Addressing Los Angeles

Addressing Los Angeles
Wayfinding Signage Systems in L.A.

19902010
by
Nate Schulman
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts,
Royal College of Art, April 2015.
Word count:
29,290
Abstract
Between 1990 and 2010, Los Angeles, California went on a transformative journey
which allowed for alternatives to the automobile. Three urban wayfinding signage
systems in the citys public realm come under review in this dissertation. Three
modes of getting around provide three overhanging themes for each case study:
1)Driving
2)Walking
3) Public Transit
These themes hold within them these specific objects of analysis:
1) The Community Name Signs of Los Angeles, which blanket the city;
2) Downtown LA Walks, a comprehensive civic wayfinding programme
at the site of the citys origins;
3) Go Metro, the Los Angeles Metro Rail Map, a route map for a
Mass Transit system which has ambitiously expanded since 1990.
As a constantly evolving terrain of multiple community identities stretched over 467
square miles of built environment, Los Angeles naturally forms an inevitable maze.
Keeping track of the many distinct units of place which make up the city, let alone
getting to and through them, requires finding ones way. Wayfinding, defined most
simply as direction for people in motion, serves just that need, and forms the core
topic herein. All three wayfinding signage systems are designed to provide navigational cues to direct those in motion through the metropolis along the journey between start and destination.
Addressing Los Angeles unpicks the built environment of contemporary L.A.
to provide a more multifacted design historical understanding of the city.
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations
Acknowledgements
17
Introduction:Addressing LA
18
i.i
Turn by Turn: Definitions of Wayfinding
25
i.ii
Is Los Angeles Anti-Urban?
Wayfinding across a challenging geography
From The Motorists Paradise to the
i.iii
28
Biggest Parking Lot in the World
31
i.iv
Destination Ahead: Chapters
37
i.v
Introduction Illustrations
40
Chapter One: All in a Name: Los Angeles Community Name Signs
48
1.1
X Marks The Spot
49
1.2
Names Are Not Narrow
52
1.3
The Sign Shop and the Identity Crisis
59
1.4
Standard Alphabets
63
1.5
Chapter One Illustrations
69
Chapter Two: Walking Downtown LA
95
2.1
From Here to There
100
2.2
535 N. Main
104
2.3
Chapter Two Illustrations
111
Chapter Three: Going Metro
134
3.1
Of Streetcars and Subways
138
3.2
The Freeway of the Future
143
3.3
The Go Metro Rail System Map
148
3.4
Chapter Three Illustrations
165
Conclusion
192
Bibliography
196
List of Illustrations
Illustration 1.
Arthur Krim on Los Angeles and the Anti-Tradition of the Suburban City.
Illustration 2.
The Santa Monica Freeway (Interstate 10/I-10) is seen here slicing through Mid-City.
To the North of the I-10 lies the Pico-Union neighbourhood, while South of the 1-10
becomes Adams-Normandie.
Illustration 3.
Physical boundaries of the City of Los Angeles.
Illustration 4.
San Franciscos city boundary versus the City of Los Angeles boundary.
Illustration 5.
Downtown LA is currently defined by the freeways which enclose it and
provide it borders.
Illustration 6.
Charles and Ray Eames. Glimpses of the USA, 1959.
Interior shot of Moscow Worlds Fair auditorium.
Illustration 7.
Cover of LIFE Magazine, June 20, 1960, with overlaid quote:
The essence of Los Angeles, its true identifying characteristic,
is mobility Richard Austin Smith, Fortune (March 1965)
6
Illustration 8.
On the Westsides Interstate 405, the Sepulveda Pass is the most congested
highway segment in the U.S., with 300,000+ vehicles per day.
Illustration 9.
Graphic designer Peter Dunns 2013 map redesigns the Greater Los Angeles
Freeway System to look like a Subway route map.
Illustration 10.
Community Name Sign for Atwater Village.
Illustration 11.
January 12, 1982 designation ceremony for the first mention of Koreatown as a
sanctioned Community Name, placed on the Normandie Exit wayfinding sign
of the Santa Monica Freeway.
Illustration 12.
1982 designation ceremony for a Koreatown community name sign,
with then Mayor Tom Bradley (5th from left).
Illustration 13.
2011 designation ceremony for a Little Bangladesh community name sign,
with future Mayor Eric Garcetti (front).
Illustration 14.
The Little in Little Bangladesh: Bangladeshi-American owned establishments
within LAs Little Bangladesh. Authors illustration.
Illustration 15.
Designation ceremony for Filipino Town community naming and signage.
7
Illustration 16.
Current Historic Filipinotown Community Naming and Signage.
Illustration 17.
Community/District Name Sign specifications.
Source: City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation,
Drawing No. S-502.0.
Illustration 18.
The C. Erwin Piper Technical Center, located at 555 Ramirez Street,
which contains the Los Angeles Department of Transportation sign shop.
Illustration 19.
The Westwood Village community/district name sign is physically stationed on a
wide and busy road, technically known as an arterial route, as regulation sets forth.
Illustration 20.
The Federal Highway Administration Standard Alphabet, as used on
a Freeway wayfinding sign to mark local destinations.
Illustration 21.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series B.
Illustration 22.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series C.
Illustration 23.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series D.
Illustration 24.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series E.
8
Illustration 25.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series E-Modified.
Illustration 26.
The Series E-Modified Alphabet as used on Los Angeles community name signs
(Authors illustration, overlaying letters from technical specifications, in black).
Illustration 27.
The Mathematically Engineered strokes of Series E-Modified Standard
Alphabet letterforms.
Illustration 28.
Series B Standard Alphabets in use on standard-width community name sign,
so as to fit in letters of the longer community name Furniture & Decorative
Arts District.
Illustration 29.
A confusing intersection in South Los Angeles features several community name
signs and several Standard Alphabet series widths.
Illustration 30.
Assembling and placing highway directional signs
with new lower case lettering, Summer 1950.
Illustration 31.
The lower-case alphabet used in 1950 tests, as a joint project of the
California Division of Highways and the Institute of Transportation
and Traffic Engineering of the University of California.
Illustration 32.
Bel Airs typographic gateway.
9
Illustration 33.
Chinatowns unmissable and unmistakeable twin dragon gateway.
Illustration 34.
Harvard Heights Historic District entrance marker.
Illustration 35.
Solano Canyons gateway markers.
Illustration 36.
District Icons created by Hunt Design and Corbin Design for the Downtown Los
Angeles Walks wayfinding programme. The downtown core was dissected into these
13 key destination districts forming the Districts of Downtown Los Angeles.
Illustration 37.
Figueroa Corridor Downtown LA Walks District Icon. The southern
addition of Figueroa Corridor is represented by a convertible to illustrate
busy Figueroa Street south of Downtown, but hardly appropriate for
encouraging walking.
Illustration 38.
Map of the areas and respective borders of 12 Downtown LA Districts,
developed by Corbin and Hunt Design for the Downtown LA Walks
wayfinding signage system. Areas are designated through custom
icons created for exclusive use. This includes the southern addition
of Figueroa Corridor to what would normally be considered the
border of Downtown, the Santa Monica Freeway (Interstate I-10).
Illustration 39.
Toy District Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying wayfinding
signage beneath. The Toy Districts Teddy Bear icons hides its rough and tumble
location only moments from Skid Rows homeless encampments.
10
Illustration 40.
When Downtown LA Walks, the setting can be far from glamorous. Pictured here is
the Toy District, a wholesaling area only a moments reach from homeless capital
Skid Row.
Illustration 41.
Another Downtown LA map with area names and borders represented by
Downtown LA Walks wayfinding icons.
Illustration 42.
Downtown LA Walks campaign collateral material as presented to
Client for use.
Illustration 43.
Bunker Hill Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Bunker Hills icon uses the architecture of
the Walt Disney Concert Hall, as designed by architect Frank Gehry. On
the accompanying wayfinding signage beneath, Civic Centers icon uses
the architecture of City Hall, as designed by architect John Parkinson,
and as seen in the backdrop of this photograph.
Illustration 44.
Another view of the Bunker Hill Downtown LA Walks District Icon, with
accompanying backdrop of the Walt Disney Concert Hall it depicts. The
wayfinding signage beneath here utilises a larger backdrop of the Disney
Concert Hall icon.
Illustration 45.
Chinatown Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Chinatowns icon uses the traditional
Chinese architecture of a two-tiered pagoda.
11
Illustration 46.
Fashion District Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Until a relatively recent re-brand, the
Fashion District was known simply as the Garment District.
Illustration 47.
Fashion District You Are Here wayfinding map showing your current
location, as well as other destinations and the remaining Districts of
Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
Illustration 48.
Likewise, here is the Jewelry District You Are Here wayfinding map showing
your current location, as well as other destinations and the remaining Districts
of Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
Illustration 49.
Downtown Center Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Photograph by Author, January 2014.
Illustration 50.
Lastly, here is the Downtown Center District You Are Here wayfinding map
showing your current location, as well as other destinations and the remaining
Districts of Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
Photograph by Author, January 2014.
Illustration 51.
South Park Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying wayfinding
signage beneath. South Parks icon represents a Basketball as played in the area
by the Los Angeles Lakers and Clippers.
Illustration 52.
The earliest known map of Los Angeles, 1849, drawn by Edward O.C. Ord.
12
Illustration 53.
Civic Center Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Civic Centers icon represents the architecture
of Los Angeles City Hall. Civic Center forms one of the largest government
complexes in the world.
Illustration 54.
Downtown L.A.s New Map of Stars, GQ Magazine (US), Jan. 2014.
Illustration 55.
The earliest known drawing of Los Angeles, from July 1847:
Part of Los Angeles drawn by William Rich Hutton.
Illustration 56.
The earliest known outdoor photograph of Los Angeles: The Plaza, 1862.
Illustration 57.
The Plaza Church, the oldest Church in LA, as seen on the earliest known
drawing of Los Angeles, from July 1847: Part of Los Angeles drawn by
William Rich Hutton.
Illustration 58.
The Plaza Church, the oldest Church in LA, as seen on earliest known
outdoor photograph of Los Angeles.
Illustration 59.
2009 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system, designed by Metro Design
Studio.
Illustration 60.
Metro Blue Line, Light Rail Route Grand Opening, July 14, 1990.
13
Illustration 61.
The Metro Blue Lines north-south route from downtown Los Angeles
to downtown Long Beach.
Illustration 62.
Mass transit in Los Angeles began in 1874, with the horsedrawn carriage of the
Spring & West Sixth Street Railroad.
Illustration 63.
1906 Map of The City of Los Angeles Showing Railway Systems,
Issued by the Los Angeles Travel and Hotel Bureau.
Illustration 64.
1920 Relief Map of Territory Served By Lines of Pacific Electric Railway
In Southern California, Largest Electric Railway System In The World.
Illustration 65.
Route map of the Pacific Electric Railroad, 1923. Cartography by Gerald
Cinamon for Reyner Banhams Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies
(London: Penguin, 1971), redrawn from Spencer Crump, Ride the Big Red Cars
(Los Angeles: Crest Publications, 1962).
Illustration 66.
The Metro M logo, designed by Anne Roubideaux, art director of the
Los Angeles County Transportation Commission, 1990.
Illustration 67.
The Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority
becomes Metro, with new identity as initiated by Creative Director
Michael Lejeune.
14
Illustration 68.
When the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation
Authority became Metro, the in-house creative agency adopted
Scala as an Agency-wide typeface.
Illustration 69.
2001 design of the Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system, in color.
The coastline is vastly simplified, with only partial naming of the communities the
system pases through. A small partial compass providing only the direction north is
used. While I could garner no specific accreditation for the graphic designer of the
piece, it seems likely to have been designed or at least art directed by the former art
director of the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission, Anne Roubideaux.
Illustration 70.
2001 design of the Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system,
in black and white.
Illustration 71.
The original 1931 sketch by Henry Beck sent to Frank Pick for the
London Underground diagrammatic map (the London Tube Map).
Illustration 72.
1933 first printing of pocket map by Henry Beck of the London Underground.
Illustration 73.
1976 New York Subway Guide, designed by Unimark.
Illustration 74.
July 2014 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system,
the most up-to-date available at this time.
15
Illustration 75.
Complete map of Los Angeles region transportation systems, produced by Metro,
including major streets and boulevards, highways and freeways, bus and rail. At any
remotely zoomed out scale such as this one, the complexity is impossibly dense.
Data is visualised but rendered unusable.
Illustration 76.
Contemporary and complete Metro Bus & Metro Rail System Map,
including selected timetables for key bus lines.
Illustration 77.
The Contemporary Bus & Rail System Map, in context,
outside the Westlake/MacArthur Park Red Line Station.
Photograph by author, January 2014.
Illustration 78.
The Contemporary Bus & Rail System Map, detail, showing how the core hub of the
network, Downtown Los Angeles, cannot comfortably hold all the route information
and requires a further inset, elsewhere.
Illustration 79.
Separated from major maps of the system in its entirety, Metro produces brochures
specifically for individual bus route lines containing a timetable and geographic map
for that particular line, which are placed on the buses themselves.
Illustration 80.
Seen here are several more such bus route brochures, named by their number,
alongside rail line brochures (seen are the Blue, Red and Gold rail lines). Each
contains a timetable and geographic map for its particular line.
16
Illustration 81.
This June 2013 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system shows all lines and
stations under construction at that point.
Illustration 82.
This 2013 Map of the Los Angeles County Metro Rail System provides a more
accurate, but less abstracted, above-ground geography of the system and the
cities it passes through. Map designed by Bin Mo, of the Los Angeles Metropolitan Transportation Authority.
Illustration 83.
Alongside the typeface Scala, Metro uses FF Din agency-wide. FF DIN, however, is
the most commonly seen and used of typefaces on LAs Metro Rail route map and
wayfinding signage.
Illustration 84.
FF Din typeface, as used by wayfinding directional signage on
Metros Gold Line.
Illustration 85.
FF Din typeface, as used on the wayfinding directional signage of
Londons St Pancras Station.
Photograph by author, August 2014.
17
Acknowledgements
Had it not been for a full scholarship which I received from the American
Friends of the V&A charity, I could not have even started this dissertation,
let alone completed it. Without their support, I could never have become a
Londoner- umbrella, down jacket, and all. Therefore, I wish to acknowledge
my complete indebtedness to the trustees of the foundation and in particular
to Diana Seaton, the Executive Director of the American Friends of the V&A.
I am really very grateful to the helpful criticism of my two supervisors
Spike Sweeting and Jane Pavitt. Many thanks as well to my colleagues and
tutors on the History of Design course, and Katrina Royall and Matt Maslin
for their dilligent assistance to all of the students on the course.
In Los Angeles, special thanks are due to John Fisher for meeting with
me; Kenneth Bicknell, the Digital Resources Librarian at Metro, and all the
staff librarians at the Huntington Library in San Marino for aiding me in
my primary research. Also in LA, thanks to Tom Sanchez for his hospitality
and to all of my CalArts caregivers: Gail Swanlund, Louise Sandhaus, Eileen
Hsu, Mark Kulakoff, Colleen Corcoran, Roman Jaster, Matt Fielder and more.
Additional thanks in London go to Chipp Jansen and all the staff librarians
who assisted me throughout, primarily at the Royal College of Art Library,
the St Bride Library, the British Library, and the National Art Library.
My family have never wavered in their support, particularly my
encouraging sister Stephanie. I would also like to acknowledge the luckiest
feat of all my time in London - meeting my one and only, Cate (^.^)
18
Introduction
Introduction
The fact is that we begin to see our cityscape not so much as architecture
as three-dimensional typography.
Robert Brownjohn, graphic designer1
Looking at signs and trying to get information from them has more in
common with glancing at our watches than it has with reading a book.
Romedi Passini, environmental psychologist, and Paul Arthur, designer2
Studying the history of a current city feels abstract, when the city is anything but.
There is hardly a more complicated place in civilisation than the city, any city, yet all
the same they are real places waiting to be uncovered. The city is on-going, and the
city is now cities never slow down just for our understanding. Forging paths from
point a to point b requires the planning and execution of what routes to take, and the
manner in which to take them. Since we have to start somewhere, this introduction
will explain how this dissertation will undertake a unique approach to the study of
one particular city in question Los Angeles, California. The citys many multiple
histories and identities have been understood and co-created through maps and
broader graphic design in the environment. This dissertation will use a design history
approach to better understand the way Los Angeles has grown and been represented
over time.
Robert Brownjohn, Street Level, Typographica 4 (London: Lund Humphries, 1961),
p. 29.
2
Paul Arthur and Romedi Passini, Wayfinding: People, Signs and Architecture
(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992), p. 165.
19
Travelling to new areas is disorienting, and requires ritualization to breed

familiarity. Knowing the environment requires knowledge of place, a knowledge
gained by travel. The intended experience of the public within physical space is
guided at the broadest level by road signs, commemorative markers, street furniture,
and waynding. Signage leads us this way, or that, but who makes the decisions
leading to the noise of the visual environment, and how?
Travelling through the city, making our way forward, we seek signposts for
understanding. When we use the infrastructure around us to find a map, we seek
directions within the environment that can lead us on our way. This dissertation
addresses Los Angeles in the now through a history of graphic design artefacts in the
environment. Most particularly, it studies Wayfinding signage systems produced
for, and posted within, the public realm to facilitate clarity in navigation.
For a city with such heavily travelled thoroughfares, the history of Los
Angeles is kept thoroughly hidden from view. This happens, remarkably enough, in
plain sight, under starkly bright and sunny blue skies. In particular, studying the
ways people get around LA has not particularly received the highest level of
academic respect possible. At best, such stories are designated in the mainstream
American press as mere human interest concerns. At worse, perceptions across the
US portray LA as a car city alone, where public transportation does not exist, never
has or never will. This level of denigration is simply untrue despite how common the
misunderstanding. All too often, the car city never escape stereotypes and clichs.
Despite holding the second largest population in the U.S., the City of Angels had
hitherto been a relatively neglected city-region compared to New York or Chicago,
20
the first and third largest cities.3 As well, before husband and wife architects Robert
Venturi and Denise Scott Brown got their hands on Las Vegas, Nevada, no one
would have dreamed the Academy could have found so much to Learn from such a
vernacular city.4 The duo furthered a radical potential for a new kind of urban study,
one whose interpretation of land use placed everyday material culture on a pedestal.
Coming fast on the reveal that Reyner Banham Loves Los Angeles,5 the early 1970s
proved a watershed moment for Architectural history and theory to transpose lowand-high cultures with fluency Venturi and Scott Browns Learning from Las
Vegas came in 1972, while Banhams Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four
Ecologies was first published in 1971.6 A High-brow anxiety, largely stemming from
the US East Coast, fuelled fears that Southern Californian phenomena would spread
far across the nation, and fast - and what could be worse than that!? In the main, it
was the following circumstances of the regions development which drew the most
ridicule: The dependence on the car and the absence of density present in traditional
19th century east coast cities; the advancement of those retail commercial centres
now known as shopping malls which had been pioneered in the area, and, of course,
the fervent suburban development and ill-defined but forever-derided sprawl. Amid
this new and perplexing expanse, was an unimaginable festering of countless and
homogenous homes, petrol service stations, and drive-in markets moving far and
away past the old realities of walking neighbourhoods.
Michael Dear and Nicholas Dahmann, Urban Politics and the Los Angeles School of Urbanism, in
The City, Revisited: Urban Theory from Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York, ed. by Dennis R. Judd
and Dick Simpson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), pp. 6578 (p. 65).
4
Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1972).

5
Reyner Banham Loves Los Angeles. Dir. Julien Cooper, 1972. BBC Films.
Venturi, Scott Brown, and Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas; Reyner Banham, Los Angeles: The
Architecture of Four Ecologies (London: Allen Lane, 1971).
21
While rampant suburbanisation of Los Angeles County was boosted by

private automobiles as a primary form of transportation, in the end, cars were not the
root cause of suburban development, merely advancers of it. In his well-respected
work on the Fragmented Metropolis, historian Robert Fogelson asserts the most
vital period for early growth of the city was 18501930, where the essence of Los
Angeles was revealed more clearly in its deviations from [rather] than its similarities
to the great American metropolis of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.7
Deviation from the norm can and does make for confusion. Confusion can and does
make for discomfort. For certain users, in certain places and certain situations,
confusing graphic design itself equates to discomfort.
Symbolically speaking, Los Angeles has not just made people feel confused
or uncomfortable because they were lost trying to understand it as a subject matter.
Los Angeles has made people feel lost inside it, trying to navigate it, the real thing,
the physical thing. Too much navigational confusion makes getting lost seem
inevitable, and LAs landscape, referenced in terms of its boundlessness and the
endlessness of its physical expanse, is a ground zero for such confusion. Naturally,
many responses to a disorienting environment are ones of negative reproach. For this
very reason, and however difficult, the continued task of deciphering Los Angeles is
a necessity because the alternative unbounded confusion and unhelpful criticism is so much worse.
Whether for residents or tourists, Los Angeles is not a small city in
population or physical size, nor is it a city small enough to be easily traversed.
Figuratively speaking, LA and her myriad subjects cannot be swept into little
containers like maps that fold into our pockets. While geographer Edward Soja is
7
Robert M. Fogelson, The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 18501930 (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 134.
22
right in saying Los Angeles generates too many conflicting images, confounding
historicization, this is also because writing about Los Angeles, historic or otherwise,
is too often hyperbolic and incendiary.8 Globally, exaggerated language paints cities
with too wide a brush, but the problem is particularly acute in LA, as is the challenge
of constantly refuting misconceptions, geographic or otherwise. Of course,
exaggerated language is used on cities everywhere both in promoting them as
places to live or do business in, or simply in describing them from afar.
However, with sincerely harmful effects, a preconceived notion that Los Angeles
lacks regard for its own heritage has become commonly accepted wisdom across the
US. There may not be easy and direct routes for unravelling or understanding Los
Angeles, but so far little attention has been paid to the various attempts to provide
information systems which map or order the city. For this reason, these information
systems forms the focus of this dissertation.
As geographer Barbara Rubin tells it, the rapid growth of Los Angeles in the
mid-20th century provoked over time an impression of confusion and chaos.9
Indeed, LA is thought of by many to be the most aggressively discombobulating of
US cities. Nearly seventy years ago journalist Carey McWilliams distinctly noted
Southern California is man-made, a gigantic improvisation, and this effectively
makes design history best suited to avoid the myths which overtake it.10 Particularly
in the jumbled urban environment of Los Angeles, it is vital for the design of
wayfinding information to be well considered, vital for it to communicate by
imparting its particular form of intentional guidance. As well, sign systems and their
8
E.W. Soja, Taking Los Angeles Apart: Some Fragments of a Critical Human Geography,
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 4 (1986), pp. 255 272 (p. 255).
9
For more, see her A Chronology of Architecture in Los Angeles, in Annals of the Association of
American Geographers, Volume 67, Number 4 (December 1977), pp. 521 537.
10
Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York: Duell, Sloan &
Pearce, 1946), p. 13.
23
audiences should not be understood in isolation, seen or studied only by other

graphic designers. As an analytical tool, the practice of design history provides the
best and most outward-looking, context-broadening approach to better comprehend
the pieces of graphic design considered within.
In Southern California, disregard for past conventions has naturalised
forward-thinking experimentation in architecture and the arts. Harvard University
professor of urban design Margaret Crawford perceives Southern California as
having an absence of conventionally perceivable history and lack of urban selfdefinition.11 Yet, if this is a place where history matters less, a sense of heritage
suffers, and with it, a larger sense of community.
The historiography of twentieth century LA urbanism revolves largely around
the effects of the car, and of driving; most specifically - the dependence on personal
transportation over mass transit. At the time of writing, and resulting from efforts
made over the past two decades, the contemporary City of Angels yields a far
wider array of transit choices than its mid-century self. Yet, you wouldnt know it
from even a deep reading of the historiography of the metropolis in all its grandness.
While Dr Loretta Lees deems Los Angeles a city without a common narrative,
rarely is LA ever said to lack a single defining means of transportation.
After the Second World War, LA became known throughout the world as
the prototype of the late twentieth-century city particularly through its identification
with single-occupant automobiles. As a subject matter for study and commentary, the
city became defined by the car, and in all essence, the car was painted as essential to
11
Margaret Crawford The Ecology of Fantasy, Forum Publication #3, Los Angeles Forum for
Architecture and Urban Design.
24
living there.12 Accepted wisdom still grants the second largest city in the U.S. worldrenown as the global capital of car culture. For decades, the automobile has been a
defining framework for studying what makes LA exemplary. After all, of all the
American cities, most scholars would agree that Los Angeles, for better or worse, has
been the one whose design and functioning have been most affected by the motor
car.13 Yet, all the same, in recent years the dominance of the car in LA has been in
some ways challenged, which will herein be detailed further. Beginning in 1990, Los
Angeles began a transformative journey over the years 1990-2010, as it began a new
and vast development of public mass transit. An on-going development whose
growth continues to this day, this development of light rail and subway lines means a
fresh look at LAs transport infrastructure is overdue. In so doing, we can and will
challenge the 1980s postmodern reading of LA in interesting ways. The train-led
infrastructure of the past is coming back into play in this 21st century global city.
When studying this aspect of LAs design history, it is too often taken as
inevitable that the car and the city will always be linked together. However, in the
changing and on-going environment of these past two decades, the role of other
modes of transport and their accompanying sign systems has not been properly
addressed. At the very least, and in light of this, it is time to unsettle the assumption
the car is forever symbiotic to what LA as a city has been, or could be. Accordingly,
this dissertation addresses that deficit whereby study of the cars role there is
privileged over other means of getting around.
Changing times call for changing signs, and wayfinding sign systems which
speak to mass transit and to walking are emblematic of changes on the ground in the
12
Genevieve Guiliano, Transporting Los Angeles, in Michael J. Dear, H. Eric Schockman and Greg
Hise (eds.), Rethinking Los Angeles (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), p. 231.
13
Michael L. Berger, The Automobile in American History and Culture: A Reference Guide (New York:
Greenwood Press, 2001), p. 181.
25
last two decades of LA's history and self-perception. Just as mapping seeks to order
space, the tools of Wayfinding signage systems are provided for users to better
understand space. Taking us from this place to that one, they are publicly accessible
pieces of navigation information design, placed distinctively into the built
environment that they attempt to speak about, systematise and organise.
i.i Turn by Turn: Definitions of Wayfinding
More than just posted signs to prevent users from getting lost, wayfinding is vital to,
and indicative of, the experience of cities. Urban sociologist Kevin Lynch first
coined the term way-finding in his fundamental 1960 study The Image of the
City, which focused on the visual quality of the American city by studying the
mental image of that city which is held by its citizens.14 Lynchs text has made a
lasting contribution to both urban studies and graphic design studies. While Lynch
created this new term way-finding, he did so with the understanding the word
described a human behavioral process which originates from time immemorial.
Lynch explains this by writing that structuring and identifying the environment is a
vital ability among all mobile animals [] consistent use and organization of
definite sensory cues from the external environment [] is fundamental to the
efficiency and to the very survival of free-moving life.15
Todays word wayfinding, though spelled without his initial hyphen, should
be understood and explained as Lynchs original definition was. His text The Image
of the City attempted to answer the question what does the citys form actually
14
Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1960), p. 2. Lynchs first
printed use of the term spells it way-finding and states: Despite a few remaining puzzles, it now
seems unlikely that there is any mystic "instinct" of way-finding: Ibid, p. 3.
15
Lynch, The Image of the City, p. 3.
26
mean to the people who live there? through three case studies, conducted in the
field, in the US cities of Los Angeles, Boston, and Jersey City.16 For the purposes of
this dissertation, his work in analysing downtown Los Angeles is most important and
usable. The survey findings illustrated how citizens made use of their own mental
maps to navigate the city they resided in. Mental maps were found to be a necessity
for navigation in the three selected case study cities, because there are so many
possible distractions in the complex surroundings of a city, or as Lynch proposed it,
at every instant, there is more than the eye can see, more than the ear can hear, a
setting or a view waiting to be explored.17 Said more succinctly, cities are
environments which require our ordering. Once they have been designed into
physical form, we must convert images of them into mental form so as to navigate
through them. Wayfinding signage systems in urban environments must utilize and
co-create the mental maps of their users.
The broadest definition of wayfinding in both contemporary use and
understanding is breath-taking in outlook and ever more provocative for it:
Wayfinding is how humans orient and navigate in space.18 A thankfully more
succinct explanation comes from Mark VanderKlipp, the president of environmental
graphic design specialists Corbin Design: at its simplest, wayfinding is direction for
people in motion.19 Because this does not provide any real specifics, we find
ourselves needing another definition of wayfinding, one offered here: the dynamic
step-by-step decision-making process that is required to negotiate a path to a
16
Ibid., back cover.
17
18
Lauren H. Mandel, Lost in the labyrinth: Wayfinding behavior in a public librarypredictable?
Maybe not, Proceedings of the American Society for Information Science and Technology, 48 (2011),
pp. 1 3 (p. 1).
19
Corbin Design, Wayfinding is..., <http://www.corbindesign.com/about-corbin-design/wayfinding-
is.html> [accessed 10 February 2014]
27
destination.20 Urban wayfinding signs are meant to be used regularly, on an

everyday basis. The importance of this cannot be downplayed. Wayfinding design
affects behaviour in space through manoeuvring travellers throughout a shared public
realm, and this is no easy feat.
Though they serve an undoubtedly practical purpose, directional sign
systems can nevertheless recede too deeply into the background, and too often,
naturalising with their surroundings. As backdrop to a busy built environment,
wayfinding must compete for priority in today's Los Angeles. As information age
sociologist Manuel Castells eloquently puts it, space is the expression of society.21
Car parks or petrol stations can speak as loudly to how communities organise as the
more lofty aspects of material culture like the architecture of an Opera House. The
research presented here focuses the spotlight on too-often forgotten sign systems,
slowing down from larger understandings of mobility to illuminate the
interpretation of land use and to further open a space of study between aesthetics
and politics. Much more than too simple ideas of decoration or mere surface
populate and complicate these seemingly benign pieces of design.22 A history of both
government-engineered environmental graphics and professionally designed ones
newly orients us more tangibly to the contemporary city.
20
Julian Hine, Derek Swan, Judith Scott, David Binnie and John Sharp, Using Technology to
Overcome the Tyranny of Space: Information Provision and Wayfinding, Urban Studies, Volume 37,
Number 10 (2000), pp. 1757 1770, (p. 1758).
21
Manuel Castells, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture. Volume 1: The Rise of the
Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), p. 440.

22
Surface, in the aesthetics of design, is more than mere decoration. On this note, see Surface
Tensions: surface, finish and the meanings of objects, edited by Glenn Adamson and Victoria Kelley
(Manchester: Manchester University Press: 2012).
28
i.ii
Is Los Angeles anti-urban, or just anti-tradition?

Wayfinding across a challenging geography
As Michael Dear and Nicholas Dahmann of the University of Southern California

have made clear, consensus has it that we have entered a global urban age, in that
the majority of the worlds population now lives in cities. Yet there is precious
little understanding about what this trend entails, beyond the customary
Malthusian-inspired cries of apocalypse.23 Los Angeles has indeed doubled as a
set for films set in a post-Apocalyptic future.24 Yet just because LA is the most
filmed city on the planet does not mean it is the most understood one, let alone the
most mapped. Wayfinding signage systems are a challenge enough to design for a
single large building, let alone for the vast amount of porous neighbourhoods that
make up sprawling and misunderstood LA.
Stretched across a physical territory of 469 square miles, academic
geographer Arthur Krim successfully argues no other American city has received
such anti-urban response from professional observers and the basic geographic form
of no other American city is as misunderstood as that of Los Angeles (See
Illustration 1).25 Returning to the words of Reyner Banham, the anti-urban
conception is best explained as follows:
The worlds image of Los Angeles [] is of an endless plain endlessly
gridded with endless streets, peppered endlessly with ticky-tacky houses
23
Michael Dear and Nicholas Dahmann, Urban Politics and the Los Angeles School of Urbanism, in
The City, Revisited: Urban Theory from Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York, ed. by Dennis R. Judd
and Dick Simpson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), pp. 65 78 (p. 73).
24
In films such as The War of the Worlds, Blade Runner, and Terminator 2: Judgment Day:
The War of the Worlds. Dir. Byron Haskin. Paramount. 1953; Blade Runner. Dir. Ridley Scott. Warner
Bros. 1982; Terminator 2: Judgment Day. Dir. James Cameron. 1991. TriStar Pictures.
25
Arthur Krim, Los Angeles and the Anti-Tradition of the Suburban City, Journal of Historical
Geography, 18 (1992), pp. 121138 (p. 121).
29
clustered in indistinguishable neighbourhoods, slashed across by endless

freeways that have destroyed any community spirit that may once have
existed, and so on endlessly (See Illustration 2).26
How did this image come to be, and was there any reality to it? To begin with, the
urban development of LA was relatively uninhibited by geographic limitations. The
flatness of the central Los Angeles basin was little obstacle, becoming a container for
intense urbanization. Wide-open geography made way for a seemingly inevitable
march of building, all the way west to the Pacific Ocean. City expansion would not
even be contained by the Hollywood Hills to the north, which bent to human whim
and became luxurious real estate. Indeed, by the middle of the twentieth century, the
perceived rapaciousness by which Los Angeles citizens, or Angelenos as they call
themselves, had spread across the land became a major point of critique, if not
outright ridicule. Understanding the sensational youth and growth of Los Angeles is
well served by this staggering statistic from architectural historian Dana Cuff,
demonstrating the citys rapid expansion: by 1959, 38 per cent of the buildings in
Los Angeles had been built since 1940.27 Mirroring this, by 1987, the citys street
system had added over 60 per cent of its paved streets since World War II 4,000 of
the miles of paved streets of its 6,500-mile total.28
As the citys built environment ever-widened, its horizontal spread and lowdensity format becomes surprisingly naturalised, becoming a model for other cities in
the fast-growing West. A formerly supple bounty of cornfields, vineyards, and
orange groves - all this agriculture, and much more besides, was dismantled by a
26
Banham, Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies, p. 161.
27
Dana Cuff, The Provisional City: Los Angeles Stories of Architecture and Urbanism (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2000), p. 34; citing Bernard Marchand, The Emergence of Los
Angeles: Population and Housing in the City of Dreams, 19401970 (London: Pion, 1986).
28
Keynote Presentation Pothole Politics: The Road To Pavement Preservation, by William A.
Robertson of the Bureau of Street Services, City of Los Angeles.
30
new, more spacious kind of urbanity, lacking the density and verticality of American
urban predecessors like Manhattan or Chicago. As well, it is worth noting that in 73
separate annexation elections held between 1906 and 1930, Los Angeles voters
dramatically expanded the city's boundaries from 43 square miles [approx. 111.37
square kilometres] to 442 square miles [approx. 1,145 square kilometres].29 These
annexations explain the incredibly irregular physical boundaries of the city of Los
Angeles, which now counts 469 square miles [1,214 square kilometres] in total area,
(See Illustration 3). The precise visual shape of the city requires patience to trace, as
well as to understand. Pronounced irregularities run jagged over scores upon scores
of communities, however officially or unofficially defined. In the daily life of
Angelenos in certain regions, entering and exiting the technical boundaries of the
City of Los Angeles can be as common as it is unnoticed.
LAs enormity in sheer physical scale becomes particularly apparent when
juxtaposed to the size and shape of San Francisco, itself only 49 square miles in total.
By comparison, then, Southern Californias hub city is nine and a half times larger
than Northern Californias hub city (See Illustration 4). As Carey McWilliams
agreeably proposed, no region in America is dominated by one city to the extent
that Los Angeles, with its 450 square miles of territory, dominates Southern
California.30 Tying together such a dispersed and disparate region as Southern
California has always been a huge challenge, both geographically and
metaphorically. The importance of community is more important in any cultural
landscape of devolving cohesion. Participating in a place and that places politics is
that much harder when the places territory is ambiguous and amorphous. The lack
29
Steven P. Erie, How the Urban West Was Won: The Local State and Economic Growth in Los
Angeles, 18801932, Urban Affairs Quarterly 27, no. 4 (June 1992), pp. 546 548.
30
McWilliams, p. 12, using the work of geographers C. Langdon White and Edwin J. Foscue.
31
of particular neighbourhood identification opens up a morass of emptiness, a no

mans land where no one wants to take ownership, or stake a claim. Connections
between places are loosened or even foiled when the grounds for unifying them are
shifted and questioned, as witnessed by the Scottish independence referendum of
2014 which nearly disunited the United Kingdom.
Designing and placing civic wayfinding systems is a mapping of place, and
mapping is a claim on what can be known, via what can be shown. Of course, not all
about a place can ever be known, but a map is a natural beginning for setting limits
on how place knowledge is visualised.
i.iii
From The Motorist's Paradise to the

Biggest Parking Lot in the World
Whether scathing or sympathetic, studies into how Los Angeles was built rarely lack
a key concern with the citys transport infrastructure. As one of the principle means
through which cities take shape, transportation infrastructure is rightfully privileged
as fundamental to urban histories from all variety of sources. All cities benefit from
the manoeuvrability of people inside them, yet rare indeed exists a physical and
cultural geography like that of LAs, where mobility so dominates the understanding
of the urban landscape all together. I should note, by using mobility here, I am
referring to the movement and circulation of people aspect of the terms geographic
definition.31
In so many LA studies, the predominance of the private automobile is
highlighted as much as the stationary built environment. For decades, the automobile
31
Noel Castree, Rob Kitchin, and Alisdair Rogers, A Dictionary of Human Geography (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2013), p. 319.
32
has been the defining framework for studying the exemplary aspects of the
metropolis - seen as so fundamental to what distinguishes the city, the two are
considered one and the same. Thusly, the motorised circulation system has become a
nearly sole frame of analytical reference for Los Angeles.
Vehicular navigation is never just about navigating streets in a perfectly
rational grid it is also about circulation of people according to their needs and
wants. Navigation is about circulation not just to and fro, but the circulation of
components within society. Be they cultural, commercial or otherwise, activities
have became organised in lived space to make room for the car, and their
predominance speaks to the very heart of how and why land is used. With a
cumulative length of roadways at 6,500 miles, Los Angeles maintains the largest
paved road and municipal street system in the United States, and its roadways take
up 13 per cent of the total land area.32 Both culturally and physically, the
automobile's dominance in LA has imprinted not only the built fabric, but also the
psychological wellspring from which the city conceives itself.
Walking through the oldest part of town, one can hear the roll and roar of
much less ancient technologies - fast-moving automobiles, pushing forward on the
Freeway, one of the principal ways in which cars move within Southern California.
The routes known as freeways are roads that are four-to-six-lane concrete
motorways with no crossings. 33 The term freeway was first used in a July 1935
article in The Los Angeles Times, which declared:
32
This is according to the office of current Mayor of Los Angeles, Eric Garcetti:
Office of Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, Mayor Garcetti Creates Working Group to Transform 20
Roadways into "Great Streets", <http://www.lamayor.org/mayor_
garcetti_creates_working_group_to_transform_20_roadways_into_great_streets>
[accessed 10 March 2014]
33
Leonard Pitt and Dale Pitt, Los Angeles A to Z: An Encyclopedia of the City and County (Berkeley
and London: University of California Press, 1997), p. 158.
33
It is called the Freeway because it will be free from grade crossings,

which will be over-head passes, free from cross-streets, which will be
bridged, and free from street cars. Probably it could as accurately be
called the Speedway.34
As an attempt to connect and cohere spatially disparate areas, freeway construction
sought a fast-moving and idealist future. With no red lights, higher speed limits, and
an increase in width from four to six lanes, private automobiles could be used to
shrink the distances between far-away points, and become a binding mechanism in
the regions infrastructure. Such a feat was previously impossible over such far
distances, and the freeways have come to firmly imprint the majority of modern
maps of the metropolitan area.
Traffic, the objective flow of cars through and within the city, is also a
concept, a teaching tool and a lens pruned from the wider context of Urban Studies.
To a certain degree, an emphasis on traffic within LA is fair enough. After all, it is
the roads and freeways that constitute the largest human-built component of the
region's metropolitan landscape.35 More problematic, however, is the way in which
worldwide criticism continues to grant Los Angeles divisive characterisations,
summarised by the title the suburban city as the freeway metropolis.36 Such an
image certainly forms a nearly solitary focus of derision from residents and visitors
alike.
The perceived looseness of landmarks and neighbourhoods in LA flows not
only from its low-density, but also from the construction of its image as too big to
digest. Most urban scholars agree Los Angeles lacks a core, despite having a
34
THE FREEWAY, Los Angeles Times, Jul 6, 1935, page A4.
35
Matthew W. Roth, Mulholland Highway and the Engineering Culture of Los Angeles in the 1920s,
Technology and Culture 40 (July 1999), pp. 544575 (p. 550).

