious efforts to
change the paradigm. While answering

the first question she explains how

women struggled to send their children to
the schools. In the first incident we see a
woman selling the jowar stocks for winter
to pay the school fees and silently
resisting her husbands thrashing. In the
second case we see a woman conning her
cousin and aunt to pay the fees of her two
children. Irrespective of the way they
follow to fulfill the academic requirement
we have to notice the urge to change the
paradigm. But this urge is working within
the limited context of the old paradigm
itself. Another side of this is in the first
case the woman failed to change the
behavior of her husband towards
education and by silently resisting it
normalized the existing paradigm itself.
In the second case though the trick seems
to be very intelligible, the woman forgets
the way she is following to pay the fees
would not bring a change in the attitude
of people with respect to the education.
At the end of the book also we feel that
the women who are working to change
the paradigm are delimiting the
possibilities of that change itself. Kuhn
lays down a few prerequisites for the
change of paradigm to happen and a sense
of crisis is very important among them.
But the Mahar community is repeatedly
failing to recognize the problems that
they are facing while working in the
paradigm. In detail we can check with the
other events in the book to see how
communities will to change the paradigm
went in vain. The authors father failed to
recognize the need for the community
beyond spending his money on the
community people and narrativizing
Ambedkar as an alternate God just as in
the case of the dominant community. The
resistance mode which was used is
nothing but the taboos. Another aspect
that restricts the Mahar community is the
basic human faculty of mimesis and its
politics. The community aspires to
become the Masters by imitating the
dominant community. Let us take
recourse to Rene Girards mimetic rivalry
and triangular desire concepts to rectify
where the community is failing to change

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the paradigm. As Benjamin writes the

faculty of mimesis is in abundance in
human beings and will learn and cultivate
his/her behavior by imitating the other.
Rene Girard somewhat works on the
same line, but takes a deviation in
considering it as a conduit to the
community and its sustenance. The
triangular desire is framed among the
dominant community, the subaltern and
the authority/power that the dominant
community enjoys. The mimetic rivalry is
not between the dominant and the
subaltern but among the subaltern
community itself. According to Girard the
mimetic rivalry is between the model and
the imitator. In the autobiography the
Mahar community is trying to become the
Masters and imitate their behaviors.
This imitation leads to develop a desire
for the object that is in possession of the
model/dominant community. Here the
object of desire is not concrete but
power/authority. Both are not physical
entities but we can realize their presence
when they alter the possibilities of our
process to achieve an end. In pursuit to
achieve the possession of these abstracts
the subaltern starts imitating the dominant
community. The next question is to
answer is why this contestation does not
result in the competition/rivalry between
the two communities. The dominant
community in the autobiography works
with such a grid that it legitimizes all the
efforts that are made to keep the subaltern
community in their state itself. This is
done by ritualizing the importance of the
people of the dominant community in
certain gracious occasions and the lives of
the subalterns.
A Brahmin priest would be
invited to solemnize the
marriage. He would stand at a
distance for fear of pollution,
but he would never make any
compromise on his dakshina!
That he took away without any
fear of pollution. Apart from
the dakshina money, he was
also required to be given about
two kilos of wheat and a huge

plateful of jaggery. This was

called the dry grocery. (89)
This event would evidence how the
dominant community in the autobiography
again and again makefeel the subaltern
community its inferior position and at the
same time the dominant community is
implanting its superiority. Here the
subaltern community is discoursed to
believe that they are completely different
from the dominant community and cannot
be reached at all in any respect. Hence the
rivalry develops between the subaltern
community people in contesting for the
power and authority of the dominant
community. Precisely they compete among
themselves for the power/authority. This
triangular desire relation is kinetically
guided towards a direction but ends in
reconciliation by victimizing a person as
responsible for all the ills of the society.
The Mahar community also victimizes a
person not as a responsible factor for the
ill-wills of the society but to exhibit the
power/authority. But this scapegoating
would help the community to sustain itself
in its existing paradigm. In this relation we
can bring in Michael Taussig where he
thinks the act of mimesis is purely based
on the inner drive to identify with the
other. It is the notion of alterity that leads
to imitation. In the book the Mahar
community displays a strong urge to
become the other in all the possible ways.
Taussig takes the example of the Cuna
community that made figurines to heal
certain diseases. The figurines were very
different from the physical features of
Cuna people. The observation revealed
that the figurines are very much similar to
that of Whites, who had colonized the
islands. Taussigs proposition is that by
imitating the other, the imitator gets the
pleasure of enjoying the power and
authority that is enjoyed by the model.
Blending the views of these two let us
check the ways in which we can analyse
the politics of mimesis with respect to the
community.
The Mahar community in order to
conciliate victimizes a person as the

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responsible factor for the societys illness.