36
Arthur Krim, Los Angeles and the Anti-Tradition of the Suburban City, p. 128.
34
Downtown. It lacks the pervasive concentration of the urban vertical the density of
skyscraper after skyscraper that so easily forms the iconic classic downtown in
older American cities. Such memorable buildings of stature can be seen far and
beyond their locales, acting as directional beacons and providing alternative uses as
wayfinding tools. This paucity of the traditional visual of a downtown goes a way
in explaining the lack of spatial familiarity with LAs built environs from outside of
it. As well, the spatial dispersal of so many suburbs and regional centres makes for
many potential routes. What historian Josh Sides deems the dispersive spatiality of
Los Angeles neither consists of an urban high-rise core, nor is widely visualised as
such.
When the car and mobility are so linked, not having a car is wrapped up in
immobility (social, economic and physical). More than just car-dependent, Los
Angeles symbolically stands forth as the global capital of car culture. After the
Second World War, LA pursued the nations most aggressive program of freeway
development.37 Aerial photography easily proves the remarkable and startling
impact motorways have had on the land, a prime physical manifestation of an
impermeable divide between geographic areas (See Illustration 5).
Where nothing else is agreed upon, freeways acts as buffer zones between the
areas they run through. Splitting areas into two, the freeway becomes a symbolic
border between neighbourhoods. Where something else may have been a border in
the past, or where nothing else would currently work, the freeway becomes a border,
particularly when it sliced through old communities. Downtown LA is one such
example, currently defined by the freeways which enclose it: The Century Freeway
of Interstate 110 (I-110) to the west side, the Santa Monica Freeway of Interstate 10
37
David W. Jones, Mass Motorization and Mass Transit: An American History and Policy Analysis
(Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2008), p. 129
35
(I-10) on the south, and the Hollywood Freeway of Interstate 101 (I-101) on the
North (also see Illustration 5). Alternatively, take the example of the impoverished
neighbourhood Pico-Union that is simply named after its main road intersection
West Pico Boulevard at South Union Avenue.38 Proving again the role freeways play
as borders, debate is open as to whether Pico-Union goes as far north as Olympic
Boulevard, or as far west as Normandie Avenue, but Angelenos almost always agree
it stops east at the I-110 and south at the I-10. Whereas wider boundaries for the city,
such as Eastside or Westside are more culturally-dependent - stricter to some than
to others, freeways are inextricably there and their existence cannot be argued
away just to suit rhetorical purpose. As both a border and one of the principal ways
by which cars find their way within the Los Angeles metro area, the freeway has
shaped more than just an infrastructural or transit-based understanding of the city.
At the end of the 1950s, Charles and Ray Eames used films of the freeways
to provide the Soviet public with positive and patriotic Glimpses of the USA at
the Moscow-held American National Exhibition, a cold war initiative to promote a
vision of American life to a communist society (See Illustration 6).39 A few years
later, a major American magazine argued that the essence of Los Angeles, its true
identifying characteristic, is mobility (See Illustration 7).40 Dreamy ideals of
unfettered mobility ran aplenty.
38
Like other impoverished Latino neighbourhoods in Los Angeles, Pico Union is feared,
misunderstood and understudied. For a remedying academic treatment, seek out J. M. Hutchinson,
Propinquity without community: A study of social capital, survival networks, and community building
in the Pico Union area of Los Angeles (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of California at
Los Angeles Department of Urban Planning, 1999).
39
For more on Charles and Ray Eames Glimpses of the USA, as shown at the American National
Exhibition in Moscow in 1959, see Jane Pavitt and David Crowley, The Hi-Tech Cold War, in Cold
War Modern: Design 19451970, ed. David Crowley and Jane Pavitt (London: V&A Publishing, 2008),
p. 184185 (pp. 163191).
40
Richard Austin Smith, Los Angeles, Prototype of Supercity, Fortune (March 1965).
36
Today, though, that dream is deferred as traffic in LA is clogged and city

infrastructure is crumbling. Potholes dot the road like metaphors for a faulty
government, struggling to keep up. How could they? After all, repairing just one
meeting of two roads seems inconsequential compared to the citys 40,000
intersections all told. Or, to take another example, on the Westsides Interstate 405,
the Sepulveda Pass is the third most congested highway segment in the U.S., with
300,000 + vehicles per day (See Illustration 8).41 Driving the freeway today is a
stop-and-start exercise in patience. Congestion reigns, and the results and
repercussions of such massive results bring pause: Los Angeles has become the
nations most congested metropolitan area, despite building the nations most
comprehensive freeway network.42 The flock of the freeway faithful grew smaller
as time passed. As we have seen, the freeway was initially intended as simply the
newer, more direct straight line between destinations. In due fact, the history and
cultural effects of freeways have been anything but straightforward.43
Transportation geographies are filled with the same confusion and clutter that
barrage the regions physical geography. All the same, transportation infrastructure is
LAs baseline unifier where not much else can be, where not much else could cohere
the diversity of space across her assortment of areas. The design history that follows
is an attempt to answer this dissertations central research question: how do the
graphics that transport us through space intervene or even define the identity of those
spaces?
41
Transportation Motion 13-0867, July 3, 2013, Mike Bonin, 11th District Councilmember.
42
Jones, Mass Motorization and Mass Transit: An American History and Policy Analysis, p. 129.
43
The most comprehensive academic treatment comes in the form of Matthew W. Roths Doctoral
Dissertation, Concrete Utopia: The Development of Roads and Freeways In Los Angeles, 1910
1950. Matthew W. Roth is co-curator and archivist of the Automobile Club of Southern California,
which was founded in 1900, extremely early by car club standards.
37
i.iv Destination Ahead: Chapters
To give a history of design for wayfinding in the city of Los Angeles, three case
studies of graphic navigational sign systems will come under review herein. All three
systems of wayfinding intentionally provide navigational cues to aid travellers
navigation and take them from the space between start and destination.
Chapter One takes an in-depth look at the Community Name Signs of Los
Angeles that form an enormous, decades-old civic design project. Through the
creation of both community names and community name signs, the case study will
show how the philosophical pursuit of Community is ratified and organised in the
abstract by signage in the urban environment. One of the newest and most
controversial signs installed by local government officials is the sign for the Little
Bangladesh area, which humorously sits within Koreatown. As photographed in
ceremonial fashion, the current Mayor of LA Eric Garcetti smiled on with the
knowledge he has pleased his constituents to no end by unveling a new marker of
their collective status. Despite the relatively minute scale of the area, the sign
unveiling was deemed worthy of pomp and circumstance. With a centred crest of
the City providing unification on top of the typography below, the signs imply the
order of the official, and the reason of regulation - a hard line in the sand - a what
is what. As we will see, they only imply borders, without truly giving them.
Chapter Two studies the professional environmental graphic design project,
Downtown LA Walks, produced by professional environmental graphic design
specialists Hunt Design and Corbin Design. This wayfinding programme effectively
re-brands pedestrianism by directing residents and visitors alike through
neighbourhoods in the historic and geographic core of the region. While the city
38
contains a remarkable 10,000 linear miles of sidewalks, much of this infrastructure

crumbles, and is crumbling.44 Pedestrians go uncelebrated, if not unaccounted for.
Chapter Three evaluates the Go Metro network diagram route map and onboard graphic sign system for the citys new public rail system of light rail and
subway mass transit. Since the light rail Metro Blue Line first opened in 1990, the
system now includes the subway Metro Red Line and light rail Metro Blue, Green,
and Gold lines. The route diagram ably uses the style of Information Design
prominent in worldwide Public Transport Map precedents - particularly Harry
Becks classic work for the London tube network. This should come as no surprise,
for as graphic design historian Robin Kinross has stated, the London Underground
map of Harry Beck is one of the very small number of commonly accepted classics
of information design.45 In his 2013 map redesigning the Greater Los Angeles
Freeway System to look like a Subway route map, graphic designer Peter Dunn
meshes this foundational style for a telling purpose (See Illustration 9). Underlying
both route maps is a new dream for a dawning age of new mass transport in LA
one, however nascent, that expands the single mode of private, largely solitary
transit to multiple ones less reliant on driving. These changes in public versus
private transit still feel so new and the twentieth-century legacy too long. Appraising
the dark reign of the automobile is up for some re-contextualisation, and this
dissertation proposes just that. Urbanism inquiry should make better use of a more
multi-pronged approach to a more multi-modal LA, and the use of design history will
accomplish that. As a discussion of LAs public transit wayfinding, Chapter Three
44
Patrick McGreevy, When City Doesn't Pave, It Pays--Millions to Settle Suits, Los Angeles Times,
24 January 1999.
45
Robin Kinross, Douglas Rose, The London Underground: a diagrammatic history,
Information Design Journal Volume 3, Number 1 (1982), p. 67
39
will not be capable of delivering a full history of the citys rapidly developing mass
transit system. All the the same, this dissertation will provide a new and clearer
understanding of the city of Los Angeles in the years 1990 to 2010, by making
clearer the history and aims of wayfinding signage systems in the public realm.
40
No other American city has received such anti-urban response

from professional observers and the basic geographic form of no
other American city is as misunderstood as that of Los Angeles.
Arthur Krim, Los Angeles and the Anti-Tradition of the
Suburban City, Journal of Historical Geography, 18 (1992),
121138 (p. 121).
Illustration 1.
Arthur Krim on Los Angeles and the Anti-Tradition of the Suburban City.
41
The worlds image of Los Angeles [] is of an endless plain

endlessly gridded with endless streets, peppered endlessly with
ticky-tacky houses clustered in indistinguishable neighbourhoods,
slashed across by endless freeways that have destroyed any
community spirit that may once have existed, and so on
endlessly.
Reyner Banham, Los Angeles : The Architecture of Four Ecologies
(London: Allen Lane, 1971), p. 161.
The Santa Monica Freeway (Interstate 10 / I-10 )

is seen here slicing through Mid-City. To the North of the
10 lies the Pico-Union neighbourhood, while South of the
10 becomes Adams-Normandie.
Illustration 2.
The Santa Monica Freeway (Interstate 10/I-10) is seen here slicing through Mid-City.
To the North of the I-10 lies the Pico-Union neighbourhood, while South of the 1-10
becomes Adams-Normandie.
42
Physical Boundaries of the City of Los Angeles
Illustration 3.
Physical boundaries of the City of Los Angeles.
City of San Francisco

Boundaries
Illustration
4.
City of Los Angeles Boundaries
San Franciscos city boundary versus the City of Los Angeles boundary.
43
Downtown LA
Illustration 5.
Downtown LA is currently defined by the freeways which enclose it and
provide it borders.
44
The essence of Los Angeles,

its true identifying characteristic,
is mobility.

Illustration 6.
45
The essence of Los Angeles,

its true identifying characteristic,
is mobility.
Richard Austin Smith, Fortune (March 1965).
Cover of LIFE Magazine, June 20, 1960
Illustration 7.
Cover of LIFE Magazine, June 20, 1960, with overlaid quote:
The essence of Los Angeles, its true identifying characteristic,
is mobility Richard Austin Smith, Fortune (March 1965)
46
On the Westsides Interstate 405,

the Sepulveda Pass is the most
congested highway segment in
the U.S., with 300,000+ vehicles
per day.
Illustration 8.
On the Westsides Interstate 405, the Sepulveda Pass is the most congested
highway segment in the U.S., with 300,000+ vehicles per day.
47
2013 Stonebrown Design. Design by Peter Dunn.
Illustration 9.
Graphic designer Peter Dunns 2013 map redesigns the Greater Los Angeles
Freeway System to look like a Subway route map.
48
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46
Jock Kinneir, Words and buildings: the art and practice of public lettering (London: The
Architectural Press, 1980), p. 7.

46
47
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47
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Sign
Ordinance')
definition holds for the region at large (Brentwood, California Planning Commission, 'Chapter 17.640,
Sign Ordinance')
49
do through both the aesthetic graphic design considerations of colour and

letterforms, and through their actual material makeup and fabrication. Each and
every one of these blue rectangular signs contains a named place but what else is
being contained? The answer lies within.
1.1
X Marks The Spot
Municipal signage is one of the most prominent artefacts of the streetscape.48 In

particular, blue Community Name Signs blanket the region on whole (See
Illustration 10). Each official marker of this kind is a new x marks the spot on a
decades-old map. Particularly when seen while driving, the sole purpose of
governmental signs in urban space is most often mere regulation setting speed
limits, say, or enforcement parking restrictions. Here, however, the official signs that
designate communities within the City of Los Angeles are the result of bottom-up
citizen input requiring top-down governmental implementation. The signs are the
embodiment of bureaucratic decisions, but they are also artefacts of information
designed for public space, and nothing without their final public audience.
Designating specific communities in the public realm is the result of more
than just engineers or designers. As much as they are artefacts of information
designed for public space, the signs are the embodiment of civil society but with
governmental implementation and approval. Yet, despite the installation of the
neighbourhood name signs by the Los Angeles Department of Transportation, the
boundaries of the districts being officiated are not officially defined in each case. The
signs are not as they appear, for as The LA Times crucially uncovered although the
48
General Information, Department of City Planning, City of Los Angeles (Los Angeles: City of Los
Angeles, 2000), p. i.
50
signs bear the city seal and are city property, they have no official standing.49 No
one seems to know for sure how many communities the name signs actually
designate, nor does there seem to be an exacting answer to what single set of official
boundaries is being alluded to.
The urbanism and diversity of the second largest city in the US seems faster
and more unpredictable than its own government can catch up to. Keeping track of
so many distinct units of place, let alone getting to, and through them, requires
finding ones way. Setting boundaries on the statistical scope of surrounding
Southern California is a distinct challenge, ballooning into as large a territory as you
choose to make it. For one, Los Angeles County is much larger than the city proper it
encloses. In 2010, the County of Los Angeles was 4,084 square miles in size, with 88
incorporated cities and over 10 million residents, compared to the City of Los
Angeles, with its 467 square miles, and over 4 million residents.50 While LAs
population makes up less than half of LA Countys population, the county is the
largest by population anywhere in the United States, and makes up about 27 per cent
of Californias total population.51 However, the twentieth century iteration of LA
was almost always large in terms of geographic spread. Even as early as 1920, the
Citys area measured 364 square miles. In the inevitable maze of todays total of 467
square miles, civic infrastructure is a rare unifying force across otherwise diverse
designed built environment. The Greater Metropolitan Region is even more
gargantuan, totalling five counties well and beyond the city limits - those of Los
49
Ibid.
50
County of Los Angeles, Estimated Population of the 88 Cities in the County of Los Angeles
(January 2010) <http://ceo.lacounty.gov/forms/Population%20Pg_Color.pdf> [accessed 8 July

2014]
51
Ibid.
51
Angeles County, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, and Ventura counties. In such a
spatially dispersed region, the name Los Angeles references far behind its borders.
Nonetheless, in the governments inability to provide exact borders for the
dozens of neighbourhoods which make it up, even those authorities in charge of the
city are caught unawares. This is a major reason why the majority of commonplace
neighbourhoods in contemporary Los Angeles feel un-mapped, or even unmappable.
In 2007, The Los Angeles Times newspaper reported there are now nearly
180 designated neighbourhoods in LA.52 For starters, then, the city has nearly as
many officially certified areas as there are countries in the entire world.53 Yet, unlike
the ordering body of the United Nations where new countries are defined by other,
pre-existing ones, the City does not give an exacting answer to what the official
boundaries for each community, district or neighbourhood are. While urban
territorial disputes are nothing new, they are neither any kind of small matter.
Skirmishes over territory and identity naturally rage in the city, but LA is a special
case. The battles here are not ones of violence but of confusion. The layered depths
of the citys quilt work are murky though not impenetrable. It is the goal of this
research to add new knowledge for a more well-rounded approach to studying design
history in Los Angeles.
52
Bob Pool, Lake Balboans get a shock -- they arent, Los Angeles Times (LAT), 26 April 2007.
53
The United States Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research gives a current total
count of 195 independent states, which they define as referring 'to a people politically organized
into a sovereign state with a definite territory recognized as independent by the US'. U.S.
Department of State, Independent States in the World (2014)
<http://www.state.gov/s/inr/rls/4250.htm> [accessed 8 July 2014]
52
1.2
Names Are Not Narrow
We must create a sense of pride and identity in our neighbourhoods again.

Los Angeles Mayor-elect Richard Riordan's Inaugural Address,
July 2, 199354
The Neighbourhood Identification Signs of Los Angeles are stationed around an area
not only to enclose it, but also to provide a stronger sense of place, however
ambiguous that may be.55 The terms neighbourhood and community are often
used interchangeably but defining community may be impossible. In a 1955
literature review, sociologist George Hillery found 94 separate definitions of the term
Community.56 Simply enough for our purposes, a neighbourhood identification
sign so defined is a sign that identifies a neighbourhood that is officially designated
by the City.57 The name signs are place markers for navigation, but as this
dissertation always seeks to elaborate, wayfinding is never so simple as A to B.
Our case in point is a broad system of civic wayfinding and identification,
and it requires an equally broad explanation. Luckily, an initial clarification is
thankfully on hand from the civic authorities responsible, the Los Angeles
54
Richard Riordan's Inaugural Address, Los Angeles Times, 2 July 1993
<http://articles.latimes.com/1993-07-02/news/mn-9270_1_city-los-angeles> [accessed 15
December 2013]
55
The quoted language comes from the same Brentwood Sign Ordinance.
56
George Hillery, Definition of Community: Areas of Agreement, Rural Sociology, 20 (1955), pp.
111123.
57
While this language comes from the official sign ordinance of the City of Brentwood, California, it's
definition holds for the region at large (Brentwood, California Planning Commission, 'Chapter 17.640,
Sign Ordinance')
53
Department of Transportation. LADOT posts special signs that help residents and
visitors identify the geographic boundaries of different neighbourhoods and
significant places.58 Borders are perceived as much as legislated. If left unmarked in
physical space, ambiguity easily arises. Neighbourhood Name Signs make objective
inroads in a complicated and subjective three-dimensional environment, visualising
borders outside their more-common two-dimensional representation in maps. This
special set of municipal markers attempts to mark routes, policing a kind of order.
The signs seem to imply legal and administrative answers. The streetscape requires
constant recognition, without which its street furniture and signage fails to lead
anyone on their way. However, as we shall come to see, the markers are made and
disseminated with more clarity than they themselves provide.
Do the coordinates pertain to contemporary city urban planning guidelines, or
ones from the past? As the community name sign program has kept a steady format
since beginning sometime around 1962, it is difficult to ascertain if past or present
area distinctions are being marked.59 On January 12, 1982, the first mention of
Koreatown as a sanctioned Community Name was placed on the wayfinding sign
of the Santa Monica Freeway at the Normandie Exit (See Illustration 11). ThenMayor Tom Bradley was present, as he was in another of 1982s Koreatown
unveilings, this time for a Name Sign (See Illustration 12).60 The area name
Koreatown still holds, but the area covered now includes 2011s Little
58
City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation, Neighbourhood signs: Department of
Transportation: City of Los Angeles (2013)

<http://ladot.lacity.org/WhatWeDo/Operations/NeighbourhoodServices/Neighbourhoodsigns/index.ht
m> [accessed 16 November 2014]
59
Ray Hebert, Community Signs - LA--a City Divided and Proud of It, LAT, 9 December 1985.
60
By 1982 Koreatown signs had been posted at two Los Angeles intersections: Vermont and
Olympic, and Western and Olympic, according to Myung Kun Kim, Samuel Sunjoo Lee and Tom H.J.
Byun, Rainbow over the Pacific: Korean Centennial Pictorial Book of the North America
(Los Angeles, CA: Christian Herald USA, Committee for the Korean Centennial Pictorial Book of the
North America, 2006), p. 230.
54
Bangladesh (See Illustration 13), whose designation ceremony also featured another
prominent politician and proponent - Eric Garcetti, then a member of the City
Council, and now the current Los Angeles Mayor (as of 2015). Meanwhile, the
actual extent to how Bangladeshi Little Bangladesh actually is has come under
question. A map illustration, custom created for this research, shows the minute area
and lists its equally minute amount of Bangladeshi-American owned establishments
(See Illustration 14). Likewise, a designation ceremony was conducted for the
community naming of Filipino Town (See Illustration 15) only to have the name
and sign revised in an August 2002 designation ceremony to the current Historic
Filipinotown (See Illustration 16).
In 1985, a count determined Los Angeles had over half a million municipal
signs of all types, of which the named community signs barely made a dent.61 At
that moment in time, there were only 433 community name signs posted in total.
Note that this number includes duplicates of signs, for no neighbourhood only
maintains a sole sign of its name. Ray Hebert reported in the Los Angeles Times that
the 1985 count stood as 510,840 signs in total, from street name signs to no-parking
signs.62 By now, this number has surely grown exponentially larger. Though LA
seems unwilling to unify its most up-to-date distinctions, the City's Bureau of Street
Lighting, meanwhile, maintains a complete geographic database (GIS) with over
210,000 streetlight poles.63 Clearly, the City of Angels has a much easier time
naming communities than narrowing them down.
61
Hebert, Community Signs.
62
Hebert, Community Signs.
63
The City of Los Angeles ,Changing our Glow for Efficiency, Municipal Solid State Lighting
Consortium - LED Workshop, April 2012 <http://apps1.eere.energy.gov/

buildings/publications/pdfs/ssl/msslc_la2012_ebrahimian.pdf>.
65
55
In what is named what, politics never leaves the boundaries of this case study.
The politically expeditious route for the city is to put the signs up quickly, once
approved. The Los Angeles Department of Transportation is instructed to do this,
and without much red tape. Heres how the process works: each addressed location
inside city limits starts up from the most granular of descriptions the legal lot, each
of which is held within a surrounding city council district, a larger community plan
area and finally, that communitys corresponding area planning commission. For
each address in LA, there are both physical and human sides to geography the coordinates of physical geography, and the socioeconomic elements of human
geography. Angelenos now form their own local Neighbourhood Councils, a more
recent political development since 1999, which allows decentralisation through local
elections.64 The smallest Neighbourhood Council in Los Angeles to date is the
Elysian Valley Riverside Neighbourhood Council. The council holds 15 board
seats to represent the 7,323 residents of secluded Elysian Valley, a neighbourhood
blockaded by the physical borders of either Freeways or the LA River. Qualifications
to run for a seat on Neighbourhood Councils have been generous one does not
technically need be a resident! In fact, anyone who provides Acceptable Forms of
Documentation to become a Stakeholder can run, and Stakeholders need only be
those who (my own emphasis): live, work, own a business within the EVRNC
boundaries or who declare a stake in the neighbourhood and affirm a factual basis for
it.65
All the same, the most official way a Neighbourhood Council or a
Neighbourhood Identification Sign is confirmed is less than full-on community pride
64
A new Charter of the City of Los Angeles was approved by the citys voters in July 1999, granting
residents improve neighborhood engagement in City policy making.

65
This according to The City of Los Angeles, Office of the City Clerk - Election Division, List of
Acceptable Forms of Documentation.
56
at best, the City deems them city-certified. For the implementation of signs, these
smaller, local Neighbourhood Councils request motions through the larger Council
Districts that surround them. There are currently 95 Neighbourhood Councils for the
15 districts of the Los Angeles City Council.66
Without political representation, and the empowerment it seeks to provide,
there is no self-determination and the identification that provides. The total physical
space of Council Districts is split into parcels of land carved up the Census Bureau
for statistical purpose. To more or less equate to the same amount of citizens,
Districts must, by law, divide populations as close to evenly as possible. The most
recent ideal population of each Council District was set at 252,841.67 These
motions must move up the chain to be approved by City Council, which then
approves their implementation into the built environment, via the LA Department of
Public Works and the Department of Transportation. Neighbourhood Councils can,
and do, draw up their own maps, but these do not always align to the physical
placement of the IDs.
Business-owners, citizens, and residents, all, can also request to have
neighbourhoods either newly named, or re-named. To do so, they file a petition with
the City Clerk to either change a neighbourhood name or create one where none
previously existed, which itself must contain a minimum of 500 signatures of
individuals who either reside in and/or have businesses, both profit and non-profit, in
the neighbourhood being named or re-named.68 While the lack of clarity about
66
According to The City of Los Angeles, Office of the City Clerk.
67
This being for the re-districting that took place in 2012. See: Council File No. 1 1-0137-ss, Los
Angeles City Council Redistricting Commissions Final Report and Recommendations: ...for purposes
of complying with the equal population principle based on the total population of the City. Based on
the 2010 census figures, the total population of the City is 3,792,621, and therefore the ideal
population of each Council District is 252,841.
68
City Of Los Angeles, Office Of The City Clerk, Application To Name Or Rename Communities
57
borders might be freeing for some, making for a positive porousness, any flexibility
that allows merely 500 taxpayers to change the name of a neighbourhood (even if
they do not live inside it!) is surprising at best, far too fluid at worst. Perhaps only in
Los Angeles are neighbourhood councils not solely for neighbours.
Once a neighbourhood name change is approved, the embodying visual is
made. New name signs are fabricated, installed, received by a public, and maintained
by part of that publics government. Unlike street signs posted to the signs of
buildings - such as those within Londons City of Westminster borough - which have
always depended on the use of private property for a public service, the community
name signs situate themselves on the public property of roads.69 In their actual
geographic co-ordinate locations, they are given right of way, thus deriving the
benefit of prominent visibility. Using the street furniture of high mast arms and/or
traffic lights, they remain property of the City. Determining how much the signs are
usable from the road requires studying the drivers attention and line of sight. At
best, this range is behest to the traffic situation at hand on top of potential adverts or
other visual points of interest. It is not without reason that some street name signs
will get lost to the fray of surrounding advertisements. A tension arises when even
the most important information can so easily recede into the background, out of
either familiarity or lack of competition. The legibility of the letter designs used to
write messages on the neighbourhood name signs was a core component of the
original design intent. The letters demanded upmost clarity following the
understanding of their function: the letters would not primarily be read sitting still,
but seen passing by at faster and faster speeds. The alphabets design now dates back
to mid-century and lacks the novelty to compete with the visual noise of an
69
Dennis Cheetham, Inquiry: Street name signs, DESIGN, issue 195, 1965.
58
environment overflowing with commercial messages. The flashy enticements of

commercial messages on LAs Sunset Boulevard will change soon enough, but the
graphics providing direction from one feature and locale to the next do not have the
same luxury. The busier the junction, the more the neighbourhood name signs must
compete with attention directed towards safety. Directional signs must compete for
the attention of the motorist who has other street and regulatory signs to consider and
other enticing storefront signs to navigate past. All in all, for wayfinding signs to
have permanence on top of presence, they must feel a natural part of their
surroundings.
Beyond the means by which they communicate via the clearness of letter
shapes, the success of wayfinding signs relies on their designed size and placement.
Too small a directional sign becomes irrelevant and unseen, but too high and
problems of readability happen with the angle of sight.70 Key design decisions
should also be made about what permissibly can or should surround the name sign
once geographically positioned and installed. For instance, the nearer a lamp, the
more the signs can be seen at night an important feature and necessity for those
who may be seeking a neighbourhood for the first time. In the Los Angeles case here
at hand, the typical location of a blue name sign is the steel street lighting poles that
hold the traffic lights at an intersection. Their other but less prominent location is
detached street lighting poles. Either way, both of these placements are brightly
illuminated at night. Scale is not the only attribute for a name signs visibility. As
designer and lettering historian Alan Bartram explains, many commercial
advertisement signs from the past were prominently impressed into plaster on the
70
The MUTCD recommends using the legibility index of 30 feet of legibility for every inch of letter
height for static signs. This translates to, for example, a legibility distance of 180 feet for a 6 inch
letter - National Research Council. ACRP Report 52: Wayfinding and Signing Guidelines for Airport
Terminals and Landside (Washington, DC: The National Academies Press, 2011).
59
side of buildings yet only to fade over time. Weathered and hard to read, Bartram
calls these remnants ghost signs - traces of graphic design from the past noticeable
only to other afficionados like himself, the ones who seek hard to find them. In
accepting his own status as a lover of type, Bartram spoke of one such ghost sign in
particularly, and wondered though millions of people have passed it; how many
have seen it?71 There is a deep irony in the repetition of neighbourhood name signs
posted all across LAs built environment. While meant to unite one of Americas
largest population centres, guiding the uninitiated, the directional signposts recede
back once known, becoming a token and less visible aspect of the background. In the
end, however, what gets seen depends on how much one wants to see it. LAs
community name signs might be easy to lose sight of, but zooming in on them only
reveals more interesting design historical aspects, not less.
1.3
The Sign Shop and the Identity Crisis
The official title of our current object of study is the Community/District Name
Sign, as so deemed by the City of Los Angeles. Analysing precise sign layouts and
locations is possible due to the discovery of the Standard Engineering Drawing that
provides exacting specifications for design and circulation (See Illustration 17). The
most initial of design elements is the sign shape, which is a specifically non-alterable
rectangle. Note that neighbourhood is a special term, reserved in a particularly US
way for private, not governmental, production. As but one of hundreds of signs
created and implemented by the LA Department of Transportation (LADOT), the
71
Alan Bartram, Lettering in Architecture (London: Lund Humphries, 1975).
60
standard drawing spec is aptly subtitled Sign No. 4160.72 Placed onto thick
aluminium metal stock, the named place is lettered on a blue background with 6 inch
upper case and 4 inch lower case letters, all of which are white. As standardised
works of common design, the blue background colour of the ID signs is chosen
because it avoids confusion with the meanings of other pre-existing road sign colors,
snugly fitting within guidelines set by the State of California. Red, yellow, orange,
white or black could be confused with stop signs, warning signs, construction signs,
and regulatory signs, respectively.73 Effectively, then, though these signs designate
specific geographic areas, they make no visual distinction between categories of
places. As well, the proverbial lay of the land is equalled out by the same choice of
background. Whereas mid-century professional graphic design group and signage
experts Crosby Fletcher Forbes had once proposed colour coding to distinguish
direction, information, and identification from one another, the decision by
professional engineers to use the blue background for the community name signs
removes colour coding altogether.74
The contemporary ID signs are now devised on Computer-Assisted-Design
(C.A.D.) software, more at home in interior design or architecture than in graphic
layout. The Los Angeles Department of Transportation then fabricate each sign
individually themselves and install on behalf of the community so named. Sign
manufacturing takes place in a sign shop inside the Piper Technical Centre, a nononsense downtown location smack-dab by a busy railway junction and a fortresslike mens prison called the Twin Towers Correctional Facility (See Illustration
72
City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation, Drawing No. S-502.0
73
City of Los Angeles DOT, Drawing No. S-502.0
74
Crosby/Fletcher/Forbes, A Sign Systems Manual (London: Praeger Publishers, 1970)
61
18).75 The C. Erwin Piper Technical Centre, in full, or Piper Tech as it is

nicknamed, is located at 555 Ramirez Street. This information was disclosed and
verified to me by a meeting with John E. Fisher in January 2014. Fisher is the former
Assistant General Manager of the Los Angeles Department of Transportation, who
was for many years in charge of all transportation operations. A veteran of the
Department since 1973, Mr Fisher also explained the mentioned majority of signs
produced at the Piper Tech sign shop are regarding parking enforcement, elaborating
another component of LA driving culture.
The aesthetic considerations that form the final appearance of the blue name
signs are clearly the ever-present yet anonymous work of traffic engineers, not the
workplace of a slick upper echelon of professional designer. This is also not the
standardised corporate design manual, where amateur, wavering graphics are washed
away through the brilliance of a standardising design unit. Unlike famed designer
Bruno Munaris maxim that a designer is a planner with an aesthetic sense, here the
plan creates the design, and the design can only exist by going to plan.76 That plan
being the standard engineering drawing, the next regulation set forth is where the
blue signs must be physically stationed: on busy arterial routes (See Illustration
19).77 Lest we forget, in this municipality of almost 800,000 parcels and over
900,000 legal lots, LA contains the largest municipal system in the country in the
6,500 miles of paved roadway that make its street network.78 The neighbourhood
identifier, then, not only divides and demarcates but also becomes an aid to route
75
John E. Fischer, personal interview, 16 January 2014.
76
Bruno Munari, Design as Art (London: Penguin, 2008), p. 29
77
City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation, Drawing No. S-502.0 (See Illustration 1).
78
The Department of City Planning reported in 1997 that The City of Los Angeles has nearly
800,000 parcels and over 900,000 legal lots in the proceedings of the 1997 ESRI User Conference
(Zoning Information and Map Access System (ZIMAS)
<http://proceedings.esri.com/library/userconf/proc97/proc97/to200/pap155/p155.htm>). The
street network information is from Ben Poston, LA full of roads to ruin for cars, LAT, 4 May 2013.
62
choice within a motorised transport network. Posted whenever possible on highly

trafficked roads, the height and placement of community name signs references a use
for the automobiles coming through, not pedestrians passing by. In a city like Los
Angeles, another banal but practical consideration is afoot: where feasible,
community and neighbourhood signs should be installed at a clearance height
greater than 7 feet so that they will be less prone to vandalism.79 In a landscape
covered by territorial gang tags, anti-graffiti film is used to protect the message on
the thick aluminium stock, which is also reflectorized for night-time visibility.80
After all, a report on the Principles of Urban Wayfinding Systems found that five
per cent of the signs in the average Wayfinding system are damaged or destroyed
every year.81
LAs Community Name Signs privilege the mobility of the car and the
perspective of the driver's seat. Los Angeles came of age in the era of the car and a
natural by-product of its large and largely low-density landscape is a kind of roadinduced identity crisis about place. As Los Angeles magazine has lamented, sadly, a
large number of contemporary Angelenos are forced to refer to their neighbourhoods
simply by the nearest major intersection: Jefferson and Fairfax, for example, or
Washington and La Brea.82 However figuratively done, the unfortunate side effect
of naming places through roads is that it privileges routes over staying put. No home
is situated in the middle of an intersection, and no community connection fostered by
the thought.
79
80
Ibid.
81
Craig M. Berger and Adrienne Eiss, Principles of Urban Wayfinding Systems, Institute of
Transportation Engineers, ITE Journal, Volume 72, Number 4 (April 2002), pp. 3034 (p. 30).
82
Gregory Rodriguez, The Soul Of A New Neighbourhood, Los Angeles, January 1997, p. 75.
63
1.4
Standard Alphabets
The more ground covered, the broader the types of information presented on the
road. Regulated road-sign lettering, like regulated sign shapes, provides the clarity
needed for motorists whatever and wherever they ride. Ironically, the single, unifying
lettering that identifies and gives belonging to Angelenos is in fact federal. However
much it marks the local, the name sign alphabets come from The Standard
Alphabets for Traffic Control Devices (See Illustration 20). A decades-old set of
letter designs, these alphabets were prepared by the Federal Highway
Administration for signing and marking all streets, highways, bike routes, trails and
other by-ways open to public travel.1 The impetus for their design was quick fire
clarity, following the common sense guidebook credo that the traveller's first need is
for information.2
As traffic engineers do not normally take on the role of type designers or
typesetters, these letters must be understood under a different lens. The Standard
Alphabets for Traffic Control Devices were developed as tools under the wider
rubric of traffic operations. Via the proviso of their mandatory correct use, the
alphabets were disseminated as required standards for traffic authorities in the
Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices (MUTCD). The U.S. Bureau of Public
Roads first published the manual in 1935, and it is still produced to this day. By
1961, as the U.S. federal highways expanded, the MUTCD standards became even
The Federal Highway Administration (FHWA), The Standard Alphabets for Traffic Control Devices,
in Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices (2009).

2
Christian Barman, The Things We See - No. 5 - Public Transport (London: Penguin, 1949)
64
more important for travel between States, and were made a requirement for any
federal highway funds.3
Because roadway signage is an environmental graphic generally requiring
less range of letters than a page in a book, the terms alphabet or lettering style
will be used here as much as the names font or typeface, which names a complete
set. The names by which these letters go by are equally legion, from the verbose
Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) Standard Alphabet lettering styles, to
the Standard Highway Signs (SHS) Alphabets. While this Standard Alphabet of
note is colloquially called 'Highway Gothic', the actual names are almost legalese in
character. The practically anonymous name of the letters is devised solely from their
use, not a marketing department. It matters not if the name is loved or even well
remembered, for it must be used on the road regardless.
Depending on the need for recognition, there is more than one class of sign
on the road. Different colours and shapes mark new meanings, only to have new
requirements. Thus it was for the sake of adaptability that more than one Series of
alphabet was designed, allowing for substitution between these signs. In total, there
are five widths and weights, these being: FHWA Series B, C, D, E, and E-modified
(See Illustrations 2125). The first four categories are all capitalised, making them
sturdy and upright for Transport needs.
Whenever possible, the community names are typeset in the same letters set
at the same size, and with equal amounts of white space all around them. With few
exceptions, official Los Angeles community signs use the bolder standard alphabet
FHWA Series E 2000 (See Illustration 26). This Series E-modified contains both
Edward Weiner, Urban Transportation Planning in the United States: History, Policy, and Practice
(London: Springer, 2013), p. 13.
65
upper and lower-case letters and is mathematically even in weight (See Illustration
27).
The Series E letter shape for the letter o is mathematically sculpted by
perfect circles, exactly how a technically precise engineer would have it, but not the
way a skilled type designer would more subtly sculpt the same letter (Again, see
Illustration 27). Lest any change break the rigor of the system, the narrower Series B
is thus used to fit in more verbose titles to the same size sign, like in the case of
South LAs Furniture & Decorative Arts District (See Illustration 28). The same
district features in a particularly confusing intersection on the geographic south
side of the city. Two blue signs show the Furniture & Decorative Arts District
nestled inside South Los Angeles, and alongside even another area, Menlo Park
(See Illustration 29). With this intersection featuring several Community Name
Signs, several Standard Alphabet series widths are also used.
Though the result of enormous and complex governmental interactions, the
Series Alphabet designs have traditionally been credited to a sole individual, not to
groupthink. A man named Ted Forbes is said to have been working as a traffic
engineer and researcher within the California Department of Transportation
(Caltrans), when he created the letters in 1949, for use on a new limited-access
expressway in the State.4 However much the Standard Alphabets of Road Signs in
the US have been credited to this certain Ted Forbes, very little information had been
available on him.
My research now presents new evidence on the authors of some of
Americas most commonly seen letterforms. An article on Sign Legibility from an
4
Donald T. Meeker, Extending the Threshold: The Evolution of a Typeface Design SEGDDesign
magazine, p. 15. This date marker means the Standard Alphabet letters would predate not the
original idea of the Federal Interstate Highway System, but the funding and realisation of it, which
would have to wait for President Eisenhowers Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956.
66
early 1950s magazine about California Highways resolves the long-standing

mystery. The letters on America's interstate signs derive from California first, and
while one Dr T.W. Forbes, Visiting Associate Professor of Engineering and
Psychology was involved in legibility tests, other and until now anonymous
designers worked on the letter designs, at least on the lower-case letters. As the
magazine article details:
Mr J. E. Penton and Mar. E.E. Radek of the California Metal Enamelling
Company, 6904 East Slauson Boulevard, Los Angeles, graciously furnished
the alphabets used and some valuable guidance relative to spacing of letters.
Messrs. Martin OBrien, F.M. Carter, A.L. Hutchison and Roy Smith of
the division, working with the sign company, have all contributed to
the letter designs used in California signs (See Illustrations 3031).5
To quote famed typographer Eric Gill, letters are signs for sounds, so in highway
terms, the bolder and more capitalised the letters, the louder the cautionary tale.6 Yet,
because they are separate parts of the same whole, official city designs effectively
regulate that the communities of LA cannot assert their identity any more than any
other, whether through louder visual treatments or bigger signs.
All told, the motorway signs within LA carry the same alphabet as its road
signs. In due turn, those road signs use the same alphabet as LAs community
name signs. Communities are not the same as the roads that go through them, so
what does this say about civic identity? With such a literal connection between the
alphabet of the local LA signs and the letters guiding motorists on the freeway, a
symbolic connection is not far off. The extent to which this connection is positive is
5
Karl Moskowitz and Glen Morgan, Sign Legibility, California Highways and Public Works (The
Official Journal of the Division of Highways, Department of Public Works, State of California),
January-February 1951, pp. 611 and 61 (p. 61).
6
Eric Gill, An Essay on Typography (London: Sheed and Ward, 1936), p. 23.
67
questionable. At worst, as even David Brodsly admits in his Appreciative Essay on

the symbolism of the subject, the freeway's range as a negative symbol speaks
poorly of the quality of life perceived by many in the automotive metropolis.7 If the
historic design decision makes an unintended point, it is the uniformity of places.
Engineers want to remove any and all hindrances to the standardised homogeneity
which hides an incredibly complex mixture of both physical environments and of
land-uses, from wealthier hillsides to more inexpensive flatlands, from established
bastions of prestige to poorer ethnic enclaves.
The informative neighbourhood ID signs are the result of extra precautions
towards neutrality. The generic, one-size-fits-all model shows a polite and cautious
civic authority sensibility to design. Local idioms cannot be allowed, and instead are
supplanted by a broader and more official baseline. In fear of any accusation of
political favouritism, government authorities are trapped in an awkward position. On
the one hand, they desire as many neighbourhoods be recognised, as they themselves
so desire. Yet, this is only so long as their constituents are recognised the same way.
All told, are the signs really badges of honour and beacons of belonging, or a
confused and cautious civic sensibility to design?
As signs go, these are certainly declarative, and much less ephemeral than so
much of the temporary postings that take up the streetscape. But as city property
engineered to hold on for the long haul, are the markers pronounced enough or
exactly as entryways? Many neighbourhoods seem not to think so, with a huge array
of areas from Bel Air (See Illustration 32) to Chinatown (See Illustration 33),
Harvard Heights (See Illustration 34) to Solano Canyon (See Illustration 35) creating
their own gateways for a more memorable experience.
David Brodsly, LA Freeway: An Appreciative Essay, 1981, p. 56.
68
All in, LAs street engineers are unlikely to be particularly 'letter conscious'
so much as desiring the look of the high and mighty official. More than likely, the
use of the standard alphabets marks a shotgun marriage of convenience. Nonetheless,
over their decades of existence, the engineered graphic look of the community name
signs has not vacillated. Many major commercial companies could not say the same
about their brand aesthetic and logos, adapting over time to stay on top of current
styles and trends. With the comparable longevity of decades unchanged, LAs
neighbourhood identification signs have become a formidable if unacknowledged
design component of the citys background.
69
Illustration 10.
Community Name Sign for Atwater Village.
70
Illustration 11.
January 12, 1982 designation ceremony for the first mention of Koreatown as a
sanctioned Community Name, placed on the Normandie Exit wayfinding sign
of the Santa Monica Freeway.
71
Illustration 12.
1982 designation ceremony for a Koreatown community name sign,
with then Mayor Tom Bradley (5th from left).
72
Illustration 13.
2011 designation ceremony for a Little Bangladesh community name sign,
with future Mayor Eric Garcetti (front).
62
73
The Little in Little Bangladesh
Illustration 14.
The Little in Little Bangladesh: Bangladeshi-American owned establishments
within LAs Little Bangladesh. Authors illustration.
63
74
Illustration 15.
Designation ceremony for Filipino Town community naming and signage.
64
75
Illustration 16.
Current Historic Filipinotown Community Naming and Signage.
76
Illustration 17.
Community/District Name Sign specifications.
Source: City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation,
Drawing No. S-502.0.
77
Illustration 18.
The C. Erwin Piper Technical Center, located at 555 Ramirez Street,
which contains the Los Angeles Department of Transportation sign shop.
78
Illustration 19.
The Westwood Village community/district name sign is physically stationed on a
wide and busy road, technically known as an arterial route, as regulation sets forth.
79
Illustration 20.
The Federal Highway Administration Standard Alphabet, as used on
a Freeway wayfinding sign to mark local destinations.
80
SERIES B 2000
ABCDE
FGHI
J
KLMNO
Illustration 21.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series B.
ABCD
EFGH
IJKLM
SERIES C 2000
Illustration 22.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series C.
81
82
SERIES D 2000
ABC
DEFG
HIJK
Illustration 23.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series D.
83
SERIES E 2000
ABC
DEF
GHIJ
Illustration 24.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series E.
84
SERIES EM 2000
ABC
DEF
GHI
Illustration 25.
Standard Alphabets For Traffic Control Series E-Modified.
85
Illustration 26.
The Series E-Modified Alphabet as used on Los Angeles community name signs
(Authors illustration, overlaying letters from technical specifications, in black).
ically Engineered
BCF
I
Illustration 27.
The Mathematically Engineered strokes of Series E-Modified Standard
Alphabet letterforms.
86
87
Illustration 28.
Series B Standard Alphabets in use on standard-width community name sign,
so as to fit in letters of the longer community name Furniture & Decorative
Arts District.
88
Illustration 29.
A confusing intersection in South Los Angeles features several community name
signs and several Standard Alphabet series widths.
93
89
Illustration 30.
Assembling and placing highway directional signs
with new lower case lettering, Summer 1950.
94
90
Illustration 31.
The lower-case alphabet used in 1950 tests, as a joint project of the
California Division of Highways and the Institute of Transportation
and Traffic Engineering of the University of California.
91
Illustration 32.
Bel Airs typographic gateway.
92
Illustration 33.
Chinatowns unmissable and unmistakeable twin dragon gateway.
93
Illustration 34.
Harvard Heights Historic District entrance marker.
94
Illustration 35.
Solano Canyons gateway markers.
95
ChapterTwo
Two
Chapter
Walking
WalkingDowntown
Downtown LA LA
I have two doctors, my left leg and my right.1

George Macaulay Trevelyan, British historian and avid walker
Despite being full of parked automobiles and surrounded by freeways, Downtown

Los Angeles is the citys hub of walking and mass transit. This makes the area a
prime case-in-point for understanding spatial behaviours outside the car and the ways
wayfinding signage systems are aiding or altering those actions. This chapter takes
us on a journey as a pedestrian walking through Downtown Los Angeles, the heart of
the citys origins and the hub of its current-day public transit network. We navigate
by using the professional environmental graphic design program Downtown LA
Walks, a wayfinding programme in the public realm that incorporates a signage
system into an unconventional central district. When is wayfinding more than just
wayfinding? When it is proclaimed to be an ambitious wayfinding/marketing
program, and Downtown LA Walks was deemed just that. 2
Whether or not you are familiar with the work of environmental graphic design
as a sub-field of professional practice, and even if you had never heard of the term
Wayfinding, both are of use to you, both are everywhere, and both are waiting to
guide you.
Downtown LA Walks is a wayfinding programme created to aid those
George Macaulay Trevelyan, Walking (Hartford, Conn.: E. V. Mitchell, 1928), p. 19.
Society for Experiential Graphic Design (SEGD), SEGD - Downtown Los Angeles Walks
<https://www.segd.org/content/downtown-los-angeles-walks> [accessed 15 November 2013]
96
getting around Downtown, whether by walking or driving, though with a decided

emphasis on supporting pedestrians. The comprehensive identification system seeks
to usher people into Downtown and increase their foot traffic once there. It was
created by two teams of professional environmental graphic designers: Hunt Design
of Pasadena, California (a self-proclaimed leading graphic designer for buildings,
spaces and places), teamed with Corbin Design of Traverse City, Michigan.3 The
relatively small team of designers who created the enormous project consisted of:
Wayne Hunt (principal in charge at Hunt Design), Jeffry Corbin (the founder and
principal in charge of Corbin Design), and the designers Jim Harper, InSung Kim,
Dinnis Lee, Matt McCormick, Rick Stringer and John Temple. Programme plans
were first drawn up as early as 1998, but those plans stalled. The first sign was
finally unveiled on April 26, 2005 in a splashy Tuesday morning ceremony,
complete with the Laker cheerleaders.4 After fabrication, the signs were installed in
each district by Fluoresco Lighting and Signs, Inc. The remainder of network of
markers - nearly 1,300 signs total - went up by September of the same year.
This wayfinding programme first divides the downtown core into 13 key
destination districts forming the districts of Downtown Los Angeles, those being:
Bunker Hill, Chinatown, Civic Centre, Downtown Centre, El Pueblo, Fashion
District, Figueroa Corridor, Historic Downtown, Jewelry District, Little Tokyo,
South Park, Toy District, and Wholesale Market (See Illustration 36). The finished
signs were posted at area streets, intersections and freeway off-ramps. Underneath
the logos of each district, 285 street level maps were additionally placed throughout
Downtown, attached to poles as permanent signs. These maps provide the user with a
3
Hunt Design/Corbin Design/TODD Public Relations, Los Angeles Unveils One Of The Country's Most
Comprehensive Civic Wayfinding Programs, EWORLDWIRE (June 28, 2005), 2 <http://www.eworld

wire.com/pdf/12224.pdf> [accessed 9 December 2014] (p. 2)
4
Chris Coates, Which Way, Downtown L.A.?, Los Angeles Downtown News, April 25, 2005, p. 1.
97
geographic layout of the three- to four-block neighbourhood of their immediate

surroundings, placing you dead center in the map through the common You Are
Here cartographic format.5
Through their relatively large scale dimensions and repetition Downtown LA
Walks signs are larger and more commonly seen inside Downtown than competing
civic wayfinding signs such as the blue community name signs reviewed earlier
herein. Indeed the two systems overlap as those name signs function as much inside
Downtown as anywhere else.
Downtown LA Walks seeks to more effectively market and brand the
experience of being a pedestrian in the historic and geographic core of the region.
Selling walking is no easy task in an urban region where long distances between
destinations are so common, but Downtowns relative density assists it in this regard.
It becomes obvious how strong a role marketing played when we learn that while the
title of the signage system focuses on walking, in fact signs directing vehicles
actually outnumber those for pedestrians. As well, the southern addition of the
Figueroa Corridor district is represented by a convertible appropriate for
illustrating that particular stretch of a busy and wide corridor of Figueroa Street, but
hardly appropriate for encouraging walking (See Illustration 3738).
Creators Hunt Design have explained that wayfinding is gaining an
understanding of where you are relative to other things in your environment and then
moving successfully and intentionally to another location.6 The teams of Hunt and
Corbin had a particularly large challenge in providing wayfinding within Downtown
5
For more on You Are Here maps, specifically, see Michael J. ONeill, Theory and research in design
of You Are Here maps in Visual Information for Everyday Use: Design and Research Perspectives,
ed. by Harm J.G Zwaga, Theo Boersema, and Henritte C. M. Hoonhout (Basingstoke, England:
Taylor & Francis, 1998), pp. 225238 (p. 228).
6
Hunt Design, Wayfinding 101 Wayfinding Defined | Hunt Design, <http://www.
huntdesign.com/wayfinding-101-education> [accessed 8 February 2014]
98
Los Angeles because the area itself includes 350 city blocks, 300 intersections, 50
streets, and 30 freeway off-ramps. Trying to summarise such an array of components
was a primary challenge, as was balancing the needs of both citizenry and visitors. If
the signs were to stay up too long, they would annoy residents whose own internal
images and mental maps meant they had less need for navigation, capable of it on
their own. Then again, too few signs in number would mean less of the indispensable
guidance that could put worries at ease and increase exploration by foot, both being
avowed goals of the programmes creatives. Just like city council members
appearing and smiling at the unveiling of yet another community name sign, the
organisers behind Downtown LA Walks have to try and placate community
members and create the greatest good. Likewise, the underlying and elaborate
bureaucratic apparatus ensured a politically correct level of consistency for how
Downtown would be divided and quartered. The larger and required oversight for the
sign system came from The Confederation of Downtown Associations, itself made
up of previously existing constituent Business Improvement Districts. This
confederation spearheaded the efforts to unify all the different sectors of Downtown
in a way the symbolic effect of graphic design alone could not do.
Hunt Design and Corbin Design created their signs with the political backing
and will power of powerful business communities, not the neighbourhood groups or
neighbourhood councils who sought out those perfunctory blue name signs. In
another way of comparing them, the signs of Downtown LA Walks were custom
made, whereas LAs neighbourhood name signs are ready to ship from an on-going
vernacular one that does not involve the direct use of professional environmental
graphic designers.
Each districts logo is formed of a representative icon, saying something about
99
itself as a place with an image, not with words. Using widely communicated symbols
like a Basketball, the visual form of the icons take no special training to use, and
requires no set language from their users. As goals go, better signs would make for
better and more trips, with increased foot traffic ideally increasing business for
Downtowns shopping and cultural destinations. Re-branding meant privileging all
Districts of Downtown as equally worthy of exploration, even when safety might be
a concern. For instance, Downtown LA Walks uses a Teddy Bear as the district
icon of the Toy District, which only goes to hide its rough location only moments
from the encampments of rough sleepers in Americas homelessness capital, Skid
Row (See Illustration 39). As we can see when we glimpse a photograph of how the
Toy District actually appears (See Illustration 40), Downtown LA already does
walk, but the settings of street life can be far from glamorous. Christopher
Hawthorne, the architecture critic for The Los Angeles Times, best remedied the
misperceptions when he wrote,
It is of course not true that nobody walks in LA. We have many prolific
walkers; they tend to be our poorest citizens, walking from bus stops to
workplaces or apartments. What is true, and what is still worth saying, is that
the streetscape treats car traffic so favourably as to make walking feel like a
peripheral, unsanctioned, and even unreasonable activity, something to do only
when circumstances - personal, financial dictate.7
As Chapter Three is soon to illuminate, when Los Angeles seeks discretionary mass
transit users, it uses wayfinding in the pursuit of that goal. Likewise, when Los
Christopher Hawthorne, Contemporary Voice: Thickets of Diversity, Swaths of Emptyness, in
William Deverell and Greg Hise (eds.), A Companion to Los Angeles (Blackwell Companions To
American History) (Chichester, UK: WileyBlackwell, 2010), pp. 479493 (p. 482).
100
Angeles seeks pedestrians, it seeks only a certain kind those who choose it, not
those who have no other choice.
2.1
From Here to There
Whether it was called the Central Business District, Central City, the New
Downtown, or the New Inner-City, the downtown area of Los Angeles had
become murky by way of lacking a single place name and single title that everyone
knew and understood. The Downtown LA Walks wayfinding signage system first
achieved informational and navigational clarity by clarifying Downtown LA
clearly as one unit, doing so through exacting judgements of hierarchy. The scale of
this particular downtown easily overwhelms, so a more approachable approach
divides the area on whole into smaller, more digestible shapes instead. Unlike with
community name signs, boundaries are provided here, given definitive shape, and
mapped together to show adjacent areas. Downtown LA Walks always reminds you
of the area youre currently in, and which borders you are about to cross (See
Illustrations 4151). In this way, connectivity is forefronted. This dissertation argues
the future dream of Downtown LA Walks, like the on-going dream of the
Community Name Signs, and even the earliest dream of the Freeway, are all
essentially the same: connecting the remote and the disconnected, piecing parts of a
city back together into a whole.
Representing a unified network of neighbourhoods graphically is different for
civic situations than for private institutional ones. The wayfinding for a private
hospital with all its wings must clearly be depicted as linked yet separate from one
another, all the while congruent in whole. Downtown LA Walks had the
101
particularly big task of cohering this larger territory as it formed a coherency of its
own in visual congruency across the total sign system. The reason such unification is
so desired in LA is because it is so difficult and so often denied whether by the
thwarted mobility of roads, or the loss of a shared commons as represented by public
space and mass public transit. In rare opportunities, a city can be boldly unified
through the graphic design of icons and directional graphics, as so often happens to
host cities during their running of Olympic Games. Yet opportunities like that are
few and far between. Outside of such special events, it is difficult to image how a
citys wayfinding graphics could be so uniformly and widely stationed across a city
as wide and disparate as LA remains. An issue worth further elaboration in the future
is studying how environmental graphic design might maintain cohesiveness while
also retaining the uniqueness of neighbourhoods across the complex range which
make up LAs enormous variety of parts. Even a single Southern Californian cultural
or commercial building complex - like The Getty or The Grove - can be daunting
enough to navigate and is likewise accompanied by a wayfinding system. The
complexity of any singular institution, however high, is still on a different plane than
simplifying and abstracting a broader region. The large design organisation known as
the Society for Environmental Graphic Design proposes that graphics in urban
environments solve the same problems tackled in other projects, with one major
difference. Scale. Even the largest hospital campus or stadium is dwarfed by almost
any urban project. () The size, distances, and numbers of people affected make
urban projects especially challenging.8 This only increases the unique and ambitious
nature of the scale underlying Downtown LA Walks, which justifiably proclaimed
itself in a press release one of the countrys most comprehensive civic wayfinding
8
You Are Here: Graphics That Direct, Explain and Entertain, ed. by The Society for Environmental
Graphic Design (SEGD) (New York: Watson Guptill, 1998), p. 162.
102
programs.9
Across the wide-ranging metropolitan region, a mere handful of pedestrian
district successes are usually cited and almost all of them universally revolve around
shopping. There is the tourist-centric artifice of Universal Citys CityWalk, Santa
Monicas Third Street Promenade, Burbanks San Fernando Road, Glendales Brand
Boulevard, Long Beachs Pine Avenue and of course Old Pasadenas Colorado
Avenue. Each and all use clear signposting for directions and identification and are
commercial sign systems rather than strictly civic ones. Levels of complexity, rather
than comparative aesthetic choices, make the key difference in explaining problems
inherent to urban wayfinding signage systems in the public realm. Michael Bierut, an
acclaimed graphic designer and partner in the famed New York office of design firm
Pentagram, recently summarised the difficulties inherent in designing a wayfinding
signage system. Discussing his creative direction for WalkNYC, a New York City
pedestrian wayfinding signage system unveiled in 2013 and currently unrolling
across NY, Bierut revealed:
The biggest lesson for me was how unique it is to do wayfinding in a major
urban area like New York. Wayfinding for an airport, as challenging as it can
be, has fairly simple goals: get the departing passengers to their gates, and get
the arriving passengers to baggage claim. The goal of an urban wayfinding
program is no less than exposing everything the city has to offer to anyone,
coming from any direction, going towards any destination. You have to
anticipate the needs of millions of users, no two of which will have exactly the
Hunt/Corbin/TODD, Los Angeles Unveils One Of The Country's Most Comprehensive Civic
Wayfinding Programs, 12
103
centre. It appeared when many different centres blurred together.14 From as early as
1935, the German geographer Anton Wagner wrote, American cities have been
depicted as lacking tradition. This is true insofar as one defines tradition as the firm
adherence to an inherited condition or firmly ingrained order. For Los Angeles,
however, tradition means movement.15 In this vein, when broader American urban
history so often paints LA as the anomaly, it depicts the metropolis as unshackled
to pre-existing traditions. Los Angeles, the story goes, was the city that never played
by the rules, perhaps because it never wanted to. The metropolis does differ
tremendously and importantly from older centres of urban America to the degree it
became a paragon of mass motorisation and suburbanisation. If anything, the concept
of a Downtown LA will certainly remain, if only to make sense of Southern
Californias suburbia. Any renaissance of LAs city centre needs much more than
reinvestment and much more than just wayfinding design in such a sense, a rebranding was unavoidable. At a more pragmatic level, Downtown LA Walks goes
beyond a smooth re-branding by asserting that directing them to certain areas will
help narrow down their decisions into an even more constrained frame. After all, as
the editor of an esteemed collection on Graphic Design Theory elaborates, Graphic
design is often about controlcontrolling what the audience sees, controlling the
typography of a piece, controlling its concept.16 A sign cannot make anyone walk,
but it can assert more than mere suggestion. Navigating Downtown LAs everyday
landscape of urban and streetscape design has been altered heavily by Downtown
LA Walks wayfinding programme. To follow a path towards hopeful understanding
14
William Fulton, The Reluctant Metropolis: The Politics of Urban Growth in Los Angeles
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), p. 8.

15
Anton Wagner, Los Angeles: The Development, Life, and Form of the Southern California
Metropolis, trans. Gavriel Rosenfeld (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 1997), p. 207.
16
Helen Armstrong, What Is Participatory Design?, in Participate: Designing with User-Generated
Content (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2011), p. 11.
104
onwards, let us now take up the suggestion of Downtown LA Walks and go on a

little walk.
2.2
535 N. Main
Todays Los Angeles: 535 N. Main Street, Los Angeles, CA 90012

Of all the houses built in Los Angeles, California, the Avila Adobe is the last to
survive, though it dates back only to 1818. Nearly two centuries later, men with
neither houses nor homes gather here instead. A sidewalks width shrinks as it makes
for a makeshift encampment, only steps away. It is fast approaching night-time, and
the adjacent Spring Street has made way for temporary shelter, just in front of the
Plaza church, the oldest in the city.17 In the first map of Los Angeles, in 1849, the
doors of this very church marked the spot for the dead centre of the city (See
Illustration 52).18
Of the Plaza, urban historian Mary P. Ryan has said it was both a centring as
well as a central place, but you would be hard pressed to say the same today.19
Another collection of tents on another January evening in Downtown LA. Clearly
this is not just any type of city centre. Over past this bygone building and the rough
sleepers in front lies the City-County Civic Centre, not only the next neighbour-
17
The Plaza Church, as it is popularly known, or The Church of Our Lady Queen of The Angels, in
full, was built between 1818 and 1822, thus making it the oldest church in Los Angeles: Leonard
Pitt and Dale Pitt, Los Angeles A to Z : An Encyclopedia of the City and County (Berkeley and
London: University of California Press, 1997), p. 92.
18
Pitt and Pitt, Los Angeles A to Z, p. 267.
19
Mary P. Ryan, A durable centre of urban space: the Los Angeles Plaza, Urban History, Volume 33,
Number 3 (2006), pp. 457483 (p. 458).
105
hood over, but one of the largest government complexes in the world (See
Illustration 53).20
The workday has come and gone, though - theyve nearly all gone home. Just
as well, the bounty and prowess of the equally near Financial District cannot to be
felt here. The tallest building on the West Coast joins a collection of Skyscrapers in
casting their contemporary shadow on the Historic El Pueblo - the minute quarter
of the city where the Avila and Church number among a select and concentrated
group of Nineteenth Century Buildings.21 The particular sparseness of workers is
matched only by the particular loneliness felt in any forgotten cranny. Those that
remain present here are the individuals at the bottom rung of the socioeconomic
ladder. Soon they will sleep on the street overnight not far from the hub of Central
City East, as the City likes to call it, or Skid Row, as everyone else does.
Buttressed between tall buildings, busy roads, and the tamed, concretized channel of
the Los Angeles River, the Eastern outskirts of Downtown are home to the largest
conglomeration of homeless in the city, which itself holds the largest amount of
homeless in America.22 To make matters more befuddling, the same Sixth Street that
runs through the Bankers of the Financial District to the West continues straight
into Skid Row in the east.
Walking past the oldest part of town, one hears the roll and roar of something
much less ancient - fast-moving automobiles push forward on the Freeway, one of
20
21
Pitt and Pitt, Los Angeles A to Z, p. 267.

The best and most complete survey of maps regarding the earliest stages of the pueblo is W.W.
Robinsons Maps of Los Angeles: From Ords Survey of 1849 to the End of the Boom of the Eighties
(Los Angeles: Dawsons Book Shop, 1966).
22
For a better understanding of homelessness in Los Angeles, see Jennifer Wolchs work: Jennifer
Wolch and Michael Dear, Malign Neglect: Homelessness in an American City (San Francisco: JosseyBass, 1993), and Jennifer Wolch, From Global to Local: The Rise of Homelessness in Los Angeles
during the 1980s, in Allen Scott and Edward Soja, eds, The City: Los Angeles and Urban Theory at
the End of the Twentieth Century (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1992), pp.
390425.
106
the principal ways in which cars move within Southern California. In contrast to
driving, there is an old saying here, one that always pricked as deep as it travelled
far: Nobody walks in LA23. If nobody truly walks in LA, youre a nobody if you
do. Somehow this theory even allows city lovers elsewhere to demean the whole city
of LA, as London writer Mark Mason recently did, when he explained walking is the
vehicle of choice for anyone seeking to truly understand any great city, be it
London, Paris, New York, wherever. This is one of the reasons Los Angeles can
never really be called a city; you have to drive everywhere.24 Perhaps a fairer
assessment comes from Christy Lange, who explains, nobody wants to walk in LA.
And when you do, it feels endless, hot and boring. Distances are incomprehensibly
elongated.25
Though, to return back to that scene and that walk, the one outside that oldest
of Churches - here are the itinerants, the people who actually do walk the city streets,
but not the ones who garner renown for doing it. Youd have to wait for the free and
celebrated Downtown LA Art Walk for a story like that, a tale which centres on the
same Spring Street, but south of here, in a faster developing and gentrifying pocket.
Between any two wealthy and poor points in this city, distance given in units is
merely the smallest part of the reality. Immensely diverse communities coincide
here, so much as co-exist, diverse in ways of both wealth, ethnicity and any other
factor your minds eye can muster. The particular drift of vagrancy which forms
Skid Row also forms a vacancy within January 2014s issue of GQ magazine, the
23
Walking in LA, Spring Session M, Missing Persons (Capitol Records, 1982).
24
Mark Mason, Walk the Lines: The London Underground, Overground (London: Random House,
2011), p. 1.
25
Christy Lange, Walking the Land, Afterall: A Journal of Art, Context, and Enquiry, 13
(Spring/Summer 2006), pp. 1017 (p. 10).
107
one that proudly proclaims America's Next Great City Is Downtown L.A. (See
Illustration 54).
All of this is real, all too real, and I should know. I was there, only some
months ago, and I, too, was a walker in LA, finding my way. I am re-collecting this
tale for you today to walk through this scene together, but I do so not to be overly
anecdotal but to forefront a difficulty in my Dissertation project at hand: A single
scene of rough sleepers, grouped together on one tiny sliver of Spring Street it
seems to mean so little compared to the problems of this sometimes-floundering
Metropolis. What I saw on my small walk took place in lived space, north of the
intersection of Spring and Arcadia streets. Travelling solo, making my own way,
seeking infrastructure and graphics in the environment, I sought a sign, any sign,
for understanding. It was then I came across Wayfinding, the subfield of
Environmental Graphic Design that facilitates clarity in navigation. Amidst that
oldest part of the city was a sign from the Downtown LA Walks programme, which
indicated I was in El Pueblo, without telling me why, or giving a translation. One
of the avowed goals of Downtown LA Walks is indeed to take the large unwieldy
space of the modern city and make it more comfortable of special import for
tourists, or any of those less familiar with it.
In her role as the executive director of the Central City East Association,
Estela Lopez worked with the LA Department of Transportation to determine where
the signs should be placed. Lopezs group is a business improvement district which
includes the communities of Skid Row and the Toy District, among others. Lopez
remarked on her excitement about Downtown LA Walks in saying this is one way
to get people to explore those other districts, referencing how tourists and those less
familiar with Downtowns districts have to find them and not be intimidated about
108
how to get from here to there.26

Returning to the sign marker that indicated I was in El Pueblo, the name on
the sign translated from Spanish as The Town, and it certainly was here that a town
first formed the proper soul of the future city. The Name Los Angeles, too,
originates here. When the settlers first formed it, on September 4, 1781, the humble
village had a much more regal title: El Pueblo de Nuestra Seora la Reina de los
Angeles de Porcincula, meaning The Town of Our Lady the Queen of Angels of
the Little Portion27. Eventually the full name of the Pueblo is flattened out,
shortened, Anglicised. The name Los Angeles means The Angels in Spanish, but
the metaphor, like much else about the place, is forever up for debate. The detractors
cant understand how Hell can be named something so beatific. The City of
Angels, it must be said, has nearly always had a bad reputation, as much a place of
endless sun as unimaginable smog, not just squandered space but squandered
dreams. The journalist Carey McWilliams was right to argue in his mid-1940s
reportage that the abuse of Los Angeles has become a national pastime indeed, it
has only grow from there!28
Going back Downtown is an adventure in understanding the citys earliest
urban development and growth, and some of its most contemporary developments
too. For pound-for-pound punch and pith, British architectural historian Reyner
Banhams initial commentary takes us there with the strongest of introductions: A
city seventy miles square but rarely seventy years deep apart from a small downtown
not yet two centuries old and a few other pockets of ancientry, Los Angeles is instant
26
Coates, Which Way, Downtown L.A.?, p. 1.
27
The Porcincula, or Little Portion, was the original name for todays Los Angeles River. The
name derives the name of the church where St. Francis of Assisi, founder of the Franciscan order,
carried out his religious life.
28
Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country, p. 273.
109
architecture in an instant townscape.29 El Pueblo, indeed, is one of the pockets of

ancestry the city has, but we should be careful before going farther. After all, when
LA is depicted as overridingly young, it is also painted as both new and literally less
advanced.
Of course, the core original geographic area of the Pueblo forms the subject
matter of the earliest existing visual evidence of modern habitation for the eventual
LA. The earliest known drawing of the eventual city dates back to 1847 (See
Illustration 55), with the earliest map of Los Angeles from 1849 (See again,
Illustration 52), and the earliest known outdoor photograph from 1862 (See
Illustration 56).30 The Plaza Church, stationed at both 535 N. Main Street and the
beginning of this section, has had the privilege of being featured in all three of these
early visual documents, ones so crucial to understanding how this place came to be.
At the centre of the earliest drawing (See Illustration 57), and the earliest map, the
Church can be seen in the earliest photograph as well (See Illustration 58). The
putative centrality of the Plaza Church to LAs previous sense of self made it all
the more jarring to see it in the present. In that recent walk past it, it felt so left
behind. How different this scene seems from the first wayfinding field study of
Downtown LA conducted by Kevin Lynch, the urban sociologist who first coined the
term way-finding to begin with in 1960s The Image of the City. Writing in 1960,
Lynch commented that as the core of a metropolis, central Los Angeles is heavily
charged with meaning and activity.31 Now, as a wayfinding sign tells me this is El
29
30
Reyner Banham, Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies, p. 21.

The earliest known drawing of Los Angeles is Part of Los Angeles, drawn by William Rich Hutton,
in July 1847; The earliest map of LA is Plan De La Ciudad de Los Angeles - City Map No. 1, drawn up
by Edward O.C. Ord Lt. USA and his assistant, William Rich Hutton, on August 29, 1849. The
photographer of the earliest known outdoor photograph of LA is uncertain and unattributed, as is the
exact date when the photograph was taken.
31
110
Pueblo, and the signage system it is part of tells me Downtown LA Walks, the
sign seems as charged with meaning as any of the activity surrounding it. Herein lies
a wayfinding that is more than wayfinding a visual rhetoric on what the city has
been, and what it might could be. The next chapter of this dissertation will continue
issues of proposed changes to motion through the metropolis, this time through the
form of Mass Transit.
111
Illustration 36.
District Icons created by Hunt Design and Corbin Design for the Downtown Los
Angeles Walks wayfinding programme. The downtown core was dissected into these
13 key destination districts forming the Districts of Downtown Los Angeles.
112
Illustration 37.
Figueroa Corridor Downtown LA Walks District Icon. The southern
addition of Figueroa Corridor is represented by a convertible to illustrate
busy Figueroa Street south of Downtown, but hardly appropriate for
encouraging walking.
113
Illustration 38.
Map of the areas and respective borders of 12 Downtown LA Districts,
developed by Corbin and Hunt Design for the Downtown LA Walks
wayfinding signage system. Areas are designated through custom
icons created for exclusive use. This includes the southern addition
of Figueroa Corridor to what would normally be considered the
border of Downtown, the Santa Monica Freeway (Interstate I-10).
114
Illustration 39.
Toy District Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying wayfinding
signage beneath. The Toy Districts Teddy Bear icons hides its rough and tumble
location only moments from Skid Rows homeless encampments.
115
Illustration 40.
When Downtown LA Walks, the setting can be far from glamorous. Pictured here is
the Toy District, a wholesaling area only a moments reach from homeless capital
Skid Row.
Downtown LA Areas,
and their Borders
Illustration 41.
Another Downtown LA map with area names and borders represented by
Downtown LA Walks wayfinding icons.
116
117
Illustration 42.
Downtown LA Walks campaign collateral material as presented to
Client for use.
118
Illustration 43.
Bunker Hill Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Bunker Hills icon uses the architecture of
the Walt Disney Concert Hall, as designed by architect Frank Gehry. On
the accompanying wayfinding signage beneath, Civic Centers icon uses
the architecture of City Hall, as designed by architect John Parkinson,
and as seen in the backdrop of this photograph.
119
Illustration 44.
Another view of the Bunker Hill Downtown LA Walks District Icon, with
accompanying backdrop of the Walt Disney Concert Hall it depicts. The
wayfinding signage beneath here utilises a larger backdrop of the
Disney Concert Hall icon.
120
Illustration 45.
Chinatown Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Chinatowns icon uses the traditional
Chinese architecture of a two-tiered pagoda.
121
Illustration 46.
Fashion District Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Until a relatively recent re-brand, the
Fashion District was known simply as the Garment District.
122
Illustration 47.
Fashion District You Are Here wayfinding map showing your current
location, as well as other destinations and the remaining Districts of
Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
123
Illustration 48.
Likewise, here is the Jewelry District You Are Here wayfinding map showing
your current location, as well as other destinations and the remaining Districts
of Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
124
Illustration 49.
Downtown Center Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Photograph by Author, January 2014.
125
Illustration 50.
Lastly, here is the Downtown Center District You Are Here wayfinding map
showing your current location, as well as other destinations and the remaining
Districts of Downtown Los Angeles, as defined by the wayfinding system.
Photograph by Author, January 2014.
126
Illustration 51.
South Park Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. South Parks icon represents a Basketball
as played in the area by the Los Angeles Lakers and Clippers.
127
The Plaza Church.
The earliest known map of Los Angeles:

1849
Drawn up by Edward O.C. Ord
Illustration 52.
The earliest known map of Los Angeles, 1849, drawn by Edward O.C. Ord.
128
Illustration 53.
Civic Center Downtown LA Walks District Icon, and accompanying
wayfinding signage beneath. Civic Centers icon represents the architecture
of Los Angeles City Hall. Civic Center forms one of the largest government
complexes in the world.
wntown LA in GQ Magazine (US), Jan. 2014

129
Illustration 54.
Downtown L.A.s New Map of Stars, GQ Magazine (US), Jan. 2014.
130
The earliest known drawing of Los Angeles:

July 1847
Part of Los Angeles drawn by William Rich Hutton
Illustration 55.
The earliest known drawing of Los Angeles, from July 1847:
Part of Los Angeles drawn by William Rich Hutton.
131
The earliest known outdoor photograph of Los Angeles:

The Plaza, 1862
Illustration 56.
The earliest known outdoor photograph of Los Angeles: The Plaza, 1862.
132
The Plaza Church, the oldest Church in LA
Illustration 57.
The Plaza Church, the oldest Church in LA, as seen on the earliest known
drawing of Los Angeles, from July 1847: Part of Los Angeles drawn by
William Rich Hutton.
133
The Plaza Church.
Illustration 58.
The Plaza Church, the oldest Church in LA, as seen on earliest known
outdoor photograph of Los Angeles.
134
ChapterThree
Three
Chapter
Going
Metro
Going
Metro
Questions of transportation are therefore also questions of urban form and the
environment, of the history and identity of a community, of its distribution of
resources, of employment, education, and race.1
Dr Jonathan Richmond, transit planning professor
Over the past two decades, the city of Los Angeles has welcomed its largest
expansion of mass transit since the Second World War. A still-rising system of
below- and above-ground rail transit lines has made a comeback since 1990. Twenty
years of nearly continuous expansion have brought a subway and light rail network
to the Los Angeles metropolitan region (See Illustration 59).
When the city is metaphorically understood as either a model or paradigm for
postmodern urban development, this is reflected by the perceived individualization
enabled by the car.2 Therefore, however partial or costly, a new network allowing for
alternatives to the car is significant and unique in both the transit history of the city
and the identity of the place on whole. If LA is still understood to be fragmentary, as
urban historian Robert Fogelson first asserted, at least the new rail lines are pathways
to an ideally connected whole of a future city.3
In decades prior to the re-introduction of rail, increases in Angeleno car
1
Jonathan Richmond, Transport of Delight: The Mythical Conception of Rail Transit in Los
Angeles (Akron, Ohio: The University of Akron Press, 2005), p. 9.

2
The canonical titles on what constitutes a postmodern Los Angeles are Edward Soja, Postmodern
Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989), and Michael
J. Dear, The Postmodern Urban Condition (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000).
3
Fogelson, The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 18501930.
135
ownership and usage correlated to a decrease in mass transit usage. Unfettered

personal mobility was not without its costs, however. Economists call these
externalities and listing them is as unpleasant a task as accepting their magnitude:
local and global pollution, oil dependence, traffic congestion and traffic accidents.4
LA needed to fight the reputation and reality of these hidden costs. A smogged-over
capital of congestion was not just polluted - which might be glossed over, but
difficult to get around - which could not be ignored. The freeway of the past was
certainly overwhelmed, its disproportionate load of traffic becoming unsustainable.
A study published in 1988 even found that amongst all the millions of trips made
daily in the region, half of them use the freeway system for some part of their
length.5 Today, however, LA residents increasingly utilise multiple modes of
transport for their journeys-to-work and elsewhere. New routes and connections are
changing the multi-centred metropolis, altering how it can be circumnavigated.
As even the ever-pejorative New York Times had to admit four years ago,
slowly, mass transit is taking hold in a city synonymous with the car.6 How slow?
The effect of mass transit is growing, but still nascent and partial - Unlike the nearly
60% of workers in Manhattan who took public transportation to work from 2008
2012, just over 7% of Los Angeles County did the same over that period.7 In LA, the
American East Coast norm of suburban commuters circulating into a Central
Business District largely came undone. With employment spread out over a greater
4
Ian W. H. Parry, Margaret Walls and Winston Harrington, Automobile Externalities and Policies,
Journal of Economic Literature, 45.2 (June, 2007), pp. 373-399 (373).

5
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Cities and Transport (Paris,
France: OECD, 1988), p. 87.

6
Terry Pristin, In Westside Los Angeles, a Rail Line Stirs a Revival, New York Times, July 6, 2010.
At every opportunity, The New York Times stereotypes Los Angeles in comparison to what it does
more soundly, such as calling it this sprawling city whose very name suggests cars and clogged
freeways in Robert Reinhold, Subway in Los Angeles To Open in Modest Step, New York Times,
January 28, 1993.
7
According to data from U.S. Census Bureau, 20082012 American Community Survey.
136
amount of land, circulation patterns were untethered, development leapfrogging into

green pastures, and the space filling in between previously distant communities. In
1947, for example, Los Angeles found itself facing an estimated 50 per cent of the
traffic which is trans-city rather than into-town, making it unusual compared to
older cities with more centralised employment hubs.8 As much as congestion
commuting into downtown remains a problem, and however much downtown is
filled by parking lots filled by parked cars, a large per cent of traffic in Los Angeles
moves through and past the citys downtown.
Under any reasonable lens, then, massive growth of public transit
infrastructure could only be seen as a potentially pivotal turning point for LAs
growth and circulation patterns. On July 14, 1990, a new light rail train line took
passengers on their first journey (See Illustration 60). In an environment already full
of massive infrastructural projects, a new public transit system network based on rail
had begun. Named simply the Metro Blue Line, the train tracks followed a northsouth route from downtown Los Angeles to downtown Long Beach, the second most
populous city in Los Angeles County. The rail line was remarkably constructed
entirely through local funds, at the massive cost of $852 million. On its way
southwards, the Blue Line passed through a range of low-income minority
communities which make up some of the most impoverished areas of the region:
South Los Angeles, followed by the independent municipalities of Watts,
Willowbrook, Compton, and on to Long Beach (See Illustration 61). Metaphorically,
however, the path taken by the Blue Line promised a new, more socially inclusive
moment for Los Angeles transit history. As a new start of something more elaborate
8
Gladwin Hills, Traffic Chaos Spurs Los Angeles To Plan 'Freeways' on Vast Scale, New York Times,
January 12, 1947. This early piece, full of prescient doubts, is also the first documented occurrence
of the term Freeways from The New York Times.
137
than just itself, the Blue Line would become the start primary focus for sustained
urban transit analysis.9
In 1990, the Metro Rail network consisted of only the one Blue Line and its
22 stations at a total line-length of 35.4 kilometres / 22 miles. Only twenty years
later, the Metro Rail network in its entirety reached 70 stations altogether, totalling
127.3 km / 79.1 miles. Within two decades, one light rail line had grown to five lines
in total: three lines being light rail and two lines being subway. In all, these routes
are named the light rail Metro Blue, Green, and Gold Lines, and the subway Metro
Red and Purple lines. After the years of neglect and then abandonment of the Yellow
and Big Red Cars, and after 27 years of non-existent rail mass transit whatsoever, in
2009, this had all had changed. By the end of that new milleniums first decade,
Metro Rail estimated 292,393 average weekday boardings in 2009 a year that
marks the outermost point of this dissertations epoch of study.
The development of a new system of rail lines required a new sort of
wayfinding aid namely, a map. The purpose of this chapter, then, is to study the
Metro system by studying the Go Metro map of the citys public transport network,
a daily wayfinding tool of urban travel which has been best summarised categorically
as schematic diagrams of public transport networks that serve as visual aids for
route planning and navigation tasks.10 Put more simply, the transport system map is
an urban-orienteering tool.11 Maps have been found to be the most important aid
for wayfinding in unfamiliar environments, so we will use this particular schematic
Richmond, Transport of Delight; James E. Moore II, Ridership and cost on the Long Beach-Los
Angeles Blue Line Train, Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice 27.2 (April 1993),
pp. 139152.
10
Martin Nollenburg and Alexander Wolff, Drawing and Labeling High-Quality Metro Maps by Mixed-
Integer Programming, IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics, 17.5 (May 2011),
pp. 626641 (p. 626).
11
Mapping New York (London: Black Dog Publishing, 2009), p. 179.
138
transit map to better familiarise ourselves with modern LA, beyond its clichs.12
To further supplant the accepted wisdom that Los Angeles is best understood
solely through Private Transit, the impact of mass rail, and its respective wayfinding,
will be evaluated in this chapter. The areas early twentieth-century public transit
will be summarised, followed by a more in-depth look at the rise of the new Metro
Rail lines which have developed most recently. As the history of the new transport
system itself is shorter, so is the history of the map representing that system, but this
does not belittle the importance of what the map is representing. Through the
massive and consistent expansion of a new mass transit system, on top of its desire to
name and enframe its communities via wayfinding signage systems, Los Angeles is
metaphorically a city taking itself into account. This cannot happen without
assessment of what has come before, yet re-evaluation requires memory, which is
difficult in what D.J. Waldie perceptively titled the city of self-inflicted amnesia.13
How the city sees itself connects not only to how it would prefer others to see it, but
how it might prefer to be reimagined.
3.1
Of Streetcars and Subways
Getting around the City of Angels effects the landscape of the city culturally and
physically, just as it does elsewhere, but perhaps nowhere else in urban America is
the car considered so vital to finding your way. Whereas transportation technologies
have always had some effect on urban form, Los Angeles is more firmly formed
12
Mark Blades and Christopher Spencer, The Development of 3- to 6-Year-Olds' Map Using Ability:
The Relative Importance of Landmarks and Map Alignment, The Journal of Genetic Psychology,
151.2 (1990), 181-194 (p. 181).
13
D.J. Waldie, Casa Adobes importance, Los Angeles Times, August 8, 2010.
139
around them, depending on them for urban structure and growth.14 To cite a specific
example, the once far-flung and agricultural San Fernando Valley was first moulded
by public transit, not after it. The Valley, as it is now called, forms a large
conglomeration of suburbs, a huge portion of todays metropolitan region. Yet none
of its current stature would have been conceivable without entrepreneur Henry E.
Huntingtons early 20th century line of Pacific Electric streetcar trains. These trams
brought in new customers for housing around the railway tracks on land bought
and developed by Huntington, no less. Privately owned transportation systems,
together with such connecting real estate interests, brought about the development of
sparsely populated frontiers in outlying LA.
As documented by Spencer Crump, since few people considered purchasing
homes unless assured of the convenience of trolley service [] where the Big Red
Cars went, the real estate developers followed and the City of Southern California
was created.15 By comparison, todays goals of transit-oriented development are
minimal compared to this early absolute dependence of transit into the Valley. Thus,
the dispersal of commercial and residential suburbanisation was indeed begun by rail
14
This is reflected in the large amount of designated Los Angeles Historic Cultural Monuments
(LAHCM) showcasing the regions transit history, listed here in order of designation:
LAHCM #4
Angels Flight, funicular railway, 4th Street and Hill (Designated 1962)
LAHCM #22
Palms - Southern Pacific Railroad Depot, 3800 Homer Street (Designated 1963)
LAHCM #36
Watts Station, 1686-1690 E. 103rd Street (Designated 1965)
LAHCM #82
River Station Area, 1231 N. Spring Street (Designated 1971)
LAHCM #101
Los Angeles Union Station Passenger Terminal and Grounds,
LAHCM #182
Pacific Electric Railway Company Culver Substation, 9009-9031 Venice Boulevard
800-850 N. Alameda Street (Designated 1972)

(Designated 1978)
LAHCM #269
Mount Washington Cable Car Station, 200-202 W. Avenue 43 (Designated 1983)
LAHCM #404
Los Angeles Railway Huron Substation, 2640 N. Huron Street (Designated 1988)
LAHCM #488
Canoga Park (original Owensmouth Southern Pacific Railroad Station,

21355 Sherman Way (Designated 1990)
LAHCM #790
15
Belmont Tunnel / Toluca Substation Yard, 1304 W 2nd Street (Designated 2005)
Spencer Crump, Ride The Big Red Cars: How Trolleys Helped Build Southern California (Costa
Mesa, California: Trans-Anglo Books, 1970), p. 109.
140
transit and then, only then, furthered by the automobile. However now forgotten and
pushed aside, this unavoidable fact makes a history of transport wayfinding and
information design relevant for tackling larger societal questions, in agreement with
transit planning professor Dr Jonathan Richmonds belief that transit questions are
also questions of urban form and the environment, of the history and identity of a
community, of its distribution of resources, of employment, education, and race.16 In
that sense, then, these questions are equally valid as queries for scholarship on
wayfinding.
While the beginning of public transit history in Los Angeles can be traced
back 140 years, contemporary assessments and connotations of the city rarely focus
on effective mass transit as vital to the citys conception. The first rail transit system
in Los Angeles began back in 1874, when the earliest horse-cars lines opened on
railroad tracks downtown (See Illustration 62). Since that most initial of starts,
service has been operated by a remarkable number of companies, both publicly and
privately owned - over two hundred in total. Likewise, this tangled and deep history
of regional mass transit incorporated all of the following at some point, and just as
numerously: cable cars, diesel or gas motor buses, electric streetcars, incline
railways, interurban cars, steam trains, and finally trolley buses.17 A useful
categorizing of epochs comes from Camille Tsaos scholarship on transit and urban
revitalization, who writes the four eras associated with transportation technology
that influenced growth patterns in cities are:
(1) The walking and horse car era (18001890)
(2) The electric streetcar era (18901920)
16
Richmond, Transport of Delight, p. 9.
17
To cite one particularly positive advance not often referenced, today's bus fleet in LA is both the
cleanest of all American bus fleets, and the second largest in the nation.
141
(3) The recreational automobile era (19201945)

(4) The freeway era (1945present).18
In addition, historian Robert Fogelsons research has added comprehensive proof
that the metropolis grew slowly in the era of the horse car, rapidly during the period
of the electric railway, and even faster in the age of the private automobile.19
To understand the revitalization of public transit from 19902010, we must
revisit the most surprising fact of all. There was a time once, well before the freeway,
when Los Angeles maintained the worlds largest inter-urban electrified railway
system. This predecessor public transport system was no minor feat, and was even
deemed the most complete and comprehensive system of interurban and suburban
electric commuter transit in the Nation.20 Robert Fishman, a specialist on Americas
suburbs, has memorably implored us to recall that as Los Angeles in the 1990s
strives at tremendous expense to construct a comprehensive rail-based transit system,
we would do well to recall that the city in the first quarter of the twentieth century
built (and then slowly destroyed) the nations most extensive electric railway
system.21
For more than half a century, Los Angeles maintained an electric rail system
consisting of the so-called Yellow and Big Red streetcars. A 1906 Map of The
City, issued by the Los Angeles Travel and Hotel Bureau, highlights the central city
18
Camille Tsao, Transit as a Catalyst for Urban Revitalization: A Study of the Fourth and Hill Area at
Pershing Square Station in Downtown Los Angeles (Unpublished Masters thesis, Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, 1998), p. 27.
19
Fogelson, p. 142143.
20
U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, Assessment of Community Planning for Mass
Transit, Volume 6: Los Angeles Case Study, Critical History of Transit Planning (Washington, D.C.:
OTA, February 1976), p. 11.
21
Robert Fishman, Foreword, in The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 18501930, by Fogelson,
pp. xvxxvii (p. xviii). Robert Fishman is himself the author of the well-regarded and oft-cited
Bourgeois Utopia: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia (New York, 1987).
142
predominance of these streetcar lines even after only the first half a decade of
opening (See Illustration 63). The Yellow Cars were run by the Los Angeles Railway
Company (LARy) and provided mostly inner-city routes. The Big Red Cars,
meanwhile, were run by Henry Huntington's Pacific Electric Railway Company
(PE). The much wider range of red car destinations is illustrated by a 1920 Map of
Territory Served, a relief map illustration that shows the immense geographic
expanse of the system (See Illustration 64). The Big Red Cars stretched across a far
broader service area than todays still-expanding Metro Rail. Pacific Electric
gleefully advertised their Trolley Trips About Los Angeles by calling them the
Worlds Wonderland Lines. Another PE map promoted their services with the
numerical proof of their superiority: 1000 Miles of Standard Trolley Lines To All
Points of Greatest Interest in the Heart of Southern California and Traversed by 2700
Scheduled Trains Daily. When the company confidently declared Our Lines Reach
from the Mountains to the Sea and Penetrate the Valleys that lie between, they were
not full of bluster anything but. As Scott Bottles detailed, At the system's peak, the
Pacific Electric Railway company operated 1,164 miles of track in four counties.22
So great was the reach of the PE inter-urban train lines that the British chronicler of
LA Reyner Banham noted, the map of its network was a detailed sketch for the
whole Los Angeles that exists today (See Illustration 65).23 By the 2000s,
countywide rail lines totalled 400 hundred miles of routes, but this still only
accounted for less than half the rail system we had in the 1920s but enough to
provide the opportunity for significant transit-oriented growth and development.24
The extent to which streetcars covered so much of Southern California
22
Scott L. Bottles, p. 31.
23
Reyner Banham, Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies (London: Penguin, 1971), p. 34.
24
Hank Dittmar and Gloria Ohland, By Road, Rail and Foot, a Revitalized Metropolis, Los Angeles
Times, October 19, 2003.
143
contributed to their mythological beneficence. Despite the nostalgic jubilance now

accorded to a hey-day of public transit in the city, it is worth the rather disheartening
reminder that even back in 1925 the average Angeleno rode transit half as often as
the average Chicagoan and less than a third as often as New Yorker.25 All the same,
the street trolleys once provided a sustained alternative to solitary automobile transit
for those that sought it. Moreover, reminders of earlier public transport modes are
needed as a rejoinder to the over-dominance of current modes of the car, or
perceived lack of mass transit therein.
The demise of the trolley cars was painfully slow and gradual, taking place
over a long arc from the 1930s to the 1950s. Just as customer dissatisfaction with
streetcar service grew, so did the cost of service. The Yellow and Big Red Cars
sustained heavy losses in the battle with automobiles they so forcefully had to
compete with. Across the metropolitan area, buses replaced streetcars, forming the
heart of a complex public transit system for decades to come. For the nearly thirty
years from 1963 to 1990, no mass rail transit existed in all of Los Angeles County.
During that exact timeframe, rail was dead, having effectively been killed, and the
only mass transit option in Los Angeles proper had been the bus and the bus alone.
3.2
The Freeway of the Future
The particular complexities of getting around Los Angeles are inextricable from its
physical development. Certainly since the mid twentieth-century, LAs transportation
woes have seemed of a different order than older cities - more intractable, much
harder to solve. Starting from the streetcar railways to the major automotive
25
Ibid., p. 152.
144
transportation systems of highways and freeways which followed, author David

Brodsly believes that maps of transport networks over time show how succeeding
forms of transportation elaborate an increasingly dispersed urban structure.26
In his own line of thinking, Reyner Banham implored us to remember, the
freeway system is the third or fourth transportation diagram drawn on a map that is a
deep palimpsest of earlier methods of moving about the basin.27 As Dr Jonathan
Richmonds case-study of the light rail Blue Line further elaborates, the low density
and widespread distribution of both population and economic activity in Southern
California generates a dispersed and complex pattern of transportation demands
between a myriad of origins and destinations.28 The complexity of circulation
cannot be simplified from the massive physical expanse of area even as early as
1930, Los Angeles had become the world's largest city in area.29 Historian Josh
Sides summarises that before World War I, the vast geographic size and relatively
low population density of Los Angeles distinguished it from other major American
metropolises.30
In such a context, a mass transit system based on rail seemed to many critics
a pointless endeavour, out of place in Southern California. Academic disparagement
from the likes of Harvard Universitys John Kain stated it was too late for such a
change by arguing the regions transport planners were effectively trying to impose
a nineteenth-century technology on a twentieth or twenty-first-century city. 31 The
26
David Brodsly, Los Angeles Freeway: An Appreciative Essay (Berkeley, California: The University of
California Press, 1981), p. 3.

27
Banham, p. 57.
28
Richmond, p. 4.
29
Richard W. Longstreth, City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in
Los Angeles, 19201950 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 6.

30
Josh Sides, L.A. City Limits: African American Los Angeles from the Great Depression to the
Present (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), p. 7.

31
Kaine, cited by Peter Hall, Cities in Civilization: Innovation and Urban Order (London: Weidenfeld
145
Railway Age was framed as an anachronistic partner to the Motor Age. A costly
new subway, the argument went, meant importing a particularly expensive outside
model, not an indigenous one grown from within the region. Such thinking, however,
so naturalised the car to the city it made automobiles the only way forward, indistinct
from any alternatives or lessons from the past.
The seemingly humble beginnings of LAs first contemporary light rail and
subway lines belies the deep extent of widespread regional planning and incredibly
extensive and expensive construction. In the most profoundly optimistic way of
seeing it, the re-introduction of trains acted as panacea to problems of pollution,
congestion, and disconnected identity. On the other hand, many saw the train lines as
a great folly of enormous, wasteful cost and limited utility. Los Angeles historian
Scott L. Bottles has pinpointed the cars early and mass adoption at the heart of the
Making of the Modern City, forefronting the novelty and innovation of new
technology when advancing that no one imposed the automobile on the public.
Americans embraced the automobile willingly, for they saw it as a liberating and
democratic technology.32 The countering view has been an overriding belief that a
consortium of automotive manufacturers dismantled the streetcars, a raw deal handed
to Angelenos, a sin to be repudiated.
All told, rapid transit seeps into a public discourse about the future of urban
development in a way other aspects of development simply cannot. Public and
Private Transit have become a front in a long-brewing American culture war
between Democrats and Republic politicians, a source of continuing friction, if not
everyday confrontation. So of course when critic Mike Davis made his dire claim on
and Nicolson, 1998), p. 841. In the same title, Halls historiographical essay is well titled and well
written The City as Freeway: Los Angeles 19001980, pp. 803-841.
32
Scott L. Bottles, Los Angeles and the Automobile: The Making of the Modern City
(Berkeley, California: The University of California Press, 1987), p. 249.
146
the end of public space, he was talking about Los Angeles.33 Indeed, the success or
failure of mass transit expansion is a hot-button issue in contemporary urban politics
truly open for debate.
More practically speaking, the success or failure in someway started even
before construction began, through the selection of where LAs new transit lines
would go. For a new rail transit service to become a viable new option, it would need
to serve the enormous LA metropolitan region equitably, but this was quite the ideal.
The Los Angeles area was always too large for this to be realistic, cost-wise at least
not at the start, and not quickly. The other main obstacles were the low density of the
region, as urban development was growing horizontally more than vertically. From
the start, it would be a miracle to satisfy so many types of transit users, with so many
types of trips going in so many types of directions. The areas which held the higher
percentages of the population and a higher density of persons per square acre were
more likely to be served first, or so it would seem. Yet, as attorney Ethan Elkind tells
it in his stimulating and extensive history on Los Angeles Metro Rail, with a 2010
population greater than those of forty-two individual U.S. states [] unifying this
vast and diverse region would require significant compromises on the route locations
and type of transit offered.34 Naturally, only certain regions would be the most costeffective for rapid rail development, and then other lines would follow afterwards.
As we shall see, however, the resulting map of new rail lines downplays the
challenge of a volatile metropolis first in even siting their future locations, let alone
33
Mike Davis, Fortress Los Angeles: The Militarization of Urban Space, in Variations on a Theme
Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space, Michael Sorkin, ed. by Michael Sorkin
(New York: Hill and Wang, 1992), pp. 154180, (p. 155). As well, for a LA-specific study on the
urgency curently animating debates about the loss of public space, see Margaret Crawford,
Contesting the Public Realm: Struggles over Public Space in Los Angeles, Journal of Architectural
Education Volume 49, Number 1 (1995), pp. 49.
34
Ethan Elkind, Railtown: The Fight for the Los Angeles Metro Rail and the Future of the City
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), p. 9.
147
constructing them. In terms of rail as a large urban public investment, a serious

analysis by the Dean of the Graduate School of Design at Harvard University
discovered, localities frequently minimized controversy by siting new transit lines in
existing rail or freeway corridors, chosen for their availability rather than their
optimality from a patronage standpoint. This strategy was used [] for portions of
the Los Angeles new Blue Line.35 With an enormous service area of 3,711 km,
Metro still faces the on-going challenge of how to provide reliable rail transit across
the region most fully. Even with the utmost expansion, many will live too far from
Metro Rail stations for everyday use and convenience.
The initial July 1990 introduction of the Blue Line, then, held as much of a
symbolic weight as a practical one. Beyond the day-to-day options of new ridership
for travellers to and fro the particular areas it serviced, it was a beacon, a promise, a
symbol of a new start for the region.
Going even further, the symbolism of the Blue Lines first day was two-fold:
First, the very first of the Red Cars began operation in 1902 on a route that now
aligns to todays Blue Line. Second, the last of the Red Car lines to run was in fact
the Long Beach Line, discontinued in 1961. Nearly thirty long years later, the Blue
Line travelled above ground, station by station, on the same fixed guide way train
tracks as those last dying trams. It was with this heavy history of disappointment
behind it that Nick Patsaouras, then-president of the Southern California Rapid
Transit Districts Board of Directors, rejoiced on the Blue Lines opening day in
1990. He is quoted as stating the trains are back. This is the beginning of a transit
35
Alan A. Altshuler and David E. Luberoff, Mega Projects: The Changing Politics of Urban Public
Investment (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2003), p. 204.
148
renaissance.36
Three years after rapid rail had been re-introduced via the Metro Blue Line,
the crest of introductory change was further cemented when the subway Metro Red
Line opened to the public in 1993. The occasion marked the first subway in the city
since the sole preceding subterranean transit system had opened in 1925. To this day,
many outsiders are shocked to learn that todays Los Angeles has a subway, let alone
there was a previous one. Yet, with a humble length of only one-mile, that first
Hollywood Subway can be forgiven for being forgotten. The Red Lines goals,
however, were never so meek. Although the opening line of LAs first modern
subway reached a distance of just 7 kilometres / 4.4 miles, a new vision of the city
transformed by alternative transit had arrived, and it was nothing if not grandiose. It
speaks volumes that in 1993, the executive director for the Los Angeles County
Transportation Commission even quipped the freeway of the future is the rail
system.37
3.3
The Go Metro Rail System Map
From all indications, transit officials on the inside of city government desired a broad
re-thinking of how the available transit services were being presented. Public
perception of such was often times sour and generally souring. For such a regrouping
to be effective, new design work was created that connected aesthetics and politics in
a way we will assess. If Los Angeles could not make itself more legible through
36
Dean Murphy and Ronald B. Taylor, Riders Get First Look at Blue Line Light Rail Transit,
Los Angeles Times, July 15, 1990, A1.

37
Neil Peterson - the freeway of the future is the rail system, tied in with tremendously expanded
car-pooling and bikeways, as quoted in Robert Reinhold, Subway in Los Angeles To Open in Modest
Step, New York Times, 28 January 1993.
149
iconic buildings or urban design, it would need a different kind of remapping. The
result was a re-branding to familiarise Angelenos with their new transit service
offerings. To better acclimate Southern Californians to the possibilities, several
graphic approaches were adopted. The first was a logo change, followed by a name
change, and finished by a system route map which summarised the differences in
whole.
In February 1990, on the grounds of the 103rd Street light rail station of the
soon-to-open Blue Line, the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission
announced an accompanying new logo (See Illustration 66). As a fresh-start
mnemonic for a new system of rail transit, the logo was announced as the new
Metro M logo, the emblem that will designate stations, vehicles and information
materials for the 150-mile rail transit system in Los Angeles County.38 Anne
Roubideaux, art director of the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission at
the time, designed the mark. As simplified as possible, each of the initial Blue, Red
and Green lines featured the M logo set on a background of the colour of the lines.
By way of international comparison, the London Underground map utilises colours
for labelling its variety of named lines such as navy blue for the Piccadilly, green
for the District. For the Los Angeles system, instead, the symbolic use of colour
becomes the identifying label. The Blue Line has no other identity than the colour of
the label itself simplified to the bare minimum, so the colour and name used are the
same, and universally acceptable across the polyglot, multilingual citizenry of the
city. Here, transit system station identification becomes the wayfinding tool, made
part and parcel with how the system itself is organized and ratified.
An equally simplified re-branding was to follow, providing unification and a
38
Southern California Rapid Transit District, M Stands For Metro Rail, Metro News Bulletin, June
1990, p. 1.
150
new nickname, and thus identity for all constructed lines. Today, the subway and
light rail lines of the city are simply Metro Rail. This is due to the fact that the
system is now unified and operated by a single body, the Los Angeles County
Metropolitan Transportation Authority (LACMTA). This group was formed as the
successor and merger of the dissolved Southern California Rapid Transit District
(RTD) and Los Angeles County Transportation Commission. Together, as one, the
LACMTA was given the ultimate purview in regional transit development. Indeed,
in the agencys own words, they uniquely serve as all of the above: transportation
planner and coordinator, designer, builder and operator.39
In 2002, after a long-suffering Transportation Authority hired designer
Michael Lejeune to become their Creative Director and Neil Sadler to become their
Design Lead. With Lejeune as the new head of a thirty-person Creative Services
group, a new identity programme was initiated (See Illustrations 6768). After stints
in San Francisco as Senior Designer at Landor Associates and Design Lead at
MetaDesign (both specialists in large environmental design projects), Sadler brought
extensive expertise in information design. As a matter of rule, Metro Design Studio
credits the department on whole for its creative productions, including the Go
Metro map, but from all indications it is Sadler who had the biggest role in the
general aesthetic of that maps styling and incarnation format which carries on to this
day (See Illustration 60).
A primary first move on Lejeunes part as Creative Director was rallying his
troops shortening the official name: weve officially adopted Metro as our
preferred nickname. Why Metro? Its easy to say and remember. Its short and
39
Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority, Who We Are | Overview,
<http://www.metro.net/about/agency/mission/> [accessed 8 November 2013]
151
friendly.40 What the name change signalled more pronouncedly was the desire to
take on the mantle of global public transit, because systems around the world are
named Metro: all over the world, Metro means movement. Many of the worlds
best transit systems are known as Metro. By using this popular name for all
communication, we join the ranks of those systems, signalling residents and visitors
alike that were moving LA.41 Surveys conducted in Los Angeles County had
shown Metro was already the name most people associate with us.42 The simplified
name Metro represented the enormity of such a large public works programme with
aplomb, removing the term Authority to avoid governmental connotations of
oversight and red tape.
Likewise, the LA Metro Rail route diagram is titled the Go Metro map (See
Illustration 60) and in so doing differs in using the new nickname as not only a title
but a beacon call. Citizens who had not previously depended on mass transit were
asked to choose to do so - to go Metro was a particularly intense expectation of
behavioural change. As analyst Gillian Fuller has shown, whereas signage systems
meant to control behavioural actions are nothing new, generally wayfinding signage
systems have had far more limited goals, and while simple graphic prompts () had
the power to shape decisions, the resulting actions were simple and directional in
aim - turning left or going up stairs.43 More broadly speaking, several main
categories of information are utilised in the presentation of environmental
information we so rely on to navigate through urban spaces. As Michael J. ONeill
40
Metro Writing Guide (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority,
2007), September 2007, p. 3. Available in-house at the Dorothy Peyton Gray Transportation Library
inside the headquarters of the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority.
41
Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority Style Guide (Los Angeles: Los Angeles
County Metropolitan Transportation Authority, 2011), January 2011.

42
Metro Writing Guide, p. 3.
43
Gillian Fuller, The ArrowDirectional Semiotics: Wayfinding in Transit, Social Semiotics, 12
(2002): 111 (p. 231).
152
details in a compendium study of Visual Information for Everyday Use, three types
of information are commonly presented to assist wayfinding: identification (room
numbers, business or department names), directional (arrows, text directions and
graphic symbols), and layout (including You Are Here maps and floor plans).44
LAs public transit map uniquely displays elements of all three: first and most
obviously in identifying the name of stations you can orient yourself towards, as well
as the names of lines to take you there. Of course it is most importantly directional,
for however aesthetically beautiful the information design, if the public information
does not clarify how and where the travelling consumer public wants to go, it has
failed as a piece of wayfinding writ large. The layout of the route is abstracted and
condensed into simple shapes and limited amount of directions, a graphic innovation
whose history traces back to the London Underground, and which we uncover in
more detail momentarily. Taken all together, then, beyond those more simplified
behavioural changes pointing you in the direction of the nearest exit, the LA
transport diagram prompts travellers to make a metaphoric new entrance, asking
drivers to take a new mode for their journey where they had previously not
considered it. Understanding Metros goals for their rail network means
understanding not just how destinations were situated, or new connections made
possible, but how information was designed to enable new behaviour.
Route choice in a public transport, like route choice on a freeway, requires
navigational aid from designed graphic communication in the visual environment.
Printed information materials are provided to the public users of mass transportation
to aid them in finding their destinations, or perhaps seeking new ones. The need for
wayfinding is universal for all journey takers, but the requirements for wayfinding
44
Michael J. ONeill, Theory and research in design of You Are Here maps.
153
change when the mode of transit does too. Indeed, professional geographers have
made the more than reasonable argument that there are many potential factors that
can influence the modal choice of the traveller, one of these being the level and
quality of information that is made available to the public about the Public Transport
services on offer in an area.45
In the US, at least, private transit and public transit are put through the
conceptual prism of representing larger concepts of private and public space. On the
one hand, private solitary transit by car has been championed and branded as
convenient and individualistic, or criticised as atomised, isolating, exclusionary and
unthreaded. Likewise, public transit, and the information design surrounding it,
paints a golden portrait of egalitarian accessibility where a universally wide mix of
people are able to come together to use government services for moving around their
urban environment. Urban critic Mike Davis has gloomily gone so far as classifying
these divides of Los Angeles as spatial apartheid, and the heavy presence of
minorities on the bus system throughout many parts of the city does little to allay
these fears.46 This is unfortunate particularly in light of the transit services being
open to all races and wealth levels. As the architect and environmental psychologist
who first articulated the modern concept of way finding as a dynamic process of
spatial problem solving, Romedi Passini separately deemed wayfinding as
essentially congruent with universal design.47 To be fair, while the egalitarian goal
of wayfinding information design is an accessible format for use by the widest array
of users, the ideals of universality can go unmet. City buses are full of those
45
Gareth Evans, David Forrest and Alastair Morrison, The Design and Application of the Stop-
Specific Bus Map, Proceedings of the 24th International Cartographic Conference - The World's
GeoSpatial Solutions, (2009).
46
Mike Davis, City of Quartz (London: Vintage, 1990), p. 224.
47
Paul Arthur and Romedi Passini, Wayfinding, frontispiece; Romedi Passini, Wayfinding Design:
Logic, Application and Some Thoughts on Universality, Design Studies 17 (1996): 319.
154
Angelenos of low financial means that are transit-dependent. When ones livelihood
depends on effective transport to work, Class cannot be removed.
In the United States, any analysis of economic class cannot be divorced from
racial relations. As the director of the Centre for Southern California Studies at the
California State University at Northridge, historian Josh Sides helpfully reminds us
the history of urban America is inseparable from the history of race in America.48
While socioeconomic parity is not something a map could solve, all that is not shown
on a map becomes that much easier to ignore.
As French political geographer Yves Lacoste has argued, geographers
provide an agency to information beyond what they might be comfortable with.
Lacoste states the map, perhaps the central referent of geography, is, and has been,
fundamentally an instrument of power. A map is an abstraction from concrete reality,
which was designed and motivated by practical (political and military) concerns; it is
a way of representing space, which facilitates its domination and control.49 The
more firmly embedded within the minds eye, the more a transport map becomes a
representation of urban space escaping the frame of representation, and bursting off
the cartographic plane into how the city itself is seen. The Go Metro LA transit
map simplifies the rail system to form such a coherency, just as it promotes it, all the
while providing a surprising new take on spatial relations in the region, its territories
and its motilities. The Metro map doesnt just provide (or seek to provide) answers to
common questions: Where do I board? Where do I alight? The Metro map makes the
48
Josh Sides, L.A. City Limits, p. 8.
49
Yves Lacoste, An Illustration of Geographical Warfare: Bombing the Dikes on the Red River, North
Vietnam, Antipode 5 (1973), pp. 113 (p. 1).
155
complex political and geographic reality of a city sensible and orderly it does the
least rational thing of all - it makes the city seem rational.
What kind of wayfinding map design could possibly make these new kinds of
journeys understandable? The first documented design of the Transit Map of the Los
Angeles Metro Rail system shows a vastly simplified physical geography with a
jagged and abstracted coastline, and only a partial naming of the much larger number
of communities the system passes through (See Illustrations 6970). A small
compass providing only the direction north is also provided, but a sense of the scope
and ambition of the expanding systems effect on the psyche of the region is not.
The newest version of the Los Angeles transport network map, on the other
hand, echoes the graphic advances made in Henry C. Becks first 1933 diagram for
the London Underground (and all subsequent Tube Maps to this day), as do a great
majority of transport maps worldwide (See Illustrations 7173).50 As indelibly
surveyed by design historian and London resident Dipti Bhagat in her essay The
Tube Map from Design Studies: A Reader, an entire city has come to be represented
by the constricted simplification of the following graphic guidelines: Becks
diagrammatic design is restricting to utilizing only horizontal, vertical, and 45-degree
lines; each line is distinctive by colour; stations are symbolized by ticks, and
interchanges by a circle.51 The Beck map is a template now so established it gives
the LA transit map authority.
The longevity, endurance, and flexibility of the original Harry Beck style of
information design is as amazing as its level of historicisation. Celebrated and copied
50
One only need a cursory glance through Mark Ovenden's Metro Maps of the World (Harrow, UK:
Capital Transport Publishing, 2003) to see the ample array of illustrations that mimic Londons
Underground Map.
51
Dipti Bhagat, The Tube Map, in Design Studies: A Reader, ed. by Hazel Clark and David Brody
(Oxford: Berg, 2009), pp. 485489 (pp. 4867).
156
the world over, art theorists, historians, design historians, and graphic designers alike
fetishize the map. Famed Dutch graphic designer Gert Dumbar called it a perfect
piece of design in a BBC special which also claimed it as one of British Graphic
Design's greatest triumphs.52 In a Lecture given at Birkbeck College, British
historian Eric Hobsbawm went so far as to call the map of the London underground
system the most original work of avant-garde art in Britain between the wars, even
though it was not produced as a work of art at all, but as an efficient technical
solution for a problem of how to present information.53 Amazingly a transport
network map came to represent the city as a singular thing, as if that could even
exist. The map has even influenced how we see urbanity because of its incessant
influence on information design worldwide. Few other maps are so clearly accepted
across the board as information design classics. As in the case herein of LAs Metro
map, each time Becks stylistic advances are followed, his canonisation continues
most resoundingly.
The most up-to-date transit map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system looks
digestible and aesthetically well considered (See Illustration 74 for the newest Go
Metro map available at this time, the July 2014 edition). Its spare theme of
abstracted color-coded lines at set angles doesnt just take from Becks original Tube
Map in clarity and attractiveness, it builds on itself as do other network maps.
Indeed, to this day Transport for London adds the following line as addendum to the
key of each and every one of their diagrammatic network maps: this diagram is an
evolution of the original design conceived in 1931 by Harry Beck.
What might the Tube Maps christening hide however? The London
52
London Underground Map, Design Classics, BBC, 1987.
53
Eric Hobsbawm, Behind The Times: The Decline And Fall Of The Twentieth Century Avant-Gardes
(New York: Thames and Hudson, 1999), p. 20.
157
Underground diagram also famously exaggerates and simplifies the regions physical
geography for ease of understanding. It does so by making the spaces between stops
on the map look equidistant when in due reality they are not. With the connections
and destinations between stations being the most important thing, even above and
beyond their cardinal directions North/East/South/West, distances are ignored. The
varying degree to which stops are actually spaced is sublimated to the white space of
the page, and the graphic designer and typographers discretion. Art theorist Rudolf
Arnheim believed this feature to be the strength of the design, as it gives the needed
information with the utmost clarity and at the same time delights the eye with the
harmony of its design. This is achieved by renouncing all geographic detail except
for the pertinent topological features- that is, the sequence of stops and
interconnections.54 However, such abstraction and reductionism is arguably both
confusing and costly, as tourists discover into Central London are pained to discover,
paying over four pounds to journey a mere 20 seconds and 260 metres between
Leicester Square and Covent Garden, adjacent stations on the Piccadilly line. That a
citys geography is more understandable to mentally map above ground is obvious to
Londons subway passengers, who struggle to reconcile the beautiful abstraction of
the diagram, below, with the hopelessly complex Medieval street pattern, above.
The tube map has become an icon in lieu of the other city icons not visible
from within the pull and depths of its journey. A trip on a subway is indeed the
ultimate in trust of wayfinding as guide. Without directional and identifying
signage systems, direction is murky, paths obscured, orientation up for anyones
guess. Maps inherently must condense the absolute reality of terrain represented, but
there is an endless means by which they can do so, all of which can alter the
54
Rudolf Arnheim, Art and Visual Perception: A Psychology of the Creative Eye (Berkeley, California:
The University of California Press, 1997), p. 159.
158
travellers internal representations of paths to follow, and thus the complete efficacy
of wayfinding. Internationally recognised information designer Paul Mijksenaar has
importantly remarked on this relationship by asserting one of the most important
characteristics of maps, namely the clear presence of the unpredictable and
unyielding reality showing through in the design.55 In comparison to our London
underground example, New Yorks subway map design derives its form from a close
proximity to physical geography, as does Pariss metro map. Yet Paris has its orderly
concentric arrondissements and New York has a grid to work with. Metro Rail in
Los Angeles goes more above ground than it does underground, so the outside world
being within sights is less of an issue. The speed and enclosure of travel distorts your
experience of geography, but with the Undergrounds void of any true sense of
geography above, the simplified map must be accepted. At least for Metro Rails
map, though, the information environment of routes does not have as much
responsibility to stand on its own as a visual shorthand for what's above. One can
still get some sense of approaching destinations through the visuals seen outside the
train.56
As backdrop to a busy built environment, wayfinding must compete for
priority in todays Los Angeles. Contemporary LA is a maze of a place chaotically
awash in signs competing for attention. Amongst the resulting visual noise, a less
cluttered built environment would itself be more manageable for spotting specific
signs. Yet the mangled environment of the strip seems not only a historical reality for
Los Angeles, but part of its very character.
55
Paul Mijksenaar, Maps As Public Graphics in Visual Information for Everyday Use: Design and
Research Perspectives, ed. by Harm J.G Zwaga, Theo Boersema, and Henritte C. M. Hoonhout
(Basingstoke, England: Taylor & Francis, 1998), pp. 211223 (p. 213).
56
For instance, this is particularly true at the Gold Lines Chinatown station, which is high up
above ground on an elevated platform.
159
While LAs metro map features a highly abstracted coastline and

disproportionate distances between stops, the rail network must cover a much wider
and more regional terrain to begin with. Accordingly, the station connections are
seen from above akin to satellite-view, a much more zoned out feature compared to a
London, a Paris, a New York. Also by way of comparison with the London Tube
Map, the Go Metro map is still a map for everyday use which is still very much
stuck there - situated as a wayfinding-device, not a cultural icon. Whereas decade
after decade, the local government body Transport for London has reproduced the
London tube map in yearly diaries and merchandising across the board, but this kind
of commercial cross-over has not reached fever pitch in Los Angeles. That the rail
system cannot be branded for promotional purposes likely speaks to the entrenched
negativity of the regions past reputation when it comes to public transit. The Go
Metro map is indeed an introduction and an induction as much as just a map for
people who already use it. For a transit map to have this level of visual rhetoric is a
tall task, yet in due fact, Metros established marketing campaign has been to drawn
in those who are discretionary (those that could drive, but are choosing otherwise),
not just the transit-dependent. This is a different kind of role for an in-house
communications of a transit group.
An enormous range of ground must be covered by any map provided for
audiences of LA transit, well understood by the citys highly mobile constituents and
their needs or desires to traverse significant distances. As the metropolitan region is
inevitably large, it is inevitably difficult to convey without simplification. This
enormity is particularly evident in a complete map of Los Angeles region
transportation systems, produced by Metro (See Illustration 75), which includes
major streets and boulevards, highways and freeways, bus and rail. At any remotely
160
zoomed out scale such as this one, the complexity is impossibly dense. Data is
visualised but rendered unusable, as it is on the contemporary and complete Metro
Bus & Metro Rail System Map, which goes on to include selected timetables for key
bus lines (See Illustration 76). This disorientation and information overload does not
get any better even in large-scale, as can be seen in context in a January 2014
rendition posted outside the Westlake/MacArthur Park Red Line station stop as a
large-format poster (See Illustration 77). Finally, even when narrowing in on the Bus
& Rail system map, however largely printed, the networks core hub of Downtown
Los Angeles cannot comfortably hold all the route information and requires a further
inset elsewhere (See Illustration 78). Separated from major maps of the system in its
entirety, Metro produces brochures specifically for individual bus route lines
containing a timetable and geographic map for that particular line, which are placed
on the buses themselves (See Illustrations 7980).
The Professor Hermann Knoflacher has expertly proven the power of
information provided within transport networks by describing route choice in terms
of certainty. The perceived certainty of the road map for experienced drivers detracts
them from new information that would be alien to them. Compared to some of the
worlds most famous strips, like Sunset Boulevard, Metro Rail lives under the
uncertainty of unfamiliarity. Knoflachers study proved that someone who has to
decide to choose between two different modes, one with a low degree of uncertainty
and one with a higher degree of uncertainty, will in general choose the less uncertain
mode. 57 In so doing, he effectively privileges wayfinding design as an utterly
essential factor in enrolling travellers to new transport modes. As technical
wayfinding tool, maps provide the assurance of certainty, or, as internationally
57
Hermann Knoflacher, Infoconnectivity - the value of certainty and uncertainty for interconnected
transport networks, Information Design Journal, 17.2 (2009), pp. 8590 (88).
161
recognized scholar Reginald G. Golledge has phrased it conventional wisdom

assumes that, as routes increase in length and complexity, the ability to remember
and traverse them without some type of aid (e.g. a map) decreases.58 Indeed,
improving customer wayfinding is a stated objective of Metro because it can help
increase ridership, and improve reliability and consumer loyalty. In terms of reliable
directional information provided by a transit map, the unwillingness to know can
become the unwillingness to go. If one is unwilling to learn about an area because it
is considered unsafe, for instance, the wariness that follows equates to not going to
these areas to begin with. When risks are seen as outweighing benefits of spatial
orientation, the areas stay shrouded, making the process circular. Though Knoflacher
continues by stating, actual information in public transport networks is very
important at all stations (my emphasis), he does not discuss the actual graphic
design challenge where each and every station must tell you about all other stations
an assured design challenge that only increases as the network grows.59
In June of 2013, Metro produced a network map of Metro Rail that showed
all the lines and stations under construction at that point (See Illustration 81). As this
hypothetical future LA unfurls, a large array of new stations furthers the extent of
urban geography being covered, yet in so doing, the wayfinding maps changes from
daily usability to an essentially promotional use. You cannot as yet follow the under
construction map as an actual diagram for an actual journey. Thus these maps,
however tantalizing, open themselves up to the criticism of possible inaccuracy. In
the past construction of the system up to its current standing, there were wildly and
overly optimistic dates given for when completion was expected. Though, again, the
58
Reginald G. Golledge, Place Recognition and Wayfinding: Making Sense of Space, Geoforum
Volume 23, No. 2 (1992), pp. 199-214 (p. 208).

59
Ibid.
162
map can only go so far in symbolizing what is actually going on with the systems
physical construction it is so much easier to add new lines to the map as
representation than the physical and political efforts therein. As cartography scholars
Silvania Avelar and Lorenz Hurni clarify, creating a schematic map for representing
a transport network may be seen as a straightforward task; however, the underlying
design of such maps can be quite complex.60 For a geographically accurate map of
the system as actually is, you would have to turn to in-house graphics not meant for
wider public use. A 2013 map of the Los Angeles County Metro Rail System
designed by Metros Bin Mo provides a full above-ground geography of the system
and the cities it passes through (See Illustration 82).
Outside of its imbued classic attributes connecting it to an information design
giant, the Go Metro map has the perceived neutrality which accompanies official
documents and which is so imbued by visual communicators designing for large
publics. The map makes use of Dutch type designer Jan-Pools most famous and
ubiquitous typeface DIN, released by distributor FontShop in 1995 (See Illustration
84). DINs name and formal characteristics require some recounting. In a cruel twist
of irony, LAs Metro creative department makes uses of German road-sign lettering
to advertise alternatives to the car. Firstly, the typeface is named after Germanys
national organization for standardization, The German Institute for Standardisation.
The Deutsches Institut fr Normung, as it is called in the German language, is more
simply known by its acronym DIN. Frankfurts D Stempel AG foundry invented
and released the first proper DIN typeface in 1923. As eminent design historian
Jeremy Aynsley makes clear, the German Standards Commission (or, Deutsche
Normenausschuss) paved the way to efficient, rational organization of manufacture
60
Silvania Avelar and Lorenz Hurni, On the design of schematic transport maps, Cartographica, 41
(2006), pp. 217228 (p. 217).
163
by leading the movement to standardize industry (...) through DIN (Deutsche

Industrie Normen) standards, which they introduced in 1926.61 In 1936, the DIN
typeface was adopted by that same German Standards Commission, and became
widely used as lettering on street and building signage. The mid 1920s brought new
growth in industrial manufacture and road construction, and DIN became the
typeface of choice for standardised German road signs.62 To this day, the standard
DIN 1451 is the typeface on Germanys road signage. As the look of the highspeed Autobahn, DINs typeface design originates from a background of engineers
and their ideals, not one of commercial graphic designers.
Like those standard alphabets of American heritage, seen on roads
nationwide as well as on LAs neighbourhood name signs, DINs design reflects a
spartan rationality. Rather than drawing too much attention to itself, it recedes back
to aid transmission of the message it spells out. For this reason, Metro Design Studio
finds FF Din a perfect fit for their subdued directional signage at all Metro light rail
stations (See Illustration 83 for an example from the Metro Gold Line). As with the
typeface Scala, Metro uses FF Din agency-wide, but DIN is the most commonly seen
and used of typefaces on LAs Metro Rail route map and wayfinding signage (See
Illustration 84). DINs legibility ensures the typeface is commonly used, and it fits
particularly at home in airport and large terminal wayfinding systems, such as that of
Londons St Pancras International (See Illustration 85). By being exclusively typeset
in the FF Din typeface family, Metro Design Studios map design looks bold and
contemporary, a growing if not yet defining aspect of the place.
Public signage need look authoritative for it to read like a decree from on
high. As Middlesex Universitys Stephen Boyd Davis unravels, Geographic maps
61
Jeremy Aynsley, Designing Modern Germany (London: Reaktion Books, 2009), p. 118.
62
Ibid.
164
often appear to be among the more objective kinds of graphics. We think of them as
representing in a rather direct way something in the world.63 The transit map must
look trustworthy, but not heavy-handed, something to follow by choice, not by force.
Declaring laws you cannot violate requires stark clarity, not necessarily stylishness.
All of this balances rather awkwardly with approachability. In any case, the Go
Metro map seems naturally able to conjure a politically satisfied and across the
board complete picture of the system. As Boyd Davis once again deconstructs,
despite their apparent message of objectivity, maps select and even distort, because
maps, like all images, are made for purposes, and those purposes influence the final
form.64 Presenting the system as a natural inevitability further supports the idea of
future expansion as absolute certainty, whatever the cost - this is problematic and
needs more critical appraisal.
From a glance, on your way and in a hurry, the Go Metro map looks simple,
ordered, and merely a guide on a system from your current station to the next one.
Ever naturalised into the environment, constantly marking out the spaces and
communities they pass through, the signs help you forgot the renaissance of rail in
Los Angeles has been anything but simple, a journey this dissertations last chapter
has spoken to.
63
Stephen Boyd Davis, Mapping The Unseen: Making Sense of the Subjective Image, in Emotional
Cartography: Technologies of the Self, ed. by Christian Nold (London: Wellcome Trust, 2009), pp.
3952 (p. 40).
64
Ibid.
165
Illustration 59.
2009 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system,
designed by Metro Design Studio.
166
Illustration 60.
Metro Blue Line, Light Rail Route Grand Opening, July 14, 1990.
167
Illustration 61.
The Metro Blue Lines north-south route from
downtown Los Angeles to downtown Long Beach.
(Clarification: other stations and lines on the system appear here in
black and white, but have in some case been edited graphically by
the author for clarity).
168
Illustration 62.
Mass transit in Los Angeles began in 1874, with the horsedrawn carriage
of the Spring & West Sixth Street Railroad.
169
Illustration 63.
1906 Map of The City of Los Angeles Showing Railway Systems,
Issued by the Los Angeles Travel and Hotel Bureau.
(Clarification: cropped in on the hub of Downtown).
170
Illustration 64.
1920 Relief Map of Territory Served By Lines of Pacific Electric Railway
In Southern California, Largest Electric Railway System In The World.
Rotated on axis for detail.
171
Illustration 65.
Route map of the Pacific Electric Railroad, 1923. Cartography by Gerald
Cinamon for Reyner Banhams Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies
(London: Penguin, 1971), redrawn from Spencer Crump, Ride the Big Red Cars
(Los Angeles: Crest Publications, 1962).
Rotated on axis for detail.
172
Illustration 66.
The Metro M logo, designed by Anne Roubideaux, art director of the
Los Angeles County Transportation Commission, 1990.
173
Illustration 67.
The Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority
becomes Metro, with new identity as initiated by Creative Director
Michael Lejeune.
174
Illustration 68.
When the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority
became Metro, the in-house creative agency adopted Scala as an
agency-wide typeface.
175
Illustration 69.
2001 design of the Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system, in color.
The coastline is vastly simplified, with only partial naming of the communities
the system pases through. A small partial compass providing only the direction north is used. While I could garner no specific accreditation for the graphic
designer of the piece, it seems likely to have been designed or at least art directed
by the former art director of the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission,
Anne Roubideaux.
176
Illustration 70.
2001 design of the Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system,
in black and white.
177
Illustration 71.
The original 1931 sketch by Henry Beck sent to Frank Pick for the
London Underground diagrammatic map (the London Tube Map).
178
Illustration 72.
1933 first printing of pocket map by Henry Beck of the London Underground.
179
Illustration 73.
1976 New York Subway Guide, designed by Unimark.
180
Illustration 74.
July 2014 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system,
the most up-to-date available at this time.
181
LA County
Olive View
Medical Center
SAY
RE
DSO
E
BLE
ORO VISTA
MT GLEASON
BRIGGS
LOWELL
DUNSMORE
LA CRESCENTA AV
BRIGGS
ANGELES
ALTA CANYADA
ALLEN
VALLEY
MILLS
CANYON
ROSE
TOWNE
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TOWN
INDIAN HILL
MILLS
EUCLID
MA
PIPELINE
EASTERN
RESERVOIR
BALL
BALL
Disneyland
Resort
COSTA MESA FWY
WEST
VALLEY VIEW
KATELLA
KATELLA
FREEDMAN
KATELLA
SANTIAGO CANYON
ANAHEIM
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CONVENTION
CENTER
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GROV
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SANTIAGO CANYON
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LBA LBD
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Illustration 75.
Complete map of Los Angeles region transportation systems, produced by Metro,
including major streets and boulevards, highways and freeways, bus and rail.
At any remotely zoomed out scale such as this one, the complexity is impossibly
dense. Data is visualised but rendered unusable.
CENTRAL
IRVIN
SCEN
SHEPARD
BENSON
RESERVOIR
TOWNE
RAN
GLASSELL
BEACH
KNOTT
RAN
L
NOH
LINCOLN
SER
MAGNOLIA
RIM CANYON
CH
CENTRAL
MILLS
INDIAN HILL
SAN ANTONIO
SAN ANTONIO
TOWNE
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PARK
WHITE
SANTA ANA CANYON

LA PALMA AV
460
460 To Disneyland
BENSON
TOWNE
MOUNTAIN
DAMIEN
GS
BAR BL
DIAMOND
BREA
BL
BAR
FWY
OND
DIAM
ORAN
GE
KRAEMER
STATE COLLEGE
VALLEY VIEW
VALLEY VIEW
KNOTT
STANTON
RIVER
91
ANAHEIM
N MILLS
WHEELER
WILLIAMS
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RD
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460
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SAN DIMAS AV
WALNUT AV
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REEDER
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2ND
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CERRITOS AV
PASADENA AV
GLENDORA AV
GRAND
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RA
AZUSA
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460
LA PALMA AV
LA PALMA AV
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VIEW
460
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91
LA PALMA AV
SIDE
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Cal State Univ.

Fullerton
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MAR
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LA CIENEGA
HAWTHORNE BL
INGLEWOOD AV
REDONDO BEACH AV
AVIATION
SEPULVEDA BL
57
57
TA
MADISON
DIA
MON
CATALINA
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PACIFIC COAST HWY
CARSON
BIRCH
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ROSECRANS
SAN
METRO BLUE LINE
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BL
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LA MIRADA
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BL
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RIVERSIDE DR
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57
OFF
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490 to Brea Mall
MISSION
PHILLIPS
WALNUT AV
NO
CHI
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BLOOMFIELD
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CAN
BL
BLUE
Chino
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High School
HOLT
60
BREA
TIER
FE
METRO
SUSANA
PASE
ONA
LEM
SON
STIM
WHIT
FWY
SANTA
ARBONNE
BEVE
RLY
TUJUNGA AV
BL
VAN NUYS
LANKERSHIM
VENTURA CYN
CANYON
WOODMAN
HAZELTINE
COLDWATER
FULTON
KESTER
GLEN
VINELAND
K
POL
VAN NUYS BL
WOODLEY
HASKELL
BL
BL
DA
SEP
ULVE
WOODCLIFF
FWY
BARHAM
HASKELL
RUFFNER
HAYVENHURST
HASKELL
NESTLE
SEPULVEDA
LINDLEY
HAVENHURST
BALBOA
TAMPA
WILBUR
LOUISE
CANOGA
SEPULVEDA BL
ENCINO
ZELZAH
HAYVENHURST
LOUISE
WHITEOAK
RESEDA BL
CORBIN
WINNETKA AV
SERRANIA
ROX
FOR
BL
WILBUR
BALBOA
WHITE OAK
RESEDA BL
ZELZAH
DARBY
DE SOTO
CANOGA
TOPANGA CANYON
DE SOTO
WOODLAKE
OWENSMOUTH
TOPANGA CANYON
WINNETKA AV
SHOUP
SHOUP
LOUISE
CORBIN
MASON
TAMPA
WILBUR
VANALDEN
DE SOTO
WINNETKA AV
MASON
VALLEY CIRCLE
RESEDA
WINNETKA
TAMP
A
AV
SM1
FT291
HO
RANC
COR
FWY
GRAND
OW
SHAD
ONA
POM
FORD
WOOD
IN
LAT
GAL
CALI
FORN
IA
Y
EXP
TEMESCA
L
ONA
COR
CHAUTAUQUA
GAREY
PECK
BL
FT195 FT493
FT493
FT195
RIO
FWY
FT482
EAST ONTARIO
PEDLEY
RIVERSIDE DOWNTOWN
9TH
SA N
BE R N A R D IN O
COU N T Y
490
LB102
COLORADO
Terminal
Island
ND
RIEL
A ANA
SANT
ALAMEDA
METRO BLUE LINE
ST
DIAMOND
BAR
VERDE
FT195
E PHILADELPHIA
DIEG
2ND
FT291
SAN
LB91 LB92 LB93 LB94
LIVINGSTO
BELMONT
SHORE
LEFFINGWELL
111
LB102
LBD
96 ZAP
7TH
LB131
FT193
LEXINGTON
POMON
A
PALO
FT480
FT192
FT480
POMONA
9TH
71
YON
FT285
WT2
LB173
Cal State University
Long Beach
COA
LB111
LB112
96 ZAP
LB181 LB182
LB112
LBA LBD
GRA
GAB
FWY
BULLIS
LB111
SAN
WILCOX
APH
EGR
TEL
LONG BEACH BL
10TH
LB91 LB92 LB93 LB94
LONG BEACH
BL
LB173
362
SPRING
FT191.FT292
FT195.FT294.FT855
DOWNTOWN POMONA
LINE
MISSION
FT193
OC757
PATHFI
460
CARSON ST
405 LB172
96 ZAP
LBD
LB171
PAC
IFIC
LONG BEACH
HARBOR
RUS
ON
FULT
GE
ORAN
PH
ALAMEDA
L
ONA
ATHERT
ON
WHITE
LAS
ON
CORRAL CANYON
S MISSI
GRA
TELE
KING
LB21
LB22
LB23
4TH
CITY BL
MISSION DR
ONT
ER
LUTH
LB102
DIAG
LB172
LB45 LB46
LB131
HOLT
FT480
FT195 FT493
FT853
FT854
FT493
FT853
ROUTE
MORENO
FT292 FT294
Montclair
Plaza
BENITO
EGE
K/M
LB191
LB102
FT191
FT852
GROVE
ORANGE
484 FT482
METROLINK RIVERSIDE
SANTA CLARA
60
MONTCLAIR FT292
FT294
UPLAND
FT187
RANCHO
CUCAMONGA
FONTANA
RIALTO
SAN
BERNARDINO
KINGSLEY
PATHFINDER
ROSECRANS
460
SOUTH
LB173
FT854
FT853
FT495
FT493
FT482
EN
FT699
FT480
LEFFINGW
M50
NW4
128
CR1
CR2
HAWAIIAN GARDENS
WILLOW
S
OTE
COY
LB171
LB81
OCEA
NAVY
MX3X
TEMPLE
AV
FREM
ATLANTI
ALAMEDA
SPRING
LB112
LB111
LB112
STEARNS
LOS
ANAHEIM ST
INAL
SAN
PEDRO
MX3
445
446
MARINO
IELD
LONG BEACH
AV
7TH
DEL AMO
CENTRALIA
605 362
FT852
ARROYO
FT193
GRAN
OC757
FT854
FT853
OC757
10
WHITT
111
WT2
M50
ALONDRA
CERRITOS
CR1
LB173
LB101
490
FT482
FT495
FT854
GOLD
FT482
DR
NDER
NW5
91
275
CNT
195TH
CR1 CR2
WILLOW
BROADWAY
1ST
OCEAN
ARTESIA
LB102
ST
LB131
PACIFIC COAST HWY
LB131
Queen
Mary
SAN
GARF
BRANNICK
MALIBU
GROVE
GAGE
BOYLE
Shoreline
Village
SHORELINE
SCENIC
183RD
LB101 LB173
LB172
&
275
TOW
CR1
CR2
LB191
CARSON ST
LB91
LB93
CO.
CR1 CR2
NE
362
NGE
128 NW3
ARTESIA BL
LB101
CENTRALIA
LB92
SOUTH
405
SIGNAL HILL
LB171 LB172 LB173 LB174
LB181 LB182
1ST STREET
TRANSIT MALL
Los
Cerritos
Center
LB172
LB91
LB93
LB131
LB102
HILL
96 ZAP
5TH STREET
60
232
360
OCEAN
OAK
AEL
RAF
LOS ROBLES
SAN
ORANGE GROVE
26
LB7
PACIFIC
CE142
REEVES
HASTINGS
DR
RANCH
ARROYO
AV
WILMINGTON AV
103
SPRING
LB45
Biola
University
460
NW3
362
LB173
LB91
LB101
LB103
LB112
LB111
WILLOW
Long Beach LB21

City College LB22
LB23
LB7
PACIFIC COAST HIGHWAY

LB61
LB62
275
LB191
LONG BEACH
AIRPORT
(LBA)
LB21
LB22
LB23
CR2
LB92
LB101
LB21
LB22
ANAHEIM
60
232
360
CR2
275
CR1
CR2
WT2
Whittwood
Mall
WT2
NW4
ORA
275
460
NW3
FWY
128
NW1
NW1
NW3
CR1
130
FT191
ARROW
FT190.FT492
FT690.FT699
SAN BERNARDINO AV
FT195
FT482
INDUSTRY
WALNUT
FT495
FT493
FT482
FT289 60
FT178 FT482 FT493 FT495
ELL
IMPERIAL
275
ROSECRANS
ANA
EXCELSIOR
166TH
CR1
CR2
CR1
LAKEWOOD
LB93
LB101
LB103
LB112
LB103
BIXBY
LB7
K
YOR
N ARROYO
SAN RAFAEL
52
BROOK
WILLOW
265
266
LB111
WILLOW
60
360
LB5
LB182
NEW
AV
AV
ALAMEDA
66 ZAP
LB61
LB62
LB101
LB103
LB5
LB102
LB182
LB181
232
DR
YO
ARRO
VISTA
AV 57
K
LIN
LB93
Lakewood
Center Mall
LB101
LB131
LB181
WILLOW
ALTADENA
CANADA
LINDA
50
TRO
WILMINGTON AV
AVALON BL
22ND
AV
/ME
MAIN
SANP
CANDLEWOOD
DEL AMO
LB22
TERM
Ports
446 OCall
Village
205
LB22
265
LB22
LB21
CARSON ST
NEW
CE142
ARD
ARROYO
ION
DIVIS
RAK
SANFORD
TE
25TH
LB1
LB171
ANAHEIM ST
LB191 LB192 LB193 LB194
OCEAN
9TH
9TH
13TH
MAR
LB45
47
PILCH
LB93
LB101
LB103
LB191
66 ZAP
LB61
LB62
LB101
LB103
111
NW4
NW5
460
484
CURRIER
484
484
GALE
FT699
FT192
FT292
FT294
FT855
OC757
490
FT285
WT1
M50
APH
NW3 NW5
NW3
NW3
FT289
VALLEY
FT289
COLIMA
ROWLAND
HEIGHTS
FT480
FT855
FT292
FT294
FT699
LA HABRA
WT2
MILLS
EGR
NORWALK/
SANTA FE SPRINGS
IMPERIAL HWY
42
484
FT178
FT289
WCGRN
484
ROWLAND
Schabarum
Park
72
BRO
ADW
AY
TEL
275
NW4
NW3
362
NW1
NW3
Cerritos
College
91
LB91
LB93
SOUTH
MARKET
WARDLOW
9TH
202
47
445
Angel's
Gate Park
Korean
Bell
446
PASEO DEL
LB191
LB192
LB193
LB194
T3
202 232
NNE
CHA
CERR
CE142
VINCENT
THOMAS
BRIDGE
447
19TH
SANP
MX3X
AV 54
RD
LEAFWOOD
103
TERMINAL
ISLAND
FWY
232
BFGRE
FLOWAVISTA
BFBLU
19
DEL AMO
LB1
T3
446 447
ITOS
447
SANP 446 445
205
OA
FIGUER
S
ADAM
AVALON BL
MIRALES
1ST
7TH
DLOW
362
NW1
NW2
460
266
265
LB21
LB7
60
360
LB5
LB192
405
WAR
LB1
NW1
MIDWAY ST
BL
WT1
GUN
111
STON
NW2
LB172
LB173
128
LB92
BFORA
BFBLU
TIER
BER
CARREY
PUE
FWY
PUENTE
HILLS
MA
LAM
MILLS
NW1
LA
VALLEY
AV
FT853
FT854
RD
NTE
FT280
POMONA
Puente
Hills
Mall
FT185 FT482
FT190
FT191
FT852
VALLEY
FT187
FT479
FT192 FT855
WCGRN
INYO
INDUSTRY
RSID
E LINE
FT285
FT281
NE
FT291
RY
M50
SFTRA
130
BFORA
LB192
LB194
LB191
LB192
LB193
LB194
LB91
LB93
ARTESIA BL
WHIT
WT1
BER
VALL
FT190
FT190
VER
WT2
IER
NW2
605
ALONDRA
LB22
ARTESIA FWY
LB191
LB101
WARDLOW
202
ANAHEIM ST
232
FIGUEROA
VERDUGO
VERDUGO
ST
SEPULVEDA BL
LINCOLN
AV
Y CLUB
SAN PEDRO
STANFORD
HARRY
BRIDGES
550
447 550 MX3
25TH
MAR
NTA
METRO BLUE LINE
205
225
226
Marymount
College
DEL
SCE
12T
DR
S E
DR
PALO
DES
VER
ES
225
213
PASEO
CRE
COUNTR
9TH
8TH
CAF
PACIFIC COAST HWY
WILMINGTON
445
MX3X
SANP
SUMMERLAND
226
Royal Palm
State Beach
LA
LB191
LB193
446
447
445
MX3X
550
TOL
CAPI
ES
226 PVGL
LOMITA BL
LDWLM T3
PACIFIC COAST HWY
LA Harbor
College
GAFFEY
S VERD
PALO
225
PVGR
PVGL
S VERD
E
PALO DR
PLE
PVGR
205
PVGL
T3
T3
110
T7
205 232
MX3
PVGR
SEACOV
TEM
550
205
WESTERN
S DR
VERDE
PALOS
CAD CAG
223RD
128
M10
275
MUL
275
NW4
FIRE
NW5
LB172
LB173
RIVE
A
COLIM
ARROW HWY
ARROW
LA
FT191
VIST
A
TA
SFTRA
LAKELAND
NW2
NW3
NW2
NW2
LB172
LB173
125
BFGRE
ROL
MAR
CUAR
TELEGRAPH
111 SFTRA
111
362
SFTRA
275
NORWALK
125
NW5
SON
SFTRA
SFTRA
484
MET
HACIENDA FT493
FT495
HEIGHTS
FT285
COLI
LA
EY
484
FT178
FT190
FT291
LEY
FT699
10
FT191
57
490FT193
LEY
VAL
FT289
OAK
FT190
FT492
FT190
McKIN
FOOTHILL
Claremont FT292
Colleges FT294
6TH
CLAREMONT
FT852
FT480
FT482
FT480
FT480
FT193
484
FT191
FT190
490
FT486
484
FT289
LEMO
IDE
WCGRN
FT482
M50
484
TEMPLE
484 490 FT289
ND
WALNUT
School of
Theology at
Claremont
FT292
FT189 FT492 FT294
BONITA
SAN BERNARDINO AV
Devry Insitute
of Technology
FT482
(Construction
Detours
thru early 2006)
Mt. San Antonio

College
FT486
AMAR
MAIN
GALE
270
275
FT480
FT699
Cal Poly
University
Pomona
490
FT280
LPL
484
LA HABRA
M50
FWY
SAN BERNARDINO
WCBLU WCRED
490
CRE
EKS
Pomona
Raceway
LA County
Fairplex
LEX
FAIRP
AV
HISON
FT281 FT488
FT189
FT292
FT855
FT189
FT690
FT855
FT855
FT292
FT294
FT190
FT699
MURC
AMAR
LEY
BRACKETT
FIELD
Puddingstone
Reservoir
Frank G.
Bonelli
Regional
County
Park
210
GRA
HALLIBURTON
FT185
PHILADELPHIA
FT499
FT499 FT699
FT292
FT855
CLAREMONT
FT187 FT294
HARRISON
FT492
FT499
FT280
FT486
FT855
FT294
FT855
FT187.FT292
FT294.FT690
FT291
TE
FT280
LA PUENTE
FT189
FT292
FT294
FT187 FT690
FT492
POMONA
PUEN
VIA
16TH
210
EGE
COLL
ILL
FT492
of
LA VERNE University
La Verne
Park
t Creek
FT480
CORTEZ
FT690
FOOTH
BONITA
AV
Walnu
FT498
FT499
VALINDA
AMAR
FT185
FT482
60
FT285
FT185
FT482
SAN
BFORA
NW1
127
BFGRE
ROBL
FT285
FT185
TA
LB192
66 ZAP
LB61
LB62
LB5
LB192
CAD
CAG
SFTRA
460 NW4
NORWALK
BFGRE
FT281
LOS
M50
MARTIN
LUTHER
KING
IMPERIAL
127
BFORA
BELLFLOWER
LB7
SANTA FE
SPRINGS
WCBLU WCGRN WCRED
WCGRN
FT178
FT189
FT494
ARROW
DIMAS
SAN
VERDE
WEST COVINA
FT690
FT492
BONITA
ARROW
BASELINE
FT189
BASELINE
PUENTE
FT488
Eastland
Center
FT498
LPL
FT185
VAL
TURNBULL CANYON
SFTRA
NW1
BFBLU
265
91
NE
STEWART & GRAY
460
FOSTER
125
BL
IAN
Whittier
College
SLAU
111
METRO GREEN LINE
LAKEWOOD
COMPTON
266
BFORA
484
WHITTIER
270
WASHINGTO
SFTRA
SFTRA
270
NW1
SFTRA
270
NW1 SFTRA
SFTRA
SFTRA
127
121
117
125
LB21
STO
CTO
JUL
FT283
FT284
FT851
FT851
FT851
SAN
DIMAS
210
FT284
LLO
BADI
MERCED
FT486
PRO
DON
BEVERLY BL
WT2
SLAUSON
362
SFTRA
605
111
270
FIRE
266
265
105
127
130
HARDING
SOUTH
PH
AV
115315
265
LB7
66 ZAP
LB61
LB62
LB191 LB192
202
233RD
ST
225
PVGR
EASTFIEL
226
E
EIM
205
ROLLING HILLS
CREST
RANCHO PALOS VERDES

226 444 PVGL
CNS
T7
205 232
ANAH
MX3
LB62
LB61
GRA
ENCE
Stonewood
Center
BFORA
260
361
LB192
60
360
CAF
CAF
CAC
CAC
234TH
445
MX3X
205
550
HARBOR
CITY
CE448
CE448
CREST
CAD CAG
446
447
CAC
223RD
SEPULVEDA BL
GA2
GA2
GA2
PACIFIC COAST HWY
FIGUEROA
RD
225
GA2
T9
T9
LOMITA
HILLS
PVS
PEA
225
CE448
444
PVB
MX2
BL
ZA
RIDGE
IAN
PLA
HIGH
PVGR
PVB
IND
GLENDALE
T9
232
MX3 T5
DES
DR
CAC
T3
CAB
VICTORIA
FWY
SOMERSET
CARSON ST
CAF
T5
MX3
ING
VER
DIUM
STA
REA
RK
ROLL
ROLLING HILLS
ESTATES
PAL
OS
CAB
128
121
265
LB5
362
TELE
FLOR
111
42
MAIN
CENTURY
460
PARAMOUNT
ARTESIA BL
710
202
LE
JR
ROSECRANS
DEL AMO
CAD CAG
DOMINGUEZ
117
ENDA
KING
127
60
360
CAA
CARSON ST
GARD
LUTHER
LYC
260 361
202
DEL AMO
213TH
CAF
CAB
GA2
T7
T9
SKYPA
TORRANCE
MUNICIPAL
AIRPORT
BL
PVGR
WY
INO
444
CE448
MX2
PVB
226
PVB
BL
MX2
Harbor/Ucla
Medical Center
228TH
TIN
ND
260
361
CAA
205 CAD CAE CAG
CARSON
CAE
213TH
CAF
CARSON ST
223RD
GA2
AMO
T9
CAE
ONT
TURM
405
CAF
CNS
T7
NEWTO
444
CE448
MX2
ORNE
HAWTH
CE448
444
UNIVERSITY
CNS
445
266
19
LYB
125
COMPTON BL
ALONDRA
LB5 LB61
66 ZAP
CAA
BRENNER
205
446
447
110
CARSON
MAR
CORTLA
460
CARLIN
LYC
Compton
College
130 202 260 361
ARTESIA
205
VICTORIA
Cal State University