The method in which it does is interesting
and noteworthy. The internal hierarchical
structural empowers the people in the
upper strata to dehumanize the lower
other.
This mechanism happens
within the subaltern/Mahar community as
they desire for the power/authority enjoyed
by the dominant community. The incident
where a sasu instigates her son to threaten
and torture her daughter in law shows how
the community is replicating the torture
that it suffered from the dominant
community. The daughter in law is the
scapegoat, who is harmed physically to
enunciate the communitys propositions.
The politics of mimesis here degenerate
the entire community into oblivion.
Another incident that is already mentioned
is humiliating the upper caste girls by
using the notion of impurity. The word is
used in the sense of Dumonts Homo
Heirarchicus where he defines that every
community constructs its own notion of
purity and impurity. The subalterns are
using the notion of impurity as designated
to them by the dominant community to
pollute them. This is mimesis to that extent
of using the same power/authority position
to dehumanize the Other. But the point
receives our attention is that the
community is unconsciously turning its
impure apparatus as its weapon to enjoy
the dehumanization of the dominant
community. The politics here is to enjoy
the power by upholding what is normally
designated as inferior.
Let us deal more about the
scapegoating to give impetus to the main
argument of why the subalterns fail to
change the paradigm. Contextualizing the
concept we will observe the incident
where a daughter in law gets her nose cut
from her husband as she is blamed of
violating the chastity. Here the mimetic
rivalry happens at a very different level
and it is surprisingly unidirectional. Sasu
assumes her daughter in law as her
opponent
contesting
for
the
power/authority that is enjoyed by the
model/dominant
community.
This
assumption drives her to restrict her

daughter in law to procreate by avoiding

her from having sex with her husband.
When the daughter in law got
her menstrual period for the
first time, the sasu would
become terribly agitated and
keep a close watch at them
with the eyes of hawk, and
would not let them even
glance at each other.But
the sasu was far too clever for
him. She would not let them
meet. She stayed awake at
night for fear of their coming
together. (Kamble 96)
The attitude shows how sasu
yearns to use her power to sever her son
from the daughter in law as she was
abstained from some o the basic rights by
the dominant community. The act of
severing is usually the weapon of the
dominant community. In the cited
paragraph the sasu is miming the same in
order to experience the dominant
communitys power. The dominant
community has severed the subalterns
from whatever they consider as pure and
from other rituals which legitimizes the
superiority of the same. The subalterns
mimetic faculty is working in the
discourse of hegemony and domination.
This needs to be changed and for which
they have to use the performative
epistemology as a tool, which is discussed
at a later stage of the paper.
The author as she explicitly
declares that she is not writing her life but
her communitys, we get to read many
instances where the community forms a
sphere for their discussions making their
private as public. The sphere does not
discursively discuss the states authority
but that of dominant communitys.
Strangely they form the sphere during the
religious occasions. In the book we can see
the chawdi that acts as a public sphere
while discussing the problems of their
community and Ambedkars achievement.
First let us see how they form a sphere and
make private a public discursive aspect to

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gain the attention yet failing to correct the

issue. In the third chapter we can see the
buffalo fare which comprises a feast for
the Mahar community and also a few
rituals. The public sphere is formed here in
performance that is in the act of
possession. The difference that we see here
is the problem is discussed by the
possessed woman. By combining two
phrases that is used at a very different
context by Janice Boddy in her article
Spirit Possession Revisited: Beyond
Instrumentality we can come to a
conclusion that the discursive mode
adopted by the community is performative
epistemology. They consciously [it is
because in the work we have a reference
where a sasu acts that she is possessed to
dehumanize her daughter in law] or
unconsciously possess the local goddess
revealing the problems they face. In the
book we get a different performance where
the possessed woman gains importance
instead of discussing the problems. Of
course the incident give us the evidence
with which we can conclude that the
private is made public, but what confirms
the word private for the community is
different. In the given scene the woman is
publicizing the importance that she had
lost within the community and gaining it.
The same performance is continued with
the other women getting possessed
instantaneously urging for the identity that
they have lost. The episteme is identity but
not the community problem. The
community has to perform the function of
forming the community knowledge within
this framework as their discourse is
generated usually in superstition and
religious fare. In the book the performance
forms the epistemology of respect, fear of
god and obedience. But all these are done
in the name of god and identity of women.
This makes the subaltern to remain in the
same paradigm. Janice Boddy analyses
why and how the spirit possesses the
women,
Cult membership can
provide not only health
care but also important
social networks for