Dominguez Hills
TORRANCE BL
CARSON ST
T1 T3
DEL
AMT
CAM
PVS
226
PASEO
LUNADO
T8
MX2
232
225
PVW
E MALA
GA
T5
ANDO
FERN
HWY
LINA
COAS
CAMPESINA
MONT
AV
CATA
OR
COAST
PROSPECT
HARB
PACIFIC
235TH
SAN
VALLEY
ECT
PROSP
PACI
FIC
T5
MX3
SEPULVED
A BL
T7 T9
T4
LOMIT
A
53
130
202
GREENLEAF
130 205 T6
WALNUT ST
260 361
BITTERLAKE
Home Depot Center

Soccer Stadium
192 ND
205
550
445
GA2
GA2
T1
T3
T5
202
GREENLEAF
T6
GARDENA FWY
CAA
VICTORIA
CAE
CAH
190TH
HARBOR
GATEWAY
DEL AMO
R
ATE
ATW
AV
PVS
PARK DR
SA
PVB
T8
T9
225 PVW
VIA
PVW
T7
BL
52
352
446
447
ALBERTONI
190TH
213
T5
T5
IA
T1 T3
CARSON ST
T9
444
T4
MX2
T HWY
DR N
DR W
445
MX3X
T2
T5
MX3
MAPLE COL
UMB
MX2
SEPULVEDA
VERDES
T6
TORRANCE
T4
PVS
GRIFFITH
HERMO
PALOS
VERDES
PVW
PALOS VERDES
ESTATES
MAR
CAH
91
205
352 130
52
444
T6
T8
T2 T3
Del Amo
Fashion
Center
T7
CALLE MAYO
T4
CALLE DE ARBOLES
PALOS
226
DEL
CLOYDEN
182ND
205
COMPTON
AIRPORT
CAH
GA3
214
612
LYA
127
M60
M60
IA
PAER
LB7
COMPTON
51
LYD
60
360
202
125
ALONDRA
T1
CE448
T1
GA2
405
444
T8
107
TORRANCE BL
RD
FWY
ANDO
FERN
MOR
T4
225
226
GA4
ARTESIA TRANSIT CENTER

GA2
460
LYA
LYC
LYNWOOD
LH1
205
GE
CECIL
DLSE
DLSW
NW1
FT274
270
270
275
FT274
M40
NW1
WT1
WT2
270
AV
115
Rio
Hondo
College
M10
M50 SFTRA
NW1
SFTRA
270 NW1
265
ENCE
111
INK
GLADSTONE
FT189
FT494
FT492 FT499
ARROW
FT284
BADILLO
FT851
490
WCRED
WCBLU WCRED
WCBLU WCRED
FT185
FT488
MAPLEGROVE
FT185
LPL
FT486
LPL
LPL
INK
M50
M60
265
IMPERIAL
117 121
ROL
MIL
BROADWAY
PICO RIVERA
SLAUSO
N
115 315
710
/MET
KMA
BL
WT1
WT2
MIL
266
BRID
FLOR
SCOUT
258
259
115 315
260
361
RAK
270
FT274
NW1
ERL
Y
FLO
WT1 RAL
WT2
605
NW1
266
SLAUSO
108
265
FT482
FT281
AMT
FT482
FT493
FT495
FT274
ES
BL
M10
265
108
BG1
M30
GAR
CART
611
TTIE
R
M60
FT281
FT488
FT281
FT690
FT690 FT189 FT690

FT851
FT187 FT189
FT284
COVINA BL
CAMERON
QUIT
O
FT281
AMA
R
SON
FT690
FT189
FT283
FT851
FT488
FT498
FT499
WCRED
COVINA
FT283 FT284
FOOTHILL
BASELINE
FT690
CIENEGA
CYPRESS ST
FT187 FT283
FT494
FT690
10
FT280
FT272
NCIS
FT486
LPL
LPL
NEL
484
FT482
NW1
CROSSROADS
WOR
BEV
WHI
108
362
MER
FRA
FT274
EY
NW1
LY BL
265
BL
266
HING
TON
D
FIEL
117
266
M60
265
M20
DOWNEY
FT274
VALL
FT274
MIL
AN
WORKM
South Hills
Park
FT492 FT499 FT851
COVINA BL
FT281
ROWLAND
FT281
PKWY
CAM
ERO
FT283
FT494
GLENDORA
FT189
FT283
FT189 FT851
FT488
FT498
FT492
FT281
WCBLU WCRED
Plaza at
West Covina
FT851
FT187
ALOSTA
FT498
FT690
COVINA
FT283 FT284
FT185
FT274
FT480 FT481 FT498 FT499 FT699

COV
INA
FWY
PLE
605
FT495
FT274
ES
M30
BG1
BG1
CART
LAK
612
IMPERIAL
M342
72
M50
WAS
FT488
FT486
TEM
EMORA
484
FT482
FT493
IFIC
FT178
BERNARDINO
CED
EMYEL
EMYEL
170
FT482
M60
PAC
FT274
BPT
BPP
SAN
FT283
FT488
FT498
ALOSTA
AZ1
FT281
490
WCRED
PUENTE
FT178
FT274
FT699
FT499
FT281
FT488
FT498
FT492
WCRED
FT280
WCRED
SAN BERNARDINO
BADILLO
FT185
BEVER
M10
M20
M70
M343
FOST
121
LONG BEACH
LYC
LH1
LH2
COMPTON BL
SAL
T
FIRESTONE
105
119TH
LH1
LH2
53
51
CART
612
SOUTHERN
ABBOTT
M70
DUR
AZ1
WCRED
39
490
490
490
FT274
FT272
FT178
BPT
BPP
FT488
FT498
FT480 FT481
FT493
FT495
IOT
FEE
DUR
270
AZ1
FT281
FT280
AZ1 FT492
ARROW
CYPRESS ST
FT488
484
ELL
ER
TYL
FT492
FT185
METROLINK SAN BERNARDINO LINE
BALDWIN PARK
490
RAMONA
BALDWIN PARK
10
270
FT178
LOS ANGELES ST
FT178
A RD
AZUS
NW1
266
MIN
ES
ER
FT488
FT486
FT499
EMYEL
FT269
FT482
FT269
FEE
M40
MONTEBELLO
COMMERCE
M20
M70
M343
ELLIOTT
FT272
170
170
SOUTH EL MONTE
270
GAGE
M30
110
251
350
MARTIN
124
WILLOWBROOK
125
52
352
446
447
214
161ST
GARDENA BL
GA1
ARTESIA BL
T5
MX3
DIEGO
SAN
ARD
T4
232
T5
130 444 GA2

SAN
55
120TH
53
COMPTON
ST
TWEEDY
60
360
LYC
110
BG1
111 711
121 612
M10
362
EMGRE
EMGRE
EMORA
DURFEE
MONTEBELLO
CLARA
490
270
170 484
266
Whittier
Narrows
Recreation
Area
M343
M70
M70
WASH
INGTO
COGRN
COORG
COYLW
M30
COMMERCE
COMMERCE
108
BELL
GARDENS
M342
BL
18 66
M50
COYLW
COORG
COGRN
COYLW
BANDI
NI
BEVERLY
EMGRE
GARVEY
170
266
19
60
Montebello
Town Center
M20
M70
M341
M343
M40 M341
M70
COGRN COORG COYLW
362
COBLU
CORED
258
259
611
AV
CART
M20
ROSE
HILL
68
FWY
POMONA
M70
M30
66
ANA
CORED
GAGE
BELL
CUDAHY
42
117
M30
SLAUSON
FLORENCE
681
RY
OLYMPIC
SANTA
COGRN COORG
110
SANTA ANA
RUSH
18 M10
ER
LOW
EMBLU
FT178
490 FT488
EL MONTE
170
266
70 370 ROSE
170
ROSE
ROSE
170
POTR
M70
MP1
BL
EMBLU
EMBLU
EMRED
BRYANT
EL MONTE
70
370
Citrus
College
BASELINE
AZ1
FT280
IRWINDALE
LIVE OAK
FT272
OLIVE
270
EMBLU
EMRED
268
491
FT492
EL MONTE
AIRPORT
FT492
491
EMRED
AZ1
GLADSTONE
ARR
FT178
FT283 FT494
FT488 FT494
FOOTHILL
Azuza
Pacific
University
AZ1
FT281
210
FT492
EL MONTE
BUSWAY
STATION
FT281
AZ1
FT690
1ST
OAK
FT272
CK
EMRED
267
M20
ROSE
MP3
DE
361
710
111 711
TWEEDY
CENTU
53 LDWTS
EL SEGUNDO BL
260
170
ROSE
70 370
MP3
ERO
BL
76
ROSE
AZ1
OW
LIVE
FT492
270
FT494
HEMLO
176
GRAN
BEVE
RLY
260
& 91M50
LINE
NTIC
260
361
76 ROSE
GOLDEN HILLS
FWY
FT851
BENNETT
AZUSA
FOOTHILL
ILL
Y
BALD
FT851
FT851
FT185
FT189
FT280
AZ1 FT185 FT187 FT189 FT494

FOOTH
Santa Fe Dam
Recreation Area
605
FT185
FT272
LIVE OAK
78 FT492
491
FT492
FREER
268 EMRED
RD
AZUSA
LOWER
AZ1
FOOTHILL
FT690
DUARTE
City of
Hope
Medical
Center
SIERRA MADRE AV
AZ1
FT187 FT189 FT494
FT184
177 264 DUBLU DUGRE
491
78
484
HUNTINGTON
264
78
LIVE OAK
DUBLU
DUGRE
ROYAL OAKS
FT690
FT272
268
ROSEMEAD
ROSE
170
EMERSON
MP3
GARVEY
MP3
5
LINE
ATLA
SOUTH GATE
60
360
681
FE
LDWTS
ANA
IMPERIAL/
WILMINGTON
ROSECRANS
REDONDO BEACH
444
445
550
GA1
GA3
GA4
GA1
GA2
GARDENA BL
210
T5
S RIVER
AND
HIGHL
439
GA3
GA4
GA3
BL
130 210 444
T2
MX2
Redondo
State
Beach
FWY
MAR
DEL AMO
T3
SPRINGS
DEL
215
215
REDONDO BEACH
232
214
CO.
LINE
COBLU
GTON
GE
INI
611
251
350
315
103RD
254
LH2
45
46
45
46
446
447
WASHN
ORAN
BAND
AV
611
LDWTS
SANT
A
256
OLINK RIVERSIDE
LINK
176
76 489
170
487
489
GROWES
MP1
MP2
M30
68
M70
WHITTIER
108 358
M4
MP2
260
361
MP1
MP2
MP10
RIGGIN
EAST 361 M40M341M342

M343
LOS ANGELES
MAYWOOD
WATTS
305
612
METRO GREEN LINE
AVALON
48
51
52
352
LH2
135TH
T1
CE448
MARINE
190TH
YL
BER
130
BEACH
GA3 710
110
444
445
446
447
550
ROSECRANS
GA4
GA4
El Camino
College
DO
REDON
MX2
T2
190TH
STATE
VISTA
130
439
126
MX3X
GALLERIA AT
SOUTH BAY
EY
T2
MANHATTAN BEACH BL
124
BL
GA1
GA2
135TH
460
48
124TH
45
46
SEGUNDO
125
ARTESIA BL
Galleria at
South Bay
RIPL
209
GA2
GA1
LWRES
211
LWRES
130
GRANT
ANITA
HEROND
LAWNDALE
107
40
340
442
MX2
215
91
T8
HARBOR FWY
207 357
209
124
GA2
GARDENA
103RD ST
681
AK/M M50
ETRO
M30
370 MP4
MP2
RD
VALLEY
76 170 487
170
170
MP1
MP1
66
AMTRAK/METR
AMTR
RANDOLPH
612
681
ST
258
259
18 720
362
FRUITLAND
CART
SOUTHERN
254
55 612
117 119
120
256
ELA
66
OLYMPIC
HUNTINGTON PARK
SAN
TA
115
92ND
CDWTS
53
305
53
53
65
S
PAS
MP2
M40 M341 M342 M343

255
MP4
REY
MONTE
68
LONGDEN
TEMPLE CITY
LA ROSA
267
MT
39
DUBLU DUGRE
177
FT184.FT187
FT189.FT494
210
DUBLU
DUGRE
270
FT494
LAS TUNAS
GRAND
487
268
OAK
BROADWAY
266
489
BROOK
BRADBURY
FT184
HUNTINGTON
264
DUARTE RD
267
LIVE
OLIVE
ERO
76
LEMON
FT184
OLIVE
270
FT690
ARCADIA
78
TUNAS
HELLMAN
3RD
BL
66
70
MP4
258 259
78
491
79
CAMPUS
264
267
266
489
LONGDEN
LAS
176
JUNIP
MONTEREY PARK
370
19
BROADWAY
RIDGE
FOOTHILL
270
FT187 FT189
FT184
79
MISSIO
10
260
361
FLORAL
60
ELA
65 362
254
FLORENCE
103RD
LDWTS
CENTURY FWY
65
ELA
720
TIER
258
259
70
East Los
Angeles College
258
259
31
487
M30
ALHAMBRA
484 487 489

170
710
68
31 ELA
SLAUSON
SANTA ANA
FIRESTONE
92ND
COLDEN
LDWTS
VERMONT
204
120TH
135TH
GA4
MARINE
FLORENCE
305
108TH
ATHENS
EL
210
710
T2
115 315
MANCHESTER
48
18
CAL STATE LA
256
30 ELA
256
65
LEONIS
111 611 612
119
254
605
WHIT
254
251
350
108
358
254 681
110
65 254
ELA
30
255
258
78
AV
260
361
MISSI
76
VALLEY
258
259
487
78 487
LAS TUNAS
78176
258
177
FT184
79
Santa Anita
Park
268
Santa Anita
Fashion
Park
79
264
264
MAIN
176
M30
MONROVIA
491
FT690
FT187
FT189
79.264
FT184
RD
DUARTE
ROSES
RD
MBRA
ON
258
259
485
76 485
485
170 ALB
DR
30 68
254 255
FWY
POMONA
BANDINI
VERNON
NADEAU
51
52
352
LDUM
117
120
BL
GAGE
254
POMEROY
BLANCHARD
FLORAL DR
254
576
60
107 108
251
350 358
360
53
612
RD
FOWLE
CITY TERRACE
71
255
68
EZ
605
79
SAN
GABRIEL
485
ALHA
COMMONWEALTH
D
COR
CON
76
CAL STATE
UNIVERSITY
LA
256
85 0
484.489.49
487.4
370
65 70 71
MEDFO
254
70 370
SH
E CHAV
30 31
4TH
251
350
37TH
102
107
108 358
GAGE
CENTURY
745
251 18 720
350
66
60
360
LDSE
611
110
115 315
45
46
745
81
381
HARBOR FWY
620
105 576 611
VERNON
LDPSE
611
107
SLAUSON
ZAR
WABA
71
255
1ST CESA
254
102
LDSE
FLORENCE 55
53
ROSECRANS
126
GA1
MX3
T8
ARTESIA BL
HERMOSA BEACH
105
209
124 126
125
41ST
51
52
305
352
MANCHESTER
81
381
LDUM
204
305
754
10
362
76
ALCA
254
251
350
605
TIER
79
258
259
259
256
76
ION
MISS GY
BIG
LA COUNTY/
USC MEDICAL
CENTER 10
620
350 605620
620
WHIT
253
110
111 711
305
68
BOYLE
HEIGHTS
65 M50
55TH
48
LDUM
GA2
120TH
126
BL
135TH
211
LWEX
MX3X
126
MX3
126 MX3
MANHATTAN BEACH BL
232
GOULD
LOS ANGELE
ING
PERSH
REDONDO BEACH
MANHATTAN BEACH
439
130
CE438
PVS
PVW
CRENSHAW
HAWTHORNE
MUNICIPAL
AIRPORT
SEGUNDO
EL
GA1
LWRES
55
LDSE
53
SLAUSON
51
52
352
GAGE
M40.M341 3
M342.M34
620
OLYMPIC
41ST
51ST
54TH
FLORENCE
110TH
120 206 209

LA S W
College
126
120TH
HAWTHORNE
40
340
442
215
405
232
117
206
108TH
119
207
357
210
710
120
ROSECRANS
LIN
209
119
110TH
IMPERIAL HWY
45
46
745
81
381
444.445
446.447
460.550
GA1
CE438
CE448
T1.T2
ARBOR VITAE
108TH
WASHINGTON
51
52
352
LDSE
620
4TH
66 366
58
53
305
115 315 442
42
210
710
Hollywood Park
Racetrack
CENTURY
124
MX3X
125
GRE
EN
MANCHESTER
Great Western
Forum
90TH
ERSO
LDSE
108 358
442.444
445.446
447.460
550.GA1
CE438
CE448
T1.T2
206
211
212
211
BROADWAY
405
T8
CE574
MET
RO
126
115 315 442
211
212
124
135TH
DOUGLAS
MARINE
111 711 305
207
357
120
EL SEGUNDO
210
710
119 212
HAWTHORNE 119
40
119
126
340
442
215
CE438
SM3
C6
124
232
125
ROSECRANS
439
CE438
GOLDEN
MAR
215
105
AVIATION/LAX
T8
626
124
EL SEGUNDO
711
PACIFIC
DEL
MX2
MX3
CE574
GRAND
EL SEGUNDO BL
125
215
340
117
120
MARIPOSA
626
MARIPOSA
124
111
ARBOR VITAE
CENTURY
C6
COMMONWEALTH
439
625
125
439
CE438
Manhattan
State
Beach
BUCKLER
HILLCREST
University of
West Los Angeles
LAX CITY BUS CENTER
439 625
220 439 625 CE438
DR
FAIRFAX
VISTA
CE438
L
RHIL
C6
96TH
220
232
439
T8
IMPERIAL
Dockweiler
State
Beach
OVE
WESTCHESTER
220 625
LIA
LN
LINCO
115 315
SM3
OTIS
College of
Art & Design
PKWY
WEST
204
754
LDUM
209
FLORENCE AV
111
102
107
110
484.485.487
489.490 620
30 31
18 720
58
JEFF
48
LDUM
68
53
105 576
45
46
745
110
SLAUSON
206
GAGE
1ST
23RD
51
52
352
ES
CHAVE
6TH
60 360 362
58
360
79
78
GTON
HUNTIN
256
259
252
EL
SERENO
267
264
266
Huntington
Library
and Gardens
Y
MONTERE
485
79
687
491
FOOTHILL
FT187 FT189
COLORADO
266
267
FT184
266
267
CALIFORNIA
487
GLS
SIERRA MADRE BL
268
177
210
SIERRA MADRE
VILLA
267
SAN PASQUAL
HUNTINGTON
687
ALHAMBRA RD
78
256
79
78
252
GLE
MONTEREY
485
SIERRA MADRE
GRAND VIEW
268 487 GLS
268
GLS
FT690
COLORADO
CALIFORNIA
GLS
ARTS 60
GLS
266
FT187 FT189
FOOTHILL
DEL MAR BL
SAN
MARINO
HUNTINGTON
79 260 361 485

79
ALEGRIA
MADRE BL
SIERRA
268 ARTS 30 ARTS 31

ARTS 40
487
FT690
177
181 FT187 FT189
181
267
Pasadena City
College SAN PASQUAL
VIRGINIA
110
176
GLS
177
485
SOUTH
PASADENA
260
361
45
79
78
DLHC
687
MISSION
MISSION
GLW
LINE
GOLD
MONTEREY
HILLS
MERCURY
BROADWAY
255
350
620
370
78.79
70 71
70.71
VIGN
4TH
16
316
7TH
45 DLHC
176
AV
MONTERE
AV 60
256
46
255
46
255
MAIN
76 DLHC
CESAR
ENA
FWY
NA
ADE
PAS
PASAD
381 METRO
256
176
81
110
Debs
Regional
Park
HERITAGE SQUARE
A
ERO
251
350 83
101
53
81
381
CUA
PAS
SAN
83
VISTA
EROA
FIGU
LINCOLN
HEIGHTS
MAIN
110
4TH
5TH
6TH
ST
PICO
37TH ST/USC/EXPO PARK
81
LDSE 381
LDSE
LDUM
206
108 358
110
40
CE AV
48
LINCOLN/
CYPRESS
ALPINE
7
7TH
MPI
TE
MON
AV43
FIGU
DR
2ND
OLY
WASH
55
CE419
CE413
394
CE409
381
96
83 84 85
94
46
45
91
DLHC
NG
90
SPRI
81
83
YORK
DHPER
HIGHLAND PARK
176
83
381
81
350
RSID
MY
5TH
9TH
VERNON AV
204
754
207
305
357
207
305
357
RIVE
ACADE
101
1ST
2N
D
6TH
HIGHLAND
PARK
CYPRESS 83
PARK
84
90
85
91
94
394 84
85
GLN
DHPER
177 ARTS 20
177 686
ARTS 20
260
361
California
Insititute
of Technology
ARTS 60
METRO GOLD LINE
256 686
ARTS 10
GREEN
MAR BL
DEL
FILLMORE
ARTS 31
ARTS 60
ARTS 40
ALLEN
177
WALNUT ST
UNION
256
ARTS 32
264
268
ARTS 60
MOUNTAIN
GROVE
ORANGE
FOOTHILL FWY
FT690
267 CE549
687
DEL MAR
Eaton
Canyon
Park
264
ARTS 32
VILLA
LAKE
CE549
ARTS 10
DEL MAR
YORK
686
PASADENA
ARTS 40
FT690
CE549
ARTS 10
264
NEW
WASHINGTON
WASHINGTON
ORANGE GROVE
MEMORIAL PARK
256
264
NEW YORK
256
686
William
Carey
International
University
268 ARTS 31/32
268
180
485
ARTS 20
687
MOUNTAIN
WALNUT ST
267
CALIFORNIA
81
381
DHPER
MENDOCINO
180
485
BURY
COLO
LOMA
MERIDIAN
256
ERAS
ARTS 20
GREEN
380
256
LA
SOUTHWEST
MUSEUM
RES
S
Dodger
Stadium
SEE
DOWNTOWN
LOS ANGELES
INSET
12TH
BLVD
105 576
LDLS
608
LDLS
110
HWES
SOUT
PARK
HYDE
212
312
INGLEWOOD
FLOREN
40 42
LDSE
608
576
VERNON AV
107
SLAUSON
107
107 110
BEA
CH
107
405
42
LOS ANGELES
INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT
(LAX)
WORLD WAY
209
48TH
302
304
TEMPLE
316
11TH
110
40
42
45
46
745
GA1
Exposition
Park
340
M.L. KING JR DR
ERT
105 305
1016TH
INGTO
N
USC
608
39TH
LEIM
54TH
HYDE
PARK
40
210
340
710
16
102 550
LDLS
ROSA
NA
MARI
115
WESTCHESTER
608
KING
VISTA
108 358
FAIRVIEW
CENTINELA
CE574
CRYSTAL
LAN
HOL
BL
VIA
SM3
MANCHESTER
42
220
Playa
del
Rey
M.L.
42
107
14
3RD
66
366
328
110
206
EXPOSITION
102
STOCKER
FAIRVIEW
110 439
115
ON
200
28
Occidental
College
MT
WASHINGTON
176
CYP
Elysian
Park
Mount
Saint Marys
College
37
204
754
ON
MORT
ET
FWY
81 180 380 DHPER
OSA
CALAV
WOOD
687
177
RADO
256
180 181
380
180181
San Gabriel
Mountains
264
MARIP
687
260
361
ARTS 20
267
SECO
CE549
RADO
COLO
181
EAGL
84
85
96
O
ECH
SCOT
SUNS
92
FWY
83
ROCK
ER
AV785
CE413
CE419
SC794
SC799
DIUM
Rose
Bowl
URA
ALUMN
YORK
BL
DIVISION
92
603
23RD
TCH
5
STA
WOOD
10 11
85
84
FLE
ECHO PARK
2
8TH
OLYM
PIC
200
30
31
33 333
434
603
200
38
207
357
550
576
EXPOSITI
COLISEUM
SANT
A
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C6
439
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210
305
710
RODEO
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212
312
108 358
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108
110
Loyola
Marymount
University
SM3
LDCRN
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C3
C4
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CORA
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110
108
CE574
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220
220
105
201
603
603
68
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210
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92
603
439
37
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206 CE430 CE431
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316
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206
201
90
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394
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92
92
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267
268
ARTS 31/32
267
Angeles National
Forest
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CALAV
260
361
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WASHINGTON
Scholl
Canyon
Park
201
LOMA ALTA
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DR
WOODBURY
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304
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College of Design
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SE
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183
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90
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28 328
Jet
Propulsion
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(JPL)
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91
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357
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209
209
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177
268
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GB2
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92
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GB2
GB4
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183
380
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94
394
GB12
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SANTA MONICA
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WASHINGTON
439 576
201
LOS
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GB2
GB11
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204
754
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207
357
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210
710
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LA
City
College
206
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175
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312
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312
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105
439
C5
C5
156
LDHW
16 316
OLYMPIC
550
SM12 SM13 LDMID
212
312
68
WEST LA
TRANSIT
CENTER
26
206 380
10 11
14
434
33 333
ON
INGT
WASH
NATIONAL
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333
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210
710
BEVERLY BL
20
305
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105
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THE
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College
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GB2
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GB12
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312
28 328
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SM13
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LE
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220
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SM2
C1
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PARK
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CE431
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MONICA
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217
218
DR
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TON
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N
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NATIO
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CITY
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328
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Santa
Monica
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SM8
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FWY
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22
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AY
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COL
Santa Monica
Pier
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AN
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105
576
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LIN
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Monica
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Beach
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20
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MON
SAN
IFOR
CAL
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SM4
SM8
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SM11
SM9
434
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SM4
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LOS ANGELES
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SM10
BL
ICA
TA
220
ER
ITH
LDBC
HOLLYWOOD/
VINE
212 380
156
2
LDFX
16 316 576
BURTON
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WILSHIRE
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CE534
761
WEST
SM2
720
20
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SHI
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TAN
MON
SM4
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Will Rogers
State Beach
RD
LYL
CAR
SM3
SM9
SM3
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VICE
SAN
SM4
SM9
316
22
92
94
183
394
FLOW
CE549
156
312
WHA
WEST HOLLYWOOD
LDHWD
304
14
ON
CAN
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SM4
SM3
720
CE430
D
23R
434
20
CE574
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SM3
SM14
2
302
576
COAS
AVE
CE430
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SET
IC
ROD
SET
SUN
SUN
PACIF
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CE430 SM9
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302
576
434
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ICO
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CENTER
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20 21 720
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Bowl
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HIGHLAND
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Pass
217
2 302 LDHWD
217
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LA Zoo
DR
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Western Heritage
Griffith
Park
163
CE422
CE423
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CANON
761
MAL
CANYO
434
101
HOLLYWOOD BL
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AV785
CE413
CE419
SC794
SC799
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CE549
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KS
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305
302
SUNSET
576
305
302
UCLA
576
2 302
RSID
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260
361
LOMA ALTA
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BERKS
177
268
ARTS 50
CUMB
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NOA
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GB3
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OAK
96
Runyon
Canyon
Park
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2
761
SUNS
SM14
CE430
TUNA
CANYON
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GLEN
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CE573 SC792
PEAK
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92
BL
FWY
ZOO
210
DESCAN
CE409
90
91
GLE
96
RIVE
DR
VERDUGO
KEN
FWY
WIL
GLE LOW
N
LAUR
CAN
RLY
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FWY
SAN DIEGO
A
TOPANG
CANYON
CE573
CE574
The Getty
Center
LE
DO
152
RIVERSIDE
LCFS
MONTROSE
NTAI
GB7
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Mount
Olympus
PIUMA
DA
Disney
Studios
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FORES
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90
91
GB3
MOU
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NET
HOL
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NAN
ALAME
CE549
96152
NBC
Studios
Universal Citywalk/
Amphitheater
NET
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GB12
CE413
92
SAN
Warner
Brothers
Studios
163
UNIVERSAL CITY
218
KEN
183
HILL
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CE409
Brand
Park
FER
134
Universal Studios
156
HOLLYWOOD
HILLS
92
BL
VICT
ORY
163
CE549
RIVERSIDE DR
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Pepperdine
University
TOLUCA
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BEL
AIRE
BURBANK
BMDS
96
96 152
LAND
RE
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NT
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HWY
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163
UNIVERSAL
CITY
RA
CYN
KS
MAGNO
183
CHAND
183
166
101
DO
BL
NK
BURBA
154
CAN
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156
SET
GLE
FER
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761
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SC797
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LER
LL
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T
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COL
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TE
STA
750
NET
BURBANK
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SUN
CRES
T
FOOT
90
91
Stough
Park
KEN
164 CE413
VICTORY
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LANK
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CE423
96
240
EDIS
ON
WHI
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230
LDVAN
150
Mount Saint Marys

College - Chalon
Topanga
State
Park
TOPA
NGA
PIUMA
DEN
CAMARILLO ST
CE422 CE423
230
LDVAN
STUDIO
CITY 218
LAUREL
HAYVENHURST
STUNT
MULHOLLAN
STU
GOL
LE
BL
IM
ERSH
154
156
166
CE549
96
DR
101
167
LDVAN
92
AV785
CE419
SC794
SC799
163
152
BURBANK BL
91
GB3
AV
Wildwood
Canyon
Park
EMPIRE
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LANK
VALLEY
VILLAGE
230
RIVERSIDE
167 LDVAN
MOORPARK
150 240 750
Sepulveda
Pass
PIUMA
KS
NOA
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GLE
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VALLEY
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PLATT
DLE
BRA
WOODLAKE
LIN
FALLBROOK
LEY
LDVAN
LDVAN
167
167
VENTURA
SE
LU
163
MAGNOLIA
ORANGE
TRO
90
CE409
OLU
94
163
394
94 165 394
183
90
MON
Woodbury
University
BOB HOPE
AIRPORT
(BUR)
NORTH HOLLYWOOD
156
ON
CANY
VAL
96
VENTURA FWY
CE423
LDVAN
158
NGA
TUJU
E
OP
TEL
96
CE422
158
418 CE549
183
HON
OLU
HON
165
OXNARD ST
CE549
156
LA CRESCENTA
91
LU
RD
RD
BURBANK AIRPORT
152
90
OLUL
U
Verdugo Mountains
94
163
394
166
426
418
405
PIUMA
DO
152
27
434 TO
TRANCAS
CYN.
NAN
SHERMAN
164 CE413
154 426
HON
FWY
91
DO
152
163
230
418
750
LLAND
MULHOL
ST
AN
152
163
169
163
CANYON
CE409
NAN
VANOWEN
230
418
426
FOO
THIL
LA TUNA
92
FER
169
166
170
154
167
96
LDVAN
150 240
EHUR
STON
FWY
164 426
LDVAN
96
169
SAN
FER
STRATHERN
SHERMAN
BURBANK BL
183
750 761
SHERMAN OAKS
N
SAN
NORTH HOLLYWOOD
167
LDVAN
LA
Valley
College
158
MAGNOLIA
183
234
LAN
LAND
KS
NOA
LIN
TRO
ME
HOLLYWOOD
CHANDLER
LDVAN
233
237
761
A
TUJUNG
CANYON
GLE
RD
164 426
LDVAN
156 CE549
MULHO
TOP
CAN ANG
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94
394
SUN VALLEY
165
154 LDVAN
154 LDVAN
SC793
SC798
183
234
761
Skirball
Cultural
Center
165
167
DAY
TUJUNGA CANYON
91
CE409
210
FOOTHILL
SATICOY
230
418
CE413
CE549
761
AV786
CE573
CE574
SC792
SC797
MULHOLLAND
DO
VALLEY
GLEN
LDVAN
CE549
Topanga
State Park
TON
FAIR
NAN
FER
TEL
150 240 750
VANOWEN
156 CE549
183
234
CE549
166
169
90
TUJUNGA
163 CE413
158
SUMMITROSE
SAN
750
ENCINO
FEN
RICK
HER
BOA 150 240
BAL
LAN
MUL
AGOURA HILLS
FWY
236
237
BURBANK BL
234
CE549
405
MAGNOLIA
750
154
CE422 CE423 CE573 CE574
VENTURA
150 240
VALLEY VISTA
HOL
THIL
FOO
K BL
CE423
152
230
418
LINK
LDVAN
156
233
237
761
154
154 CE549
ROS
PEN
SUN VALLEY
SHERMAN WY
165
164 426
OXNARD ST
HOL
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KWA SAS
PAR ABA
CAL
164 237
234
CE549
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101
LDVAN
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SC798
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SC792
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LEY
154
236
237
CE573
CE574
239
750
164 237
VICTORY
BUR
240
FWY
CE422 CE423
239
150
TE
STA
WELLS
164
236
237
CE573
CE574
154
CE422 CE423
750
AV787
TARZANA
WELLS
YON
150 154
154
CAN
150 750 AV787
750 AV787
239
240
REL
LAU
DUMETZ
164
OXNARD ST
WOODLAND HILLS
245
MULHOLLAND
CE423
164
VENTURA FWY
MUL
245
CE422
FWY
150 243
101
165
VANOWEN
163 CE413
156
233
761
92
152
166
166
152
166
166
169
/METRO
158
163 426 SC793 SC798
WENTWORTH
FOOTHILL
CANYON
LA TUNA
TUX
PEO
SATICOY
AMTRAK
234
AV786
SC792
SC797
237
Sepulveda Dam
Recreation Area
154
DLE
VENTURA
Thousand Oaks
Transit Center
ST
CE422 CE423
CLARK
163 169 426
165
OXNARD
243
426
WY
239
TOPHA
Los Angeles
Pierce College
OXNARD ST
243
LDWW
BRA
243
AV787
SC796
Warner
Center
VENTURA
CE422
CE422
To Vanowen
CALABASAS
AV787
LDWW
KS
ERWIN
NOA
GLE
LUIS
240
165
150
CE575
CANOGA
161
154
VANOWEN
169
SHERMAN
THIL
FOO
101
SAN
161 To
245
K A
PARNAD
GRA
165
VICTORY
TOPANGA CANYON
RD
163 426
243
165
164
CE423
CE423
152161
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VENT
161
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CE422
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CALAB
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163 426
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230
152 418
167
169
SATICOY
169
237
SC793
SC798
170
152 167 418
158
169
169
BL
D
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SUN
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D
FOR
152
156
169
233
761
90
91
210
SHADOW
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RIA
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TWO
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VAN NUYS
AIRPORT
(VNY)
92
166
94
394
BRA
158
158
169
152 167 418
ROSCOE
237
SC793
SC798
169
CANOGA PARK
161
CE422
CE422
152 418
SC793 SC798
152 418
167
CE409
SUNLAND
RD
BRA
230
RD
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CHAS
167 169
156
FOOTHILL FWY
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Recreation Area
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152 418
169
SHERMAN WY
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90 91
90 91 169 CE409
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TAG
158
OSB
166
166
166
MON
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167
233
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LAKEVIEW
TERRACE
94
394
230
BEL
TER
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761
PANORAMA
CITY
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SC793
SC797
SC798
WOOD
LE
CIRC
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LINE
152 418
SATICOY
161
164
750
150
245
750
AV787
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BURBANK BL
237
154
169
OXNARD ST
152
LEY
A COUNTY
STRATHERN
VICTORY
Valley Circle
VAL
236
237
CE573
CE574
PARTHENIA
INK VENTUR
152 418
152 154 418

LDNOR
761
233
AV785
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SC794
SC799
158
166
NORDHOFF
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LA
METROL
154
LDNOR
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152 154 418
152 418
239
154
230
158
168
761
RA
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HILLS
RA
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233
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VAN
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158
DEVONSHIRE
MISSION HILLS 168233

167
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NORTHRIDGE
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TON
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92
243
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Plaza
164 To
CALVERT
234
168
166
DMA
164
VICTORY
245
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PLUMMER
167
239
WOO
166 243 LDNOR
PAX
TER
CAN
166 LDNOR
LDNOR
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ST
237
94
394
AV
243
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SC796
163 426
150
245
CE575
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CHATSWORTH
LASSEN
167
168
ETA
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165
245
239
TUJUNGA
CAN
YON
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168
761
118
NUY
168
San Gabriel
Mountains
168
94
394
DEN
GOL
163
152
245
Valley Circle
VANOWEN
Knapp
Ranch
Park
WEST HILLS
152
163
169
245
165.245 To
Cal State
University
Northridge
240
BIG
ARR
230
DR
H
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TSW
FOX
CHA
234 CE574
AV
Bell
Canyon
Park
239
168 240
166
166 LDAR
SION
S.F. MIS
ND
BRA
ETA
ARL
CANYO
169
239
CE573
OYO
92
SAN
FERNANDO
CE574
234
BL
239
Angeles National Forest
7TH
TOPANGA
167
240
154
166
ROSCOE
169
239
DEN
240
AV787
167 AV787
VINCENNES
Northridge
Fashion
Center
152 418
152
240
168
167 AV787
243
AV787
NORDHOFF
150
245
426
CE575
SC791
STRATHERN
158 CE419
237
CE573
SC791
118
LA
Mission
College
234
234
N
KMA
239
WOR
230
RINALDI
405
CE573 CE574
236
237
CE573
CE574
SAN JOSE
239
158 240 CE419

240
AV787
154
LASSEN
PLUMMER
167 243
LDNOR
NORDHOFF
PARTHENIA
RD
158 CE419
168
PRAIRIE
NORDHOFF
27
152
ROSCOE
GRANADA
HILLS
154
Mason
Park
243
167
LDNOR
245
426
CE575
SC791
AV787
SC791
SC796
BAR
HUB
239
CE573
DEVONSHIRE
167
243
LDNOR
SC796
166
CHASE
DO
167
243
LDNOR
SC796
NAN
166.167
243.245
CHATSWORTH
236
237
CHATSWORTH ST
ST
CHATSWORTH
245
MARILLA
168
245
CE575
SC791
FER
CHATSWORTH
AV787
DEVONSHIRE
166
245
CE575
SC791
166
168
245
CE575
SC791
PLUMMER
239
SAN FERNANDO MISSION BL
154
SAN
FWY
E
STAT
EN
BL
A
LVED
SEPU
CE575
SVC
158
CE419
118
SC791 SC796
154
237 239 SC791
RINALDI
AV787 SC791 SC796
RINALDI
SC791 SC796
243
SVC
SC791
SC796
SC791
BOR
GOLD
RONALD REAGAN FWY
WILBUR
BIN
COR
243
118
PORTER
RANCH
DIN
HAR
94 230
239 394
CE574
90
91
CE409
92
SYLMAR
SAN FERNANDO
CE574
AV786
SC784
SC788
AV786.AV787
CE573. SC792
SC793. SC796
SC797. SC798
LAY
MAC
236
92
SYLMAR 94394
CE573
CE575 SVC
SIMI VALLEY
MOORPARK
CAMARILLO
OXNARD
MONTALVO
WOO
DLE
GE
210
236
DLE
Y
234
234
KS
BRA
WHITSETT
OA
BALB
GLE
HER
RICK
94
RID
94
91
90
94 CE409
236
210
NOA
A BL
RESED
Brown's
Creek
Canyon
Park
234
ELD
OLIVE VIEW
CE409 SC790
FOOTHILL FWY
236
236
HUB
BAR
D
Newhall
Pass
SESNON
N
SESNO
Veterans
Memorial
Park
14
CE573
SC790
SC793
SC796
SC798
O'Melveny
Park
WHITSETT
NEWHALL
SANTA CLARITA
PRINCESSA
5
VINCENT GRADE/ACTON
LANCASTER
AV787
Santa Susana
Mountains
182
Metro Local & Limited
Line
SEAL
BEACH
37
ST
ST
SP
RIN
ADAMS BL Automobile Club of
81 450
442 460
LDF
Southern California 442

LDF
450 460 T4
CE438 CE448
OC701 OC721
LDD
Orthopaedic
Hospital
FT
49
FT 3 FT
49 49
9 FT 7
69 FT49
9 8
MAIN ST
SPRING ST
ST
LA Trade Tech 37 38 55
355 603 22ND ST
LDD
Illustration 76.
Contemporary and complete Metro Bus & Metro Rail System Map,
MAIN ST
LOS
SAN PEDRO ST
LOS ANGELES
MAIN ST
SPRING ST
ST
51
52
66
352
6700
66
9TH ST
LDE
Bus Service to Downtown

Subway Stations
51
52
352
40, 68, 70, 71,9276, 78, 79, 378, 442, 485, 487,
489, 704, 728, 733, 745, 770, AV785, BBBR10,
DASH B, D, Lincoln Heights/Chinatown,
Bunker Hill Shuttle, CE431, 534, FT481, 493,
497, 498, 499, 699, Silver Streak, SC794, 799,
OC701, T4, USC Shuttle, LAX FlyAway
LDE Outlets Express
Commerce Citadel
Civic Center/Grand Park oon

2, 4, 10, 14, 28, 30, 37, 40, 45, 48, 68, 70, 71,
76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 90, 91, 92, 94, 96, 302, 330,
378, 442, 487, 489, 728, 733, 745, 770, 794,
AV785, BBBR10, CE409, 419, 422, 423, 431,
437, 438, 448, 534, DASH A, B, D, FT493, 497,
LDE
498, 499, 699, Silver
Streak,
PICO
BL OC701, SC799, T4
Traffic
Court
2, 4, 10, 14, 16, 18, 28, 30, 33, 37, 40, 45, 48, 53,
55, 62, 70, 71, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 90, 91, 92, 94,
96, 442, 302, 316, 330, 355, 378, 460, 487, 489,
720, 728, 733, 745, 770, 794, CE419, DASH B, D,
FT Silver Streak, M40, 50, M341, 342,
OC701, 721, T4
55
355
10
10
San Pedro St o
METRO BLUE LINE
40
45
745
M50
WASHINGTON BL
LDKE
GA1X
LDE
M50 LDKE
LDKE
LDKE 21ST ST
48
LDKE
14
51
52
352
LDE
14, 16, 18, 20, 37, 51, 52, 53, 55, 60, 62, 66, 70,
71, 76, 78, 79, 81, 96, 316, 352, 355, 378, 442,
450, 487, 489, 720, 760, 770, AV785, BBBR10,
CE409, 422, 423, 431, 437, 438, 448, 534,
DASH A, B, E, F, FT493, 497, 498, 499, 699,
Silver Streak, M40, 50, 341, 342, OC701, 721,
SC799, T4
SAN PEDRO ST
35
55 355
38
FASHION
DISTRICT
60 760
51
52
352
8TH ST
ANGELES
BROADWAY
BROADWAY
18TH ST
LATTC/Ortho Institute o
37 LDKE
51 52 60
352 760
LA
Flower
Market
7th St/Metro Center oooon

33 55
355 733
35 38
450
OC701
OC721
460
Mt St Marys
College
Y
HW
OC1
HILL ST
HILL ST
35 PUEP
23RD ST
7TH ST
Pershing Square oon

10 33
48 55
83 355
733 GA1X
MAIN ST
110
10
OC42
603
30 330
2 4
35 38
40 45
745
17TH ST
HILL ST
OC60
92
2 4 33
733 770
38
Grand/LATTC o
40
VENICE BL
OLIVE ST
WESTMINSTER
Bob Hope
Patriotic
Hall
18 53 55
62 355 720
6TH ST
Union Station ooon
11TH ST
PICO BL
10
CE431
CE437
BBBR10
BL
2 4
30 35 38
40 45 330
745
2 4
83 90
91 94
794 M50
733 770
WASHINGTON BL
SEAL BEACH
M
AIN
HILL ST
GRAND AV
OLIVE ST
GRAND AV
HOPE ST
HOPE ST
FLOWER ST
HOPE ST
LDD
14 70
71 76
78 79
96 378
770
BBBR10
CE431
CE437
LDD
37 70
71 76
78 79
96 378
770
BBBR10
CE431
CE437
LDD
VENICE BL
OC42
OC60
18 53 55
62 355 720
5TH ST
33 55 92
355 733 GA1X
LDD
GA1X
OC721
10 33
55 92
355 733
LDE
GA1X
LDD
MAPLE AV
OC42
Seal Beach Pier
2 4 83
90 91 94
794 M50
LDD
770
to San Clemente
including selected timetables for key bus lines.
14 70 71
76 78 79
96 378 770
12TH ST
33 733
405
NORTH BROADWAY
IA
L
TE
CE
N
FIGUEROA ST
FREMONT AV
FIGUEROA ST
METRO SILVER LINE
METRO SILVER LINE
450
OC701
OC721
CE438
CE448
M40 M341
M342
4TH ST
TOY DISTRICT
66
10 28 30
33 35 40 48
55 83 92 355
330 728 733
GA1X LDD
OLYMPIC
92
30 330
81
442
450
460
LDF
CE438
CE448
T4
10
66
9TH ST
28
BROADWAY
VALLEY VIEW
37 70 71
76 78 79
96 378 770
SOUTH
PARK
Pico o o
GRAND
OC1
Alamitos Bay Landing
LA
HARBOR
11TH ST
30 330
LA Convention
Center
to Tustin
BELMONT Belmont Pier

NAPLES
SHORE
Cabrillo Beach Pier
METRO EXPO LINE

METRO BLUE LINE
M
IL
L
PAINTER
MARQUARDT
VALLEY VIEW
BLOOMFIELD
NORWALK
CARMENITA
CARMENITA
BLOOMFIELD
LB121
LB171
OC1
2 4
28 81
83 90
91 94
728 794
CE419 M50
BBBR10
CE431
CE437
FT SS
OC1
LB121
LB171 OC1
2ND
BBBR10
CE431
CE437
FT SS
FLOWER ST
LB121
LB131
OC50
to Orange
PICO BL
OC60
SEAL BEACH
LIVINGSTON
NORWALK
577
22
LOYNES
SAN
PEDRO
LOS ALAMITOS
PALO VERDE
STUDEBAKER
WOODRUFF
CLARK
BELLFLOWER
Medical Center
KATELLA
81
442
460
STAPLES
Center
METRO SILVER LINE
LB121
LB151
LB131
LB171 Long Beach VA
4TH
XIMENO
OCEAN
LB111
LB112
OC50
LAMPSON
OC701
to Huntington Beach
14 70 71
76 78 79
96 378 770
BBBR10 CE431
CE437 FT SS
FIDM
CE419
L.A. LIVE
Nokia
Theatre
OC42
OC701
577
LB81
81
442
450
460
81
442
450
460
METRO SILVER LINE
CANON
COGSWELL
MAXSON
DURFEE
PA
RK
W
AY
W
OR
KM
AN
GREENLEAF
SA
SP NT
RI A
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PALO VERDE
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WOODRUFF
BELLFLOWER
CLARK
REDONDO
LO
DI S
AG CO
ON YO
AL TE
S
LB81
LB151
LB121
LB122
605
Long Beach
10 66
OC701 OC721
CE419
37 70 71
76 78 79
96 378 770
BBBR10 CE431
CE437 FT SS
28 728
110
20 38 51
52 60 352
760 LDE
28 33
38 55 83
355 733 728
OC701 LDD
66 81
CE419
405
ATHERTON
LB121
7TH
KATELLA
STEARNS
LB173 LB81
LB96 Cal State
OC50
LB121 University
STUDEBAKER
Shoreline
Village
Queen Mary
LONG BEACH
LB171
10TH
REDONDO
1ST ST
LB71
LB72
LB121
CE419
FT493
FT497
FT498
FT499
FT699
18 38
53 55
GA1X
62 355
720 OC701
OC721
460
30 33 38 40
33 38
68 83 92 330 68 92 733
728 733 GA1X GA1X OC701
16 18
460
28 53
62 316
720
OC701
OC721
2 4
30 40
330 45
745
794
CE419 M50
66 81
OC701 OC721
66
OLYMPIC BL
FIGUEROA ST
LBP
PAINTER
ROSEMEAD
PASSONS
PARAMOUNT
ST
UD
EB
AK
ER
SANTA ANA FWY
PIONEER
MCNAB
WOODRUFF
STUDEBAKER
CLARK
LAKEWOOD
DOWNEY AV
BELLFLOWER
VERMONT
PARAMOUNT
DOWNEY AV
PARAMOUNT
LAKEWOOD
LB121
CHERRY
ATLANTIC
4TH
SHORELINE
ORANGE
LB81
LB91 LB92
LB93 LB94 LB96
BROADWAY
1ST
LB111
LB112
LB176
LB131
LB173 LB174
LB176
ANAHEIM ST
LB45 LB46
7TH
PINE
OC
EA
N
LONG BEACH
HARBOR
TERMINAL
ISLAND
PIONEER
SC
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AV
GARFIELD
BU
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LA
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ORANGE
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HU
NS
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SA
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SANTA FE
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LONG BEACH
PACIFIC
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ALAMEDA
SANTA FE
SANFORD
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RK
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BR
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IN
A
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SANTA FE
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LONG BEACH
ACACIA
SANTA FE
ALAMEDA
WILLOWBROOK
SANTA FE
AVALON
SAN PEDRO
WILMINGTON
WILLOWBROOK
WILMINGTON
CENTRAL
AVALON
WILMINGTON
AVALON
ALAMEDA
BONITA
MAIN
DOLORES
WILMINGTON
HARBOR
GAFFEY
JOHN GIBSON
CE142
WATERFRONT
RED CAR
Catalina
Landing
LB45
10TH
5TH ST
OCEAN
SIGNAL
HILL
Long Beach
City College
Pacific Coast
Campus
LB171 LB172
LB71
LB72
8TH ST
METRO SILVER LINE
WEYMOUTH
47
205
232
DOWNTOWN LONG BEACH
LB21
LB22
LB71
LB72
LB61
Ports
OCall CE142
Village
246
PACIFIC
GAFFEY
CENTRAL
MAIN
BROADWAY
FIGUEROA
MONETA
VERMONT
FIGUEROA
NORMANDIE
HARBOR FWY
FIGUEROA
WESTERN
CRENSHAW
S MAIN
FIGUEROA
FIGUEROA
NORMANDIE
NORMANDIE
HARBOR FWY
VERMONT
VAN NESS
CRENSHAW
WESTERN
VAN NESS
MADRONA
CRENSHAW
ARLINGTON
WESTERN
WESTERN
CE142
LB102
LB104
LB104
LB61
PACIFIC COAST HIGHWAY

ANAHEIM ST
PACIFIC AV
WILMINGTON
CE142
WILLOW LB102
WILLOW ST
ANAHEIM ST
20 760
20
JAMES M WOOD BL
Loyola
Law
School
28 728
CE534
T
AS
CO
Angels
Korean
Gate Park Bell
246 SHEPARD
710
PICKERING
GA EASTERN
RF
JABONERIA
IE
LD
WILCOX
OTIS
CALIFORNIA
SANTA FE
STATE
SEVILLE
TRUBA
ALAMEDA
AVALON
MCKINLEY
SAN PEDRO
HOBART
CENTRAL
COMPTON
MAIN
BROADWAY
VERMONT
NORMANDIE
VAN NESS
CRENSHAW
WESTERN
VAN NESS
CRENSHAW
YUKON
OSAGE
RE
DO
ND
O
PRAIRIE BE
AC
H
HAWTHORNE
MADISON
CR
EN
SH
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CALIFORNIA
WEST
VAN NESS
HY
PA DE
RK
PRAIRIE
PRAIRIE
AVIATION
LA CIENEGA
NASH
INGLEWOOD
HAWTHORNE
FIRMONA
HAWTHORNE
INGLEWOOD
REDONDO BEACH AV
SEPULVEDA
AVIATION
RINDGE
DI
PACIFIC COAST HWY
AM
ON
D
INGLEWOOD
ANZA
HAWTHORNE
SP
UR
HA
W
TH
OR
NE
SI
LV
ER
HIGHRIDGE
WESTERN
LA BREA
BEACH
TI
JE
RA
LA
EUCALYPUTS
JE
FF
ER
SO
N
MAIN
VISTA DEL MAR
SEPULVEDA
HIGHLAND
HERMOSA
PI
ER
HARBOR
CATALINA
W
DR
VE
RD
ES
PA
LO
S
HAWTHORNE
PASEO DEL MAR
450
LB182
LB182 60
LB51
LB45 TR3
LB191
LB192
2 4
10 28
JEWELRY 8190 8391

DISTRICT 94 728
7th St/Metro Center

oooo
FT493
FT497
FT498
FT499
FT699
T4
110
COCOX
M40 M341
M342
16 18
53 55
62 316
355 720
OC701 OC721
6TH ST
LDA
7TH ST
66
Market
Pershing
Square o o
ST
LDSP
22ND
LB181
LB181
355 720 760

Central
BBBR10 M40
Library
16 18 53 55
62 316 355 442
460 720 M40 M50
T4 OC701 OC721
METRO RED LINE

METRO PURPLE LINE
C
FI
CI
PA
DR
LDSP
710
LB1
ANAHEIM ST
LB173 Regional Park

OC50
LB92
LB172
16 18 53 55
62 316 355 442
460 720 M40 M50
5TH ST 53 55 60 62
Riordan
WILSHIRE BL
51 52 352
LDA LDE
FT SS T4
96 378
442 487
489 770
FT SS LDB
T4
BUNKER HILL
4TH ST
60 760
BBBR10
CITY
Samaritan
WEST
Hospital
Sunday Service
Sunday service operates
on the489
following holidays:
20 487
New Years Day, Memorial
Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day
LDA Day,
FT481
760
O
DR
PE
205
550
205
232
LB96
BBBR10
CEMSB
53
62 760
M40 M50
OC721
53 62
LA Center
760
Studios
M40 M50
M341 M342
OC721
6TH ST
LDEupperGood
See
right of page
ST
PV225
LB171
LB176
T3
LB72
N
AI
M
7TH
13TH
25TH
202
TR3
AY
DW
OA
BR
H
AP
GR
LE
TE
SUMMERLAND
19TH
202
232
Y
RR
BE
UL
M
110
E
ON
ST
RE
FI
ES
RD
VE
PVGL
450
WILLOW
LB191
LB192
LDWLM
246
ANAHEIM ST
202
C ST
HARRY BRIDGES
450
LDSP
PVGRE
246 1ST
PV225 1ST
LDSP
PVGR
205
PVO Providence
Med Ctr San Pedro 550
Marymount
College
PVGL PVO
T9
CNS
LOMITA
LDWLM
T3
232
246
LDSP
T7
SEPULVEDA
CNS
T3
PACIFIC COAST HWY
LDWLM LDWLM
LB101
LB102
LB103
LB104
A
IN
AR
M
PVB
PV225
PVB
PV225 PVGR
CE448 PV225
PVB PVGR
CREST
344 PALOS VERDES DR S
T9
PACIFIC
COAST HWY
205
LA Harbor
College
EE
OK
ER
CH
H
7T
344
CE448
PVB
RANCHO
PALOS VERDES
SEACOVE PVO
CNS
T9
HARBOR
CITY
550
205
PVGR
PVGR
PALOS VERDES DR N PVGRE
PVGRE
PV225 PVGR
PVO
ROLLING PV225
PVGR
HILLS PVGRE
TE
ES
AL
IR
M
344
PVB
AN
DI
IN AK
PE
S
LO
PA
PVB
PVGL
A
LI
CI
CE
PV225
PV226
PVB
PVO
450
CE448
110
T9
GA2
PACIFIC COAST HWY
205
213
RN
TE
ES
W
PVGR
LOMITA
T5
CAC
AY
DW
OA
BR
PVB
T7
205
550
T10
LOMITA
232 CE448
IN
AT
LL
GA
MUNICIPAL
AIRPORT
PVGR
344
CE
EN
OR
FL
T8 TORRANCE
ROLLING HILLS
ESTATES
PVGR
CE448
PVS PVGR
PVS
PVB
PVO
PVS
PVW
SKYPARK
CE448
IN
RL
CA
Y
HW
MONTE MALAGA
CLOYDEN
A
ED
LV
PU
SE
T
AS
CO
PV225
PVW
GA2
T9
107
344
PALOS VERDES
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PVW
LOMITA
GA2
T5
JR
AL
RE
C
FI
CI
PA
232
PV225
PALOS VERDES DR N PVW
PV226
PVW
D
3R
LK
M
O
IN
M
CA
PV225
PV226
T8
E
ON
ST
RE
FI
NG
HI
RS
PE
PV225
PV226
16
PUEP 316
18 720
Notes
LITTLE
TOKYO
ST
40 111
311 740
N
SA
SEPULVEDA
FAIRVIEW
CHINATOWN
METRO SILVER LINE
MERCED
SANTA
ANITA
TYLER
WALNUT GROVE
PE
CK
TY
LE
R
JACKSON
SAN GABRIEL
ORANGE
FULTON
GARFIELD
WILCOX
ROSEMEAD
NO
BR RW
OA
AL
DW K
AY
Whittier
College
PHILADELPHIA
BIXEL ST
HASTINGS
RANCH DR
BALDWIN
MYRTLE
ELROVIA
HILL
ALLEN
SANTA ANITA
MICHILLINDA
BALDWIN
HU
NT
IN
GT
ON
MICHILLINDA
MYRTLE
ROSEMEAD
SANTA ANITA
CEDAR
PECK
TEMPLE CITY
ARDEN
ROSEMEAD
TEMPLE CITY
BALDWIN
RAMONA
SANTA ANITA
BALDWIN
ROSEMEAD
SAN GABRIEL
S MISSION
M
AI
N
SAN GABRIEL
ALMANSOR
NEW
DEL MAR
GARFIELD
ATLANTIC
CREST VISTA
ATLANTIC
PARAMOUNT
MARENGO
FREMONT
MEDNIK
PECK
M
IL
L
DU
RF
EE
W
OR
KM
AN
WHITTIER
72
LUCAS AV
ALLEN
FT493
FT497
Rio Hondo
College
270
FT274
N1
PA
M60
19
M20
M343
BEAUDRY AV
FA
IR
OA
KS
MARENGO LOS ROBLES
SMV AV
RO
SA
SA
NT
A
LINCOLN
LAKE
LAKE
HILL
MADRE
SAN GABRIEL
HU
NT
IN
GT
ON
M60
270
577
265
PA
RA
M
OU
NT
GREENWOOD MAPLE
MONTEBELLO
M10
M50
RA
M
OU
RO
NT
SE
M
PA
EA
SS
D
ON
S
AV 64
EASTERN
LAKE
OAK KNOLL
HU
NT
IN
GT
ON
GARFIELD
M
OT
T
MARIANA
ST
AT
E
SO
TO
GAGE
ROWAN
EASTERN
ROWAN
M
ON
PA TE
SS RE
RD Y
VERDUGO
FAIR OAKS
OAK GROVE
LINDA VISTA
SE
CO
LINCOLN
ORANGE GROVE
FAIR OAKS
FAIR OAKS
TOWNSEND
FIGUEROA
AV 51
AV 64
SAN PASCUAL
VI
ST
A
M
ON
TE
AV57
GR
IF
FI
N
BR
OA
DW
AY
N
M
IS
SI
ON
EASTERN
DALY
91
M
AI
N
ST
AT
E
28
45
M
IS
SI
ON
INDIANA
FORD
VI
LL
A
SI
ER
RA
RO
CK
AY
AV
83 CE 79
78
5 SC CE40 AV 419 4 HI
LL
79 9 DL 78
5
76 4 SC79 HC BROA
DL 9
DW
HC
BO
YL
E
SANTA FE
FO
RE
ST
SO
TO
LO
RE
NA
STATE
SOTO
EASTERN
HARVEY
DR
AT
LA
NT
IC
LOWELL
AL
VA
RA
DO
AVALON
MAIN
CENTRAL
HOOPER
BROADWAY
72
M70
605
FT274
N1
19
DOWNTOWN LOS ANGELES
OLIVE ST
OCEAN VIEW
PENNSYLVANIA
LA CRESCENTA
CANADA
BRAND
GLENDALE AV
CENTRAL
VERDUGO
CH
EV
Y
CH
AS
E
VERDUGO
BRAND
GLENDALE AV
SILVER LAKE
HYPERION
FLETCHER
GLENDALE BL
EA
GL
E
PA
RK
GLENDALE BL
CO
RO
NA
DO
EC
HO
90
TALMADGE
RE
NO
RA
M
PA
RT
51
52
35
CE
NT
RA
AL
L
AM
ED
A
HOOVER
96
81
94
CENTRAL
GR
AN
DV
IE
W
PACIFIC
FE
LI
Z
HILLHURST LO
S
FL
OW
ER
GR
SI
AN
44 LV
D
45 2 ER
BR
LD 0 CE 460 81
HI
OA
37 F LD 438/4
DW LL
KE
55
AY
48
14 35 38 T4 OC
M
SA
AI
5 60
M
70
40
N
AP
N
1/72
74
3
PE
LE
1
DR
GA 5 45
O 48 1X
FIGUEROA
NORMANDIE
VERMONT
VERMONT
WHITTIER
M10
M70
M70
FT282
FT493
FT497
270
577
Whittier
Narrows
Recreation
Area FT269
DURFEE
FT269
M40 M342
MONTEBELLO/COMMERCE
18
66
COCOX
COGRN
COYLW M30
M50 COCOX
FT269
GRAND AV
MT GLEASON
PR
OV
ID
EN
CI
A
OL
IV
E
AL
W AM
ES ED
TE A
SO
RN
NO
RA
NORMANDIE
GOWER
WESTERN
LE
IM
ER
T
WESTERN
BUCKINGHAM
CRENSHAW
ARLINGTON
ARLINGTON
WESTERN
LA BREA
JE
FF
ER
SO
N
HI
LL
CR
ES
T
LA CIENEGA
VERMONT
LINCOLN
CY
PR
ES
S
VICTORY
PL
BU
RB
M
AN
AG
NO
K
LI
A
OL
IV
E
AL
AM
ED
A
SO
NO
RA
AL
AM
ED
A
BA
RH
AM
BEACHWOOD
CR
EN
SH
AW
RIMPAU
WESTERN
HIGHLAND
VINE
ROSSMORE
LA BREA
WEST
LA CIENEGA
LA BREA
FAIRFAX
FAIRFAX
VE
NI
CE
WILTON
WHITSETT
VINELAND
TUJUNGA
LAUREL CYN
WOODMAN
COLDWATER
CYN
SU
NS
ET
SU
NS
ET
SA
NT
A
M
ON
IC
A
ROBERTSON
BEVERLY DR
ROBERTSON
VE
NI
CE
LA BREA
ST
OC
KE
R
COCOX
FWY
The Shops
BEVERLY at Montebello
to Cal Poly
Pomona
WITMER ST
BE
LL
A
TE
RR
A
SU
NL
AN
D
SUNLAND
OS
BO
RN
E
SH
EL
DO
N
LANKERSHIM
TU
XF
OR
D
HOLLYWOOD WAY
LANKERSHIM
FULTON
VINELAND
PA
XT
ON
VA
N
NU
YS
VA
N
HAZELTINE
COLDWATER CYN
KESTER
PI
CO
NA
TI
ON
AL
PA
CH
LM
AR
S
NO
CK
CULVER
BRADDOCK
COMPTON
BL
ED
SO
E
SA
YR
E
M
AC
LA
Y
BR
AN
D
OS
BO
BR
RN
AN
E
FO
RD
SEPULVEDA
CH
AS
E
VAN NUYS
SYLMAR
KESTER
KESTER
VAN NUYS
SEPULVEDA
HAZELTINE
M
IN
DA
NA
O
CU
LV
ER
607
SLAUSON
212 607
312
NARBONNE
FW
Y
HILGARD
W
IL
SH
IR
E
OL
YM
PI
C
VE
NI
CE
POMONA
190
FT486
EMORA
EMYEL
VIGNES ST
W
AS
HI
NG
TO
N
MP5
266
to Cal Poly
Pomona
FT488
194
ELLIOTT
T
IT
W
HE
W
AS
M
HI
AX
NG
EL
TO
LA
N
SATURN
68
ROSE1/2
M20
176
SOUTH
EL MONTE
ST
FI
JI
176
RUSH
Metro Shuttles & Circulators
ES
COGRN
COYLW
ANGELES
62
COBLU
COORG
176
ROSE1/2
13-15
17-20
12-60b
16-60b
20-60b
10-15
12-20
15-30f
12-30f
12-30f
30-60
20
30-60
20
30-60
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
12-30
6-12
12-30
6-12
15-30
20-60
5-15
15-60
10-15
15-60
15-20
20
20-30f
20-30f
20-30f
20-30
10-12
20-30
14-15
20-30
20-60
8-10
20-60
10-15
20-60
15-20
20-25
20-60f
15-60f
20-30f
20-60
15
15-60
20
20-60
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
30-60
30
30-60
40
30-60
15-60
15
15-60
15
15-60
15-60
8-15
15-60
10-15
20-60
30-60
20
30-60
30-40
30-60
10-60
4-16
40-60
10-20
30-60
30-60
32
40-60
30
40-60
12-60
12-15
30-60
15-20
30-60
30-60
12-20
20-60
23
40-60
8-15
10-12
20-60g
20-60g
20-60g
30-60
40-60
60
45-60
50-60
20-60
5-14
20-60
20
20-60
20-60
20
20-60
15-20
25-40
15-60
16
16-60
12-15
20-60
60
60
45a
60a
60a
30-60
15-20
30-60
15-20
30-60
20-60
14-30
30-60
14-28
40-60
30-60
40-50
30-60
30-45
40-60
20-60
15
30-60
20
30-60
30-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
30-60
60
120
60
120
60
60
120
60
120
50-60
26-30
60
40
60
30-80i
20i
30-80i
20i
30-80i
50-55
60
60a
50-60a
60
30-60
60
30-60
60
20-60
12-15
20-60
16-20
20-60
20-60
14-20
20-60
20
30-60
20-60
20-30
30-60
30-35
40-60
20-60
12-15
20-60
12-15
20-60
20-60
15-20
30-60
18-22
30-60
40-60
20-25
30-60
30
30-60
50-60
60
60
60
60
25-30
25-30
50a
60e
60
60
40-50a
60a
60a
40-60
20-30
40-60
35
40-60
30-60
25-40
30-60
30
30-60
50-55
60
30-45a
50a
60a
60
50
60
50
60
60
50
60a
60a
50a
60
60
60
20-60
25
30-60
30
40-60
30-60
30
30-60
35
60
30-60
30
40-60
30-33
40-60
30-60
30
30
40a
40-60a
40-60
50
60
50
60
60
40-60
60a
40-60
10-20
40-60
10-20
40-60
40-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
60
60
60a
60a
60a
40-60
35-60
40-60
40-60
60
40-60
20
40-60
20-40
60
12-40
10-12
20-40
10-15
20-40
60
60
60c
60c
60c
15-30
15-20
20-30
15-20
20-30 Dodger
40-60
55
55-60
60
55-60 Stadium
20-60
20-22
30-60
20-25
30-60
15-60
10-12
12-60
12-15
15-60
60a
30-60
15-20
30-60
16-20
30-60
LDLHC
12-60
15-20
30-60
20-30
30-60
13-60h 11-15p 15-60h
15-20i
15-60h
35-50
45 11030a
40-60
60
60
60
60
20-60
24
20-60
30
30-60
30-60
35 LDLHC 60
35
60
60
25-30
60
30-35
60e
20-60
15-20
20-60
20-60
20e
76 704
30-60
33-35
34-60
34
34-60
442 LDLHC
2 704
728 733
60
60
- 2 4 55
83 704 745
LDLHC CEMSB
PATSAOURAS
745 770
- 60 355
E
40
68 70 71
CESAR CHAVEZ AV
CEMSB
TRANSIT
- 704 LDLHC
LIN
442
76 78 79
R
METRO RED LINE
PLAZA
40-45
15-20
30-40
35
40
VE
55
2 4
MB
METRO PURPLE LINE
T4
83 96 378
SIL
60
- 60
55 60
O LDD
LDB
728 733 770
33 92
TR
60
-355
355
ME
BBBR10
33
728 733
50
CEMSB
Union Station
CE422
20-150
50
60-150
60
60-150
487
CE423
FT481
ooo n
CE431
40-60
40
40-60
60
40-60
489
FT481
COCOX
OC701 COCOX
40-60
12
40-60
15
40-60
Notes
LA Cathedral
COCOX
FT481
40
40
60a
50a
50a
Federal Building
See upper right
2 of page
4 10 48 92
FT SILVER STREAK 30
60
-10 48 -92
4
BBBR10
BBBR10 CE409 OC701
50-60
60
-ST
45a
Sunday
Service
TEMPLE
ST
TEMPLE
92
68
Music
2 4 28
442
DWP
MOCA
CiviconCenter/
487 489 City
Sunday service operates
the following holidays:
Little Tokyo/
Center
68 CE534 30
Grand 45 83 Park
30-60
16
30-60
15-20
30-60
55 60
Grand
FT SS
Hall SC799
New Years Day, Memorial
Day,Park
Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day,745
Christmas Day
Arts District o
40
60
60
- ST
DIAMOND
355
LDD
oo
JANM
LDD
70 71 76
28 30
330
55
55
55a
55a
55a
BBBR10
COCOX
METRO GOLD LINE
78 79 96
40 68 330
96
60
40-45
40-45
35-40
50-60
CE534
14 37 LDA
728 770
378 442 770
FT SS
LDA
60
60
COCOX
1ST ST- BBBR10 CE409 Walt
1ST ST
FT SS T4
T4
50-60
50-60
- CE423 CE431
60e
GA1X Japanese
60
- CE437 CE438 Disney
2 4
2
COCOX
LDA Village
30 35
40
40
35-40
40 CE448 OC701 Concert
4 10
FT481 35-40
Plaza
Hall
30 33
28 81
40 45
2ND ST
40 68
83 90
330
83 84
LDA
33 68
91 94
745
92 330
92 733
Pacific
728 794
- 55
728 733
AV785 GA1X
Stock
CE419
- 60
COCOX BBBR10
355
LDD
LDD GA1X
LDA
40
60
60a Exchange
60a
60e
14 70
- LDA
LDA M341
71 76
M40 M341
M40 M342
78 79
3RD ST
3RD
- ST - BBBR10- CE534
3RD ST
M342
96 378 Angels
- FT493 - FT497
37 70
442 487 Flight
- FT498 - FT499
71 76
Grand
489 770
- FT699 LDA
- OC701
78 79
Central
OLYMPIC
EAST
Citadel
Outlets LOS
70
770
ROSE1/2
GRAVES
RUSH
R
IE
TT
HI
W
MANCHESTER
PALOS VERDES DR E
SE
PU
LV
ED
A
DI
EG
O
SA
N
SEPULVEDA
BELLAGIO
SU
NS
ET
SEPULVEDA
FT178
EMBLU
FT178
EL MONTE
Municipal Bus Operators
ST
M
ON
IC
A
268
487
EL MONTE FT492
AIRPORT
EMRED
VA
SU
N
OL
NC
LI
INGLEWOOD
115
60 251 FRUITLAND
A
AR
CL
A
IN
AR
M
C
FI
CI
PA
C6
BBB3
30a
10-20
20-30
30d
-
VIG
SA
NT
A
LOWER
AZUSA
EMRED
76
267
176
EMSFP EL MONTE
176 EMSFP
EMGRE
70
GARVEY 770
12
15
18-20
15
8-10
10
11-12
20
8
15-20
12
15
24
12
11
18-20
20-24
20-24
12-15
15-20
12-15
30-32
15
20
15e
35
16
14-28
30-42
15
30
30-60
30-60
25
30
40
60
15-20
15-17
20-30
15
12-20
22-25
60
30-32
60
55
50
38-42
24
60
30-60
50
60-67
60
24
30
30
23-24
40-50
60
45
35
35
60
30
30
9-11
50
12
30-35
20
15
60
18
12
15
35
60
60
20
30-35
30
15
30
60
65
60
17-25
60
60
60
60
60
20
40
60
45
50
18-20
60
55
40
30
50
60
30
60
LAUSD
-
BL
CO
M OLYM LORA
ON
IC PIC DO
A
FW
Y
ROSE1/2
270
FT494
EMRED
RT
BE
M
LA
C3
PLAYA
VISTA
20-30
8-12
15-20
25-30
15-20
30
-
30a
10-20
20-30
24a
20a
30a
30d
-
Approximate frequency in minutes

Weekdays
Saturdays
Sundays
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
5-15
9-12
8-15
5-8
3-8
3-8
6-15
6-15
6-12
6-15
12
5-8
12-24
7-12
4-8
8-15
3-12
4-14
8-15
6-7
15-40
3-12
13-16
10-15
15-35
12-15
6-20
15-30
6-12
20-30
30-50
30-50
16-20
15-20
30-35
36
10-16
8-15
10-20
9-20
4-12
20-23
30-40
15-20
60
60
36-50
20-35
20-40
8-20
60
25-40
25-40
20-45
15-60
20-45
11-24
10-30
4-21
8-20
40-60
60
8-60
45
30
35
35
30-60
10-30
12-20
5-13
50
50-60
6-10
20-40
8-16
8-12
45-55
10-20
30-60
10-12
30-60
12-20
30-35
2 4 60
704 26-45
10-15
12-20
12-20
12-15
17-20
45-80
45-70
60-70
20-30
25-60
25-60
10-40
10-40
30
15-20
24
10 92 30-60
TEMPLE45ST
35-45
10-20
60
30-55
25-35
14
1ST ST 30
30
10-60
10-30
20-40
15-20
10-12
9-20
20-30
15-50
15-25
20-25
8-60
10-20
14-20
11-28
SA
NT
A
to Montclair
487
Peaks
2
4
10
14
16
18
20
28
30
33
35
37
38
40
45
48
51
52
53
55
60
62
66
68
70
71
76
78
79
81
83
90
91
92
94
96
102
105
108
110
111
115
117
120
125
126
127
128
130
150
152
154
155
156
158
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
169
175
176
177
180
181
183
190
194
200
201
202
204
205
206
207
209
210
211
212
215
217
218
220
222
224
230
232
233
234
236
237
239
240
242
243
244
245
246
251
252
254
256
258
260
264
265
266
267
268
270
292
302
311
312
316
330
344
352
353
355
358
364
378
SE
18
66
to Duarte
270
FT494
FT492
ROSEMEAD
FT497,498,499,699
FT Silver Streak
M70
M70 60
M30 M70 BEVERLY M20 M341
H
AP
GR
LE
TE
90
110
Loyola
Marymount
University
MANCHESTER 115 CE574
54TH
20
20
6-12
15-20
20-30
12-20
12-15
23-27
30
20
-
20-30a
30a
30a
8-20
30
20-30
30a
24a
30-60a
20-30a
20-30a
20a
30a
15-30d
35-70a
30a
45-60a
A
ED
AM
AL
68
M30
MONTEBELLO
ELWB
WHITTIER
COCOX
176
VALLEY
76 489
SILVER FT481,493
EL MONTE
MP3
MP1/2
68 RIGGIN
MP1
MP2
MP5
ATLANTIC
COBLU
CORED
M50
M20
487
489
ELMGATE
ELWB
COCOX
COBLU
CORED
260
762
78 378
268
R
IE
TT
HI
W
C6
R6
108 358
CULVER CITY
102
TRANSIT 217 607
CENTER
110
217
Hughes CENTINELA
102
217 Center
C2
C7
CE437
54TH
20
30
18
7-8
30
17-25
30-40
30
25-30
20
30
20
15
15
25
20
30
15
25-30
30
258
256 COCOX
270
FT494
264
487
TEMPLE
CITY
267
266
489
Y
RL
VE
BE
PI
CO
MP1
MP2
6TH
LAS TUNAS
MP3
MP1
MP2
M30
MONTEREY
PARK
260
762
770
FLORAL TRANSIT CTR
EAST LA
CIVIC CENTER
to Montclair
79
10
EMERSON
GARVEY
MP2
210
FT187
268
78 378
487
M30
267
M20
176
ALG
M30
76 ALG
VALLEY
70 MP4
MP4 258
MP4
ELUP
M50
LEONIS
ALHAMBRA
260
762
256 ELUP
62 66
WASHINGTON
611
LEONIS
CT
RI
ST
DI
LL
HI
ER
OV
A
VI
54TH
10-15
10-20
10-20
2-10
10-12
7-15
15-20
15
15-20
5-13
10-20
12-15
5-12
6-15
8-20
10-20
17-30
10-15
10-12
15-20
SU
COCOX
OLYMPIC
254
VERNON
VERNON
LDSE
LDPR VERNON
LDPR
ALB
ALB
COMMONWEALTH
FT481,493,497
FT498,499,699
FT Silver Streak
ELCT
MP5 East LA College
68 770
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665 CESAR CHAVEZ 258
256
68
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68
260
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176
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108 358
108 358
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577
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108 265
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111 311
111 311
111 311
311
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209 207
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53
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450
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260
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117
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19
207
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BBB3
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355
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105
352
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127
120 206 IMPERIAL HWY
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207
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120 612
209 GA2
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232 MARIPOSA
266
45
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62
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127
MUNICIPAL AIRPORT GA5 T5
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270
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HAWTHORNE 210
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265
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209
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215
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205
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40
211
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105
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EL SEGUNDO 125
202
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125
125
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125
125
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125
LB173 ROSECRANS
ROSECRANS
126
460
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125
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215
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260
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127
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110
127
460
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51
127
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GA2
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126
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266
127
126
126
to
PAER
265
258
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College
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128
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40
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232
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258
352
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260
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210
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45
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762
BCT109
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405
265
130 COM5 T6
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OC721 91
OC721
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ARTESIA
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130
LB92
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130
130 210
577
130
CR1 CR2 OC721
130
130
OC721
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260 LB61
130
BFS
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LB21
LB93
LB91
265
266
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to
52 130
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LB92
Anaheim
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Home Depot Center Soccer Stadium
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Cal State University CAE
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SOUTH
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405
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LB21
19
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LB112
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Beach Pier
91
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LB192
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LB91
BRENNER UNIVERSITY
CR2
CR2
130
110
to Fullerton
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CANDLEWOOD 265 Lakewood
202
LB173
BCT109
LB172
605
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344
GATEWAY
LB22
CE438
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DEL AMO
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LB191
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205
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LB191
LB191
LB191
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45
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LB191
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62
246
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LB93
LB92 LB172
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LB112 LB103
LB96
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LB71
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LB22
LB111 LB176
CAG
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GA2
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Del Amo
Long Beach City College
CAF
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60
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LB51
LB93 LB101
OC42
OC42
LB101 LB103
TR3 T3
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CAG
LB101 LB103
LB173
CE438 232
LB191 LB192
LB111
to Orange
LB92 LB96 LB172
LB61
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CAC CAF
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Long Beach CIVIC CENTER
344
LB176
Harbor/UCLA
405
LB101
223RD
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344
Nature Center 577 LB104
LB1
LB181 LB182
234TH
202
Long Beach
LB104
LB131
OC701
LB71
246
T4
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KILROY SPRING LB112
108
358
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Weekdays
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SILVER 487 489
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181
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487
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ARTS60
264 266 268
ARTS60
181
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485
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71 FAIRMOUNT
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252
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256 ARTS10
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485
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Park
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605 620
70 71
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204
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252 Regional
45
252 78
79
378
76
487
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751
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ARTS20/51/52 260 686 687 762
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MADRE
ARTS32
ARTS31
ARTS32
ORANGE GROVE
264
256
ARTS31
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Pasadena
PASADENA City College
267
DEL MAR
267
177
DEL MAR
256
CALIFORNIA 177
MONTEREY
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83
256
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LDLHC
UNION
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256 HILLS
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256
176
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256
268
ARTS31/32 180
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256
180 William Carey

256 International
485 University
686
ARTS20
WASHINGTON
687
ARTS20
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177 260
180
485
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WOODBURY
687
260
267
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200 302
264
267 256
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209
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40
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20-35
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30-60
20-30
20
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30-40
40-45
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Weekdays
Saturdays
Sundays
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Peaks
442
450
460
485
487
489
534
550
577
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NE
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268 Oak
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16
316
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28
728
GB6
LOS FELIZ
180
181
780
SANTA MONICA
207
757
LDLAR
Verdugo Hills
Hospital
GB3
GB31
685
180
181
201
The Americana
at Brand
RD
Kenneth
Hahn State
Rec Area
S
NG
RI
SP
3RD
96
LDLF
206 FOUNTAIN
175
10
14
HOLLYWOOD
SUNSET
2
302
201
CE549
BROADWAY
DO
AN
RN
FE
33
733
SAWTELLE
C3
C4
4
4-5
210
GB3
LCFS33/34
CE409
LCFS33/34
Glendale
College
90
91
GB3
GB7
GB31
GB32
CE549
134
Glendale Galleria
ATWATER VILLAGE
LDHWL
210
DORAN
GB12
Griffith
Park
10
OLYMPIC
WASHINGTON
94
794
GB5
183
N
SA
4
704
CE549
GB1
GB2
GB7
GLENOAKS
GLENDALE
T
ON
RM
VE
210
LL
HI
OT
FO
96
Autry
National
Center
LA Zoo
STOCKER
GB5 GB7
L
TA
YS
CR
LDHW
CE534 212 PICO/RIMPAU

30
TRANSIT CTR
330 PICO 312
E
OS
TR
ON
M
Y
OR
CT
VI
FOUNTAIN
Baldwin Hills Crenshaw Plaza

West LA College 212 CRENSHAW
312
102
C3
C4
C4
CE574
Metro Express

Weekdays
Saturdays
Sundays
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Peaks
Orange
Silver
CE409
GLENWOOD
GB7 92
134
HOLLYWOOD
HANCOCK
PARK
212
312
28
728
94
183
794
LDBC
CULVER
CITY
C6
R6
C5
GB12
CE549
20 720
PARK
LA BREA
BL
GA
EN
HU
CA
BALDWIN
HILLS
C4
C5
Line
5
10
10
10
20
10
20
90
GB31
183
GB7
Disney
Studios
10
C5
C1 C7
CE437
33
733
BBB14
LA
AL
R3
BBB3
BBB5
ND
LA
ER
OV
C1
C2
E
CO
EN
GL
108
358
CE437
CE574 R6
OO
EW ELA
GL
IN
IN
NT
CE
CE437
OR
OT
M
N
VE
HO OVE
ET
BE ALGR
W
ADMIRALTY
C6
BBB6
C2
C5
BBNM
BBMM
ROMAINE
AV786
LDFX 6TH
E
NT
CE
VI
NG
NI
AN
M
A
EL
IN
NT
CE
N
AI
M
VENICE
33 733
MAR
VISTA
BBB1
BBB1
C1
DI
BBBMS
SANTA MONICA BBB6

BBB14
AIRPORT
OCEAN
PARK
CALIFORNIA
Venice Pier
PALMS
220
BBMM
155
CE431 CE437
WASHINGTON/
209
37
534 FAIRFAX TRANSIT HUB
LDMID
33 534
ADAMS
C1 38 105 37
BBBR12
733
WEST
LDMID
217 705
207
EXPO/
BBB6
C4
BBB6 CULVER
ADAMS
757
LNBHP
LA BREA JEFFERSON
CITY
38
38
534
BBBR20 BBB12
FARMDALE
EXPO/
LA CIENEGA/
220
CRENSHAW
RODEO
JEFFERSON
C5
C3
105
EXPO/
LDMID
705
217
C1
LDCRN
WESTERN
C4 C5 LNBHP
BBB12 BBB6
BBB12
A
ED
LV
Y
PU
FW
SE
O
EG
R3
BBB3
VENICE
N
OL
NC
LI
BBB8
BBB8
BBB12 BBBR12
534
N
SA
Santa Monica
College
1
BBB3
CE431
ND
LA
ER
OV
D
OO
TW
ES
W
H
4T
R3
R7
TH
17
BBB1
Westside
Pavillion
BBBR20
BBB8
10
BBBMS
BBB6
BBB8
RANCHO
PARK BBB13
105
705
212
312
WILSHIRE
780
217
BBB7 BBB13
PICO
CADILLAC
LDHW
WEST HOLLYWOOD
Farmers Market
& The Grove
16
218
316
30
330
R7
BBB13
AIRDROME
CHEVIOT
HILLS
6-9
12-15
12-15
12-15
15
7-8
12-15
91 GB3
90
91
101
222
LDOS
CE422
Observatory
CE423
156 656
FRANKLIN
HOLLYWOOD/ HOLLYWOOD/ HOLLYWOOD/ LDHW
HIGHLAND
VINE
WESTERN
180 181
206 780
217
156 656
SANTA MONICA
MELROSE
OLYMPIC
14
R7
BBB7
C3
WH
BEVERLY
14
Beverly
Center
105
705
220
2 302
217 218
780
10
LDFX
AV786
OR
OT
M
BBBR10 R7
BBB14 BBB7
BBBMS
BBBMC BBB6
534
BBBR20
R3
EN
GL
TH
18
33
733
R7
Santa Monica
Place
BBB5
WEST BBB5
LOS ANGELES
BBB5
Y
ND
BU
N
EA
OC
Third St
Promenade
Santa Monica Pier
BBB1
St Johns
Medical
Center
TH
26
H
4T
704
720
R6
Cedars-Sinai
Med Ctr
BURTON
14
28 728
BBB5 CE534
CE431
E
LL
TE
W
SA
TH
14
N
OL
H
NC
LI
6T
BBB4
BBB1
BBBR10 720
720 733
SANTA
MONICA
TH
20
BBB2
20 534
4
704
AV786
BBB8
BBB12
BBBR12
BBB5
C6
405
4 105
704 705
16
316
220
20 720
14
BEVERLY
HILLS
S
AR
Y
OF ST
UR
AV E
TH NT
CE W
PK
ON
GT
IN
RR
BA
Y
ND
BU
Y
HW
20 720
TH
26
T
AS
CO
R3
A
ED
LV
PU
SE
C
FI
CI
PA
BBBMC
BBBMC
BBB9
BBB4
534
C6
R6
VA Medical
Center
BBB4
BBB9
BBB2
CENTURY
CITY
Westfield
Century City
761
BBB3
4 16
316 704
WILSHIRE
20
720
CE534 CE573
SC792 SC797
BBB4
BBB14
BBB3
SUNSET
BBB1 BBB2
BBB3 BBB8
BBB12
AV786
BBB1 BBB8
BBB12 C6
BBB3
BBB4
405
CE431
4
704
105
30
105
330
2
302
218
FOUNTAIN
N
SA
BBB14
CONSTITUTION
BBB9
534
233
761
UCLA
CE573
WESTWOOD
SUNSET
GA
EN
HU
CA
BEL AIR
Y
RL
VE
BE
2 302
156
656
Hollywood &
Highland Center
HOLLYWOOD 212
SUNSET
312
2 302
WH
D
OO
TW
ES
W
to
Trancas
Canyon
BRENTWOOD
SUNSET
183
Hollywood Bowl
218
Y
UR
NT
CE E
PK
PACIFIC
PALISADES
DOWNTOWN BURBANK
155
217 780
NA
TA
ON
M
BBB9
150
240
750
156
656
218
American Jewish
University
HOLLYWOOD
HILLS
405
The Getty
Center
2 302
STUDIO
CITY
155
N
CY
AV786
CE573
CE574
Mount St Marys
College
BBNE
NBC
155 CE549
Studios
RIVERSIDE
Warner
UNIVERSAL CITY/
Brothers
STUDIO CITY
222 Studios
Universal Studios
Universal CityWalk/ UNIVERSAL
Gibson Amphitheater CITY
EL
UR
LA
MOUNTAINGATE
SUNSET
VENTURA
230
LDVAN
SC792
SC797
233
761
Skirball Cultural Center
Santa Monica Mountains
The
Getty
Villa
167
SHERMAN
OAKS
405
761
167
158
134
ER
OW
FL
150 158
240 750
233
761
233
LDVAN
CE422
CE423
101
MOORPARK
Burbank
Town Center
DO
AN
RN
FE
CE549
155
233
237
761
5-10
20
10-20
10
20
10-20
20
MONTROSE
N
SA
Sherman Oaks
Galleria
CE549
183 183
234 234
734 CE549
BBED
794 BBED
BURBANK-BOB HOPE AIRPORT
164
VICTORY
154
222
164
OXNARD
EMPIRE 94 165
A
ST
VI
150
240
750
152
VICTORY
BBED
BURBANK
IM
SH
ER
NK
LA
AV786
CE573 CE574
SC792 SC797
165
91
GB3
BBED
LDVAN
405
CE422
CE423
CE573
CE574
170
94 WINONA
169 BBED
222
794
BBNE
154
154
LA Valley
230 162
154
224 NORTH
WOODMAN
College BURBANK
BBNE
353
156
LAUREL SC757 HOLLYWOOD
VALLEY COLLEGE
CANYON
NORTH HOLLYWOOD
222
156
158
152
656
MAGNOLIA 167
MAGNOLIA
183
183
183 BBNM
Westfield
VALLEY VILLAGE
TOLUCA LAKE
Fashion RIVERSIDE
155
155
Square
VAN NUYS
154 156
BURBANK
CE573
CE574
SC757
164
6-9
12-15
12-15
12-15
15
7-8
12-15
LA CRESCENTA
GB31
Verdugo Mountains
292
T
1S
154
VALLEY GLEN
SYLVAN
163
230
90
91
CE409
90
Woodbury
University
COHASSET
BOB HOPE
AIRPORT
(BUR)
169
165
TUJUNGA
SUN VALLEY
SUN VALLEY
152
163 169
170
163
90 91
222 CE409 FOOTHILL
LL
HI
OT
FO
164 237
SEPULVEDA
152
94
152
94
224
SHERMAN WAY 162

VANOWEN
SUNLAND
H
ET
NN
KE
164 237
CE573
CE574
LDPV
656 761
165
BALBOA
WOODLEY
236 Sepulveda Dam VAN
237 Recreation Area NUYS
ENCINO
to Thousand Oaks
Transit Center
234 734
165
FENWICK
SUNLAND
210
94
794
AY
W
TARZANA
LDPV
230
5-10
10-20
10-20
10
20
10-20
20
R
AI
154
239
150
240
750
SC757
222
222
KS
OA
EN
GL
RESEDA
154
240
741
AV787
SC757
SC794
SC799
5-7
12
12
12
15
12
12
L
BE
TAMPA
150
242
750
AV787
169
162 163
237
158 CE419
167
ARLETA
Panorama
169
ROSCOE
Mall
152
152 169 BLYTHE
353
353
167
233
VAN NUYS SATICOY
169
169
210
LL
HI
OT
FO
164
242
101
WOODLAND
HILLS
164
OXNARD
243
CE422
CE423
VENTURA
165
AV786
292
D
OO
YW
LL
HO
Warner
Center
165
PANORAMA
CITY
PARTHENIA
90
CE409
292
364
A
EN
BU
AV787
FlyAway
Terminal
169
A
UR
NT
VE
161
244 LA Pierce
SC796 College
WARNER CENTER
161
AV786
SC792
SC797
166
364
ON
IS
ED
CE422
VAN NUYS
AIRPORT
162 163
VICTORY
364
167
166
364
FOOTHILL
LAKE VIEW Recreation Area

TERRACE
SHADOW
HILLS
166
KS
OA
EN
GL
150
150 245
169 750
239
169
NORTH
HILLS
237
152
353
RESEDA
SHERMAN WAY
PIERCE
COLLEGE
CE573
CE574
ROSCOE
VANOWEN
165
DE SOTO
236 237
239
240
741
LDNOR
242 SATICOY
162 163
164
169
CE422
CE423
243
169
CANOGA
Westfield
Promenade
152
353
169
PARTHENIA
CANOGA PARK
164
VICTORY
NORTHRIDGE
NORTHRIDGE
243
PLUMMER
405
NORDHOFF 166
ON
NT
FE
169 Fallbrook
Plaza
166
364
152 353
167
CE573
CE574
158
TA
LE
AR
AV787
SC796
233
761
VA Care Ctr
230
RD
ON
DO
NY
AN
CA
RN
EL
FE
UR
LA
SC791
CSUN
TRANSIT CTR
167
237
5
10
10
6-12
7-8
6
12
233
Hansen Dam
292
N
SA
NORDHOFF
244
245
ROSCOE
152
ROSCOE
West Hills 353
SATICOY
Medical
Center
162 163
SHERMAN WAY
169
Westfield
Topanga
VANOWEN
165
CE419
233
761
KS
OA
EN
GL
WEST HILLS
Northridge
Fashion Center
MISSION
158
236 237
761
94
224
794

Weekdays
Saturdays
Sundays
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Peaks
Red/Purple
Red
Purple
Blue
Green
Gold
Expo
San Gabriel Mountains
292
PACOIMA
234 HILLS
734 DEVONSHIRE
CE419
Line
LL
HI
OT
FO
167
243
234
SAN
FERNANDO
230
CE419
CHATSWORTH
CE573
CE574
158
94
224
734
794
230 239
RINALDI
239
AV787
SC791
SC796
237
AN
DM
OO
W
AV787
166 364
NORDHOFF
118
236
237
AV787
240 Cal State

741 University
Northridge 239
PLUMMER
H
7T
CE419
243
239
230
RD
242
158
GRANADA
HILLS
El Cariso
Regional
County Park
LA Mission
College
90
CE409
SYLMAR/SAN FERNANDO
237 239
RINALDI
AV787
SC791
SC796
118
EN
RD
KS
BO
OA
EN
GL
SC791 SC796
RONALD REAGAN FWY
158
CHATSWORTH
DO
AN
RN
FE
DEVONSHIRE SC791
N
SA
CHATSWORTH
SYLMAR
236
PORTER
RANCH
RINALDI
243
118
230
Metro Busways
Metro Rail
230
234
224
234
236
224
NU
YS
CE409
236
Santa Susana Mountains
SVC
to Simi Valley
LA County
Olive View-UCLA
Medical Center
OLIVE VIEW
90
210
FOOTHILL
AV786
SC757
SC794
SC799
AW
SH
M
SI

Weekdays
Saturdays
Sundays
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
metro.net
Bus and Rail System

to Santa Clarita
and Antelope Valley
Peaks
5-15
12
13-15
17-20
2
12-60b
16-60b
20-60b
9-12
15
10-15
12-20
15-30f
12-30f
12-30f
4
8-15
18-20
30-60
20
30-60
20
30-60
10
5-8
15
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
14
3-8
8-10
12-30
6-12
12-30
6-12
15-30
16
3-8
10
20-60
5-15
15-60
10-15
15-60
18
6-15
11-12
15-20
20
20
20-30f
20-30f
20-30f
6-15
20
20-30
10-12
20-30
14-15
20-30
28
6-12
8
20-60
8-10
20-60
10-15
20-60
30
6-15
15-20
15-20
20-25
33
20-60f
15-60f
20-30f
12
12
20-60
15
15-60
20
20-60
35
5-8
15
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
37
12-24
24
30-60
30
30-60
40
30-60
38
7-12
12
15-60
15
15-60
15
15-60
40
4-8
11
15-60
8-15
15-60
10-15
20-60
45
8-15
18-20
30-60
20
30-60
30-40
30-60
48
3-12
20-24
10-60
4-16
40-60
10-20
30-60
51
20-24
30-60
32
40-60
30
40-60
52
4-14
12-15
12-60
12-15
30-60
15-20
30-60
53
8-15
15-20
30-60
12-20
20-60
23
40-60
55
6-7
12-15
8-15
10-12
60
20-60g
20-60g
20-60g
15-40
30-32
30-60
40-60
60
45-60
50-60
62
3-12
15
20-60
5-14
20-60
20
20-60
66
13-16
20
20-60
20
20-60
15-20
25-40
68
10-15
15-60
16
16-60
12-15
20-60
70
15e
15-35
35
60
60
71
45a
60a
60a
12-15
16
30-60
15-20
30-60
15-20
30-60
76
6-20
14-28
20-60
14-30
30-60
14-28
40-60
78
15-30
30-42
30-60
40-50
30-60
30-45
40-60
79
6-12
15
20-60
15
30-60
20
30-60
81
20-30
30
30-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
83
30-50
30-60
30-60
60
120
60
120
90
30-50
30-60
60
60
120
60
120
91
16-20
25
50-60
26-30
60
40
60
92
15-20
30
94
30-80i
20i
30-80i
20i
30-80i
30-35
40
50-55
60
96
60a
50-60a
36
60
60
30-60
60
30-60
60
102
10-16
15-20
20-60
12-15
20-60
16-20
20-60
105
8-15
15-17
20-60
14-20
20-60
20
30-60
108
10-20
20-30
20-60
20-30
30-60
30-35
40-60
110
9-20
15
20-60
12-15
20-60
12-15
20-60
111
4-12
12-20
20-60
15-20
30-60
18-22
30-60
115
20-23
22-25
40-60
20-25
30-60
30
30-60
117
30-40
60
50-60
60
60
60
60
120
15-20
30-32
25-30
25-30
125
50a
60e
60
126
60
60
127
36-50
55
128
20-35
50
60
60
130
40-50a
60a
60a
20-40
38-42
40-60
20-30
40-60
35
40-60
150
8-20
24
30-60
25-40
30-60
30
30-60
152
60
60
154
25-40
30-60
50-55
60
155
30-45a
50a
60a
25-40
50
60
50
60
50
60
156
20-45
60-67
60
50
158
60a
60a
50a
15-60
60
60
60
60
161
20-45
162
11-24
24
20-60
25
30-60
30
40-60
163
10-30
30
30-60
30
30-60
35
60
164
4-21
30
30-60
30
40-60
30-33
40-60
165
8-20
23-24
30-60
30
166
40-60a
ALB
Approximate
frequency
in40a
minutes 30
Alhambra Community Transit
40-60
40-50
40-60
50
60
50
60
167
AV
Antelope Valley Transit Authority
Sundays60 Weekdays
60
60Saturdays40-60
169
60a
BCT
Beach Cities Transit
Line
Peaks
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
8-60
175
BG
Bell Gardens Transit
45
45
176
5-15
12
13-15
17-20
2
12-60b
16-60b
20-60b
BLC
City of Bell La Campana
30
177
9-12
15
10-15
12-20
15-30f
12-30f
12-30f
4
BF
Bellfl ower Bus
35
35
40-60
10-20
40-60
10-20
40-60
180
8-15
18-20
30-60
20
30-60
20
30-60
10
BB
Burbank Bus
35
35
40-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
181
5-8
15
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
14
CA
Carson Circuit
30-60
60
60
60
183
60a
60a
60a
3-8
8-10
12-30
6-12
12-30
6-12
15-30
16
CR
Cerritos on Wheels (COW)
10-30
30
40-60
35-60
40-60
40-60
60
190
3-8
10
20-60
5-15
15-60
10-15
15-60
18
CCS
Childrens Court Shuttle
12-20
30
40-60
20
40-60
20-40
60
194
6-15
11-12
15-20
20
20
20-30f
20-30f
20-30f
CO
Commerce Municipal Bus Lines
5-13
9-11
12-40
10-12
20-40
10-15
20-40
200
6-15
20
20-30
20-30
14-15
20-30
28
COM
Compton Renaissance Transit System
50
50
60
60
201
6-12
8
20-60
8-10
20-60
10-15
20-60
30
CU
Cudahy Area Rapid Transit (CART)
50-60
202
60c
60c
60c
6-15
15-20
15-20
20-25
33
20-60f
15-60f
20-30f
C
Culver CityBus
6-10
12
15-30
15-20
20-30
15-20
20-30
204
12
20-60
15
15-60
20
20-60
35
DL
DowneyLink
20-40
30-35
40-60
55
55-60
60
55-60
205
5-8
15
15-60
15-30
30-60
18-25
30-60
37
EL
East Los Angeles Shuttle (El Sol)
8-16
20
20-60
20-22
20-25
206
12-24
24
30-60
30
30-60
40
30-60
38
EM
El Monte Transit
8-12
15
10-12
12-60
12-15
207
7-12
12
15-60
15
15-60
15
15-60
40
FT
Foothill Transit
45-55
60
209
60a
4-8
11
15-60
8-15
15-60
10-15
20-60
45
GA
Gardena Municipal Bus Lines
10-20
18
15-20
16-20
210
8-15
18-20
30-60
20
30-60
30-40
30-60
48
GATE
Get Around Town Express (South Gate)
30-60
211
3-12
20-24
10-60
4-16
40-60
10-20
30-60
51
GB
Glendale Beeline
10-12
12
12-60
15-20
30-60
20-30
30-60
212
20-24
30-60
32
40-60
30
40-60
52
HP
Huntington Park Combi
30-60
215
4-14
12-15
12-60
12-15
30-60
15-20
30-60
53
LC
La Canada Flintridge Shuttle (operated by Glendale Beeline)
12-20
15
217
13-60h
11-15p
15-60h
15-20i
15-60h
8-15
15-20
30-60
12-20
20-60
23
40-60
55
LW
Lawndale Beat
30-35
35
35-50
45
218
30a
6-7
12-15
8-15
10-12
60
20-60g
20-60g
20-60g
LB
Long Beach Transit
60
60
220
15-40
30-32
30-60
40-60
60
45-60
50-60
62
CE
LA DOT Commuter Express
26-45
60
40-60
60
60
60
60
222
3-12
15
20-60
5-14
20-60
20
20-60
66
LD
LA DOT DASH
10-15
20
20-60
24
20-60
30
30-60
224
13-16
20
15-20
25-40
68
LN
County of Los Angeles - The Link
12-20
30-35
30-60
35
60
35
60
230
10-15
15-60
16
16-60
12-15
20-60
70
15e
LY
Lynwood Breeze
12-20
30
60
25-30
60
30-35
232
60e
15-35
35
60
60
71
45a
60a
60a
M
Montebello Bus Lines
12-15
15
20-60
15-20
20-60
20-60
233
20e
16
30-60
30-60
15-20
30-60
76
MP
Monterey Park Spirit Bus
17-20
30
30-60
33-35
34-60
34
34-60
234
6-20
14-28
20-60
14-30
30-60
14-28
40-60
78
N
Norwalk Transit
45-80
60
60
60
236
15-30
30-42
30-60
40-50
30-60
30-45
40-60
79
OC
Orange County Transportation Authority (OCTA)
45-70
65
237
6-12
15
20-60
15
30-60
20
30-60
81
PV
Palos Verdes Peninsula Transit Authority
60-70
60
239
20-30
30
30-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
83
PA
Paramount Easy Rider
20-30
17-25
40-45
15-20
30-40
35
40
240
30-50
30-60
30-60
60
120
60
120
90
ARTS
Pasadena Area Rapid Transit System (ARTS)
25-60
60
60
242
30-50
30-60
60
120
60
120
91
WRC
Port of Los Angeles - Waterfront RAIL
25-60
60
60
243
16-20
25
50-60
26-30
60
40
60
92
ROSE
Rosemead Explorer
10-40
60
50
244
15-20
30
94
30-80i
20i
30-80i
20i
30-80i
SC
City of Santa Clarita Transit
10-40
60
20-150
50
60-150
60
60-150
245
30-35
40
50-55
96
60a
50-60a
BBB
Santa Monicas Big Blue Bus
30
60
40-60
40
40-60
60
40-60
246
36
60
30-60
60
30-60
60
102
R
Santa Monicas Rapid, Culver CityBus Rapid
15-20
20
40-60
12
40-60
15
40-60
251
10-16
15-20
20-60
12-15
20-60
16-20
20-60
105
SV
Simi Valley Transit
24
40
40
40
252
60a
50a
50a
8-15
15-17
20-60
14-20
20-60
20
30-60
108
SMG
Sierra Madre Gateway Coach
30-60
60
60
254
10-20
20-30
20-60
20-30
30-60
30-35
40-60
110
SW
Sunshine Shuttle
45
45
50-60
60
256
45a
9-20
15
20-60
12-15
20-60
12-15
20-60
111
T
Torrance Transit
35-45
50
258
4-12
12-20
20-60
15-20
30-60
18-22
30-60
115
TR
Torrance Transit Rapid
10-20
18-20
30-60
16
15-20
260
20-23
22-25
40-60
20-25
30-60
30
30-60
117
WB
Willowbrook Shuttle
60
264
30-40
60
50-60
60
60
60
60
120
WH
West Hollywood CityLine
30-55
55
55
55
265
55a
55a
55a
15-20
30-32
25-30
25-30
125
50a
60e
For complete information, consult the Other Carriers link on metro.net or the service provider.
25-35
40
60
40-45
40-45
35-40
50-60
266
60
126
30
30
60
60
267
60
60
127
Frequencies shown reflect the main segment of each Metro line. Service may
30
50
50-60
50-60
268
60e
36-50
55
128
operate less frequently on certain parts of the line. Please see individual line
10-60
60
270
20-35
50
60
60
130
40-50a
60a
60a
schedules for details.
10-30
30
40
35-40
40
35-40
40
292
20-40
38-42
40-60
20-30
40-60
35
40-60
150
Information subject to change. For latest updates, visit metro.net
20-40
302
8-20
24
30-60
25-40
30-60
30
30-60
152
15-20
311
60
60
154
10-12
312
Notes
25-40
30-60
50-55
60
155
30-45a
50a
60a
9-20
316
25-40
50
60
50
60
50
60
156
a No late-evening service
20-30
330
20-45
60-67
60
50
158
60a
60a
50a
b Night and Owl service operates via Hollywood Bl between Vermont & Fairfax
15-50
40
344
60a
60a
60e
15-60
60
60
60
60
161
c Owl service only
15-25
352
20-45
162
d Night service operates as Line 233
20-25
353
11-24
24
20-60
25
30-60
30
40-60
163
e Owl service provided by FT Silver Streak
8-60
355
10-30
30
30-60
30
30-60
35
60
164
f Serves Santa Monica during late night and Owl periods
10-20
358
4-21
30
30-60
30
40-60
30-33
40-60
165
g Serves Long Beach during late night and Owl periods
14-20
364
8-20
23-24
30-60
30
30
166
40a
40-60a
h Travels south of Washington/Fairfax Transit Hub Weekdays only
11-28
378
40-60
40-50
40-60
50
60
50
60
167
i Travels north of Sun Valley late night and Weekends only
60
60
60
40-60
169
60a
24-hour Owl service
8-60
175
45
45
176
Sunday Service
30
177
35
35
40-60
10-20
40-60
10-20
40-60
180
Sunday service operates on the following holidays:
35
35
40-60
30
40-60
30
40-60
181
New Years Day, Memorial Day, Independence Day, Labor Day, Thanksgiving Day, Christmas Day
30-60
60
60
60
183
60a
60a
60a
10-30
30
40-60
35-60
40-60
40-60
60
190
Metro Local or Limited Line
Metro Express Line
81
460
12-20
30
40-60
20
40-60
20-40
60
194
Metro Late-Night or
5-13
9-11
12-40
10-12
20-40
10-15
20-40
200
Metro Rapid Line & Stop
740
20
Owl Service
Notes
50
50
60
60
201
Metro Shuttle Line
Municipal Bus Line
603
M10
50-60
60c
60c
60c
See202
upper right of page
6-10
12
15-30
15-20
20-30
15-20
20-30
204
Metro Rail Line & Station
Metro Rail Station &
Sunday
30-35
40-60
55
55-60
60
55-60
205 Service 20-40
Entrance (Downtown LA)
8-16on the following
20
20-60
20-22
30-60
20-25
30-60
206 service operates
Sunday
holidays:
Transfers
8-12Day, Independence
15
15-60
12-60 Day, 12-15
15-60
207Years Day, Memorial
New
Day, Labor 10-12
Day, Thanksgiving
Christmas Day
45-55
60
209
60a
10-20
18
30-60
15-20
30-60
16-20
30-60
210
Metro Busway & Station
Metro Silver Line
30-60
211
Street Stop
10-12
12
12-60
15-20
30-60
20-30
30-60
212
I-110 Metro Station
30-60
215
12-20
15 Approximate
217
13-60h frequency
11-15p in
15-60h
Metro Customer Center
minutes15-20i 15-60h
Metrolink Station
30-35 Weekdays
35
35-50
45Sundays 218
30a
SaturdaysTourist
Attraction/
Amtrak Station
60
60
220
Sports Venue
Line
Peaks
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
Day
Eve
26-45
60
40-60
60
60
60
60
222
603
Shopping Area
10-15
20
20-40
14-20
20-40
15
20-40
Greyhound
10-15
20
20-60
24
20-60
30
30-60
224
605
15
25
30-35
30-35
12-20
30-35
30-60
35
60
35
60
230
School/College/University
FlyAway
607
55
12-20
30
60
25-30
60
30-35
232
60e
611
30-50
60
60
60
60
60
60a
12-15
15
20-60
15-20
20-60
20-60
233
20e
Megabus
Point of Interest
612
60
60
60
60
60
60
60
17-20
30
30-60
33-35
34-60
34
34-60
234
620
60
60
---210
Interstate Freeway
Airport/Civic/Government
45-80
60
60
60
236
625
20-30
-----45-70
65
237
656
--60f
60f
60f
US Freeway
Park
101
60-70
60
239
665
30-40
60
60
60
20-40a
20-30
17-25
40-45
15-20
30-40
35
40
240
State Highway or Freeway
134
685
30
30
---60a
25-60
60
60
242
686
40
40
40
4050a
50a
50a
25-60
60
60
243
14-2441 2014 LACMTA
JUN 2014
Subject to Change
687
40
40
40
4050a
50a
50a
10-40
60
50
244
Information subject to change. For latest updates, visit metro.net
10-40
60
20-150
50
60-150
60
60-150
245
30
60
40-60
40
40-60
60
40-60
246
15-20
20
40-60
12
40-60
15
40-60
251
24
40
40
40
252
60a
50a
50a
30-60
60
60
254
45
45
50-60
60
256
45a
LDB 35-45
50
258
76
10-20
18-20
30-60
16
30-60
15-20
30-60
260
LDLHC
Chinatown o
60
60
- 81 90 60
60
264
30-55
55
265
55a91 94 55
55a 28 55
55a
25-35
40
6096 79440-45
40-45 4535-40
50-60
266
30
30
- CE419 60
267
SC794
83 60
30
50
50-60
50-60
268
60e
SC799
10-60
60
60
270
10-30 LDLHC
30
40
35-40 LDLHC
40
35-40 LDB 40
292
COLLEGE
ST 20-40
302
76
76
15-20
311
METRO GOLD LINE
10-12
312
LDB
9-20
316
VIGNES ST
SC794
20-30
- LDB 330
LDB
15-50
60
40
60
344
60a
60e
9660a
15-25
- ORD ST
352
20-25
353
68 70
28 8-60
- 81 90 355
71 78
76
45 96
10-20
- 91 94 358
79 378
SC799
83 14-20
-794 CE419364
33 68 76 LDLHC
770
11-28
378
LDB
48
23RD ST
ADAMS BL
51
52
352
183
Illustration 77.
The Contemporary Bus & Rail System Map, in context,
outside the Westlake/MacArthur Park Red Line Station.
184
Illustration 78.
The Contemporary Bus & Rail System Map, detail, showing how the core hub of the
network, Downtown Los Angeles, cannot comfortably hold all the route information
and requires a further inset, elsewhere.
185
Illustration 79.
Separated from major maps of the system in its entirety, Metro produces brochures specifically for individual bus route lines containing a timetable and geographic map for that particular line, which are placed on the buses themselves.
186
Illustration 80.
Seen here are several more such bus route brochures, named by their number,
alongside rail line brochures (seen are the Blue, Red and Gold rail lines). Each
contains a timetable and geographic map for its particular line.
187
Illustration 81.
This June 2013 Transit Map of the Los Angeles Metro Rail system shows all lines
and stations under construction at that point.
188
Illustration 82.
This 2013 Map of the Los Angeles County Metro Rail System provides a more
accurate, but less abstracted, above-ground geography of the system and the
cities it passes through. Map designed by Bin Mo, of the Los Angeles Metropolitan Transportation Authority.
189
Illustration 83.
Alongside the typeface Scala, Metro uses FF Din agency-wide. FF DIN, however, is
the most commonly seen and used of typefaces on LAs Metro Rail route map and
wayfinding signage.
190
Illustration 84.
FF Din typeface, as used by wayfinding directional signage on
Metros Gold Line.
191
Illustration 85.
FF Din typeface, as used on the wayfinding directional signage of
Londons St Pancras Station.
Photograph by author, August 2014.
192
Conclusion
Conclusion
Three case studies, each themed by a mode of getting around, have come under
review herein:
1) The Community Name Signs of Los Angeles,
underneath the theme of Driving.
2) Downtown LA Walks, the comprehensive civic wayfinding programme,
underneath the theme of Walking.
3) Go Metro, the Los Angeles Metro Rail Map,
underneath the theme of Public Transit.
This dissertations central research question has been: How do the graphics that
transport us through space intervene or even define the identity of those spaces?
Three answers have been provided by the respective case-studies, here in highly
summarised form:
1) The Community Name Signs of Los Angeles, while blanketing the city,
are both interventions in LAs road-induced identity crisis and also potential
causes of it.
2) Downtown LA Walks, at the site of the citys origin, is more than just a
wayfinding system, but the ultimate attempt at re-branding a maligned mode
of transit in the city.
3) Go Metro, the Los Angeles Metro Rail Map, represents more than just a
route map, but symbolises the ambitious growth since 1990 by which Mass
Transit has incorporated itself into the physical geography of Los Angeles,
and the psyche of Angelenos.
193
At the level of visual representation, my account has argued that misunderstandings

and grievances over LA are, at the core, information design problems. As a form of
spatial problem solving, wayfinding begins to alleviate this affliction, delivering
palliating directional information on how to get around the city.1 In this belief, I
share in the optimism of information design analyst Edward Tufte when he asserted
that confusion and clutter are failures of design not attributes of information. 2
Through the study of graphics that take up space in the city at this very moment, we
have learned how a most contemporary Los Angeles sees itself, and how visual
design can continue to shape it. Particular types of environments and situations have
specific effects on motion through space, but the role of visual communication in the
process too often goes unnoticed. Professional environmental graphic designers
effect the human spatial activity of cities by setting up constraints that alter the
behaviour of urban dwellers. There are both psychological and cultural dimensions to
sensing and behaviour, the outcomes of wayfinding decisions like route selection are
studied in the sub-field of human geography. However rarely they have met in the
past, design history and human geography have been used together in this
dissertation to better interrogate community life in LA. In a remembrance of
pioneering geographer and wayfinding specialist Reginald G. Golledge, behavioural
geography was defined as a theory which best explains that space is not experienced
and understood in a similar manner by all individuals. Instead, each individual