women, enabling them

to glean information
and practical support
that
is
particularly
valuable
in
urban
settings where kin are
not close by (41, 106108, 130, 131). Spring
(199) shows how a
women's possession cult
among
the
Luvale
(Zambia)
positively
addresses
ailments
affecting their fertility
and responsibilities as
mothers; healing rituals
are occasions when
matrilineal kinswomen
otherwise separated by
virilocality can learn
from
each
others'
expertise. Some authors
note the use of kin
terms to describe cult
leaders
or
address
fellow participants (35,
37, 39,92,106,107,212),
which suggests that
such groups are, in a
sense,
reconstituted
families. In Brazil the
role of spirit healer has
been considered an
extension of women's
domestic service into
the public domain,
financially
more
rewarding
than
housewifery,
and
entailing
less
dependence on men
(131; see also 37). (534)
Boddy
analyses
the
possession as the epistemology for
healing and conciliation within the
families. We find the same missing
in the Mahar community. Any kind
of performative epistemology is
needed for the Mahar community
as written discourse is not possible
as the community constitutes many
illiterates. Even with things like

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Anthropometric variables as predictors of bone mineral density in volleyball players

possession which is highly

believed can be a tool. When it is
used to wield power why not for
education? But another important
problem that we need to consider
here is what this performative
epistemology would lead to. The
usual result in this case is
ritualizing things that are the nodal
around which the epistemology is
framed. Ritualizing leads to
uncritical acceptance of whatever
is being ritualized which is
antithetical to education which is
alienation and questioning. It is
alienation because it makes the
person to question his own
existence in terms of religion and
caste. Performative epistemology
should create awareness about
education but not ritualize it. The
same is unconsciously hinted by
the author in saying,
Look, it is women who
are in charge of homes.
And therefore it is they
who have contributed to
the superstitious god
culture. They are always
leaders in such things. It
is always women who
become possessed by
spirits. They always
played a big role in
making
superstitious
powerful. It is the
woman who is the real
doer. (139)
We can identify another reason here
specifically to say why the Mahar
community paradigm is not changed even
after a tremendous effort by the side of the
subalterns. She speaks of god culture but
forgets that their failure resides in the same
where every effort they make is directed
towards nominalising Ambedkar as the
alternative god. It is evident in the song
that is already sited. Let us come to the
conversion aspect that she speaks of as a
necessary process for the salvation of the
Mahars. But this very idea is anti paradigm

change. This indirectly negates the very

quality of the Mahar communitys
bonding. It seems that the author and the
other reformers are ignorant to the truth
that community is a construct. If we go by
the logic of the author then it is better to
convert into the dominant community
caste which solves the problem. Hence this
is not the solution for the development of
the community. It is not the community
that they need to change but the discourse
in which they internalize the aspects of the
upper community people. To give an
impetus to this argument let us check the
self image of the Mahars, that is are they
thinking
themselves
as
subalterns/oppressed and are they aspiring
to become something other than what they
are now? The description of the
community in the book clearly shows that
they are recognizing that the all are equal
but the dominant community is more
equal. They are aspiring to achieve the
status of masters not equality. This idea
might have driven them for conversion
which again shows the fault of community
and might lead us to an plausible
conclusion that a certain communities are
really subaltern and we should not born
into it, if so then we have to convert
ourselves into other community. They
have to change this self image to change
the paradigm. Another performative
epistemology here is the Jalsa and other
songs sung in praise of Ambedkar. But
these are turning into mere caricature of
the dominant community instead of
helping the communitys ontology. The
community should cover the loopholes and
strengthen the integrity for a change in
paradigm. The incident where the Mahar
community children tries to impure the
dominant caste implies how people are
structured within the pure and impure
framework and how they are using it as a
mode of resistance instead of rooting it
out. The community people are failing to
recognize their independence as against
their Masters which is leading them not
to identify being for self. This would
lead us to ask another question that is there
any self perpetuating force that is guiding

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Anthropometric variables as predictors of bone mineral density in volleyball players

the subalterns to remain in the oblivion of

underdevelopment? The self perpetuating
force is common for every community that
is mimesis, but the discourse under which
it is internalized is different from one
community
to
the
other.
The
subalterns/Mahar needs to change it. A
few notable efforts that were made to
change the paradigm should be included
into the spectrum of performative

epistemology and at the same time caution

should be taken not to ritualize the
practices to the uncritical domain. The
incidents like the woman trying to educate
the children at any cost and shedding
certain unnecessary practices are all the
indication of a silver lining. The same
should be given impetus to a greater extent
that it will be able to have a shift in the
paradigm.

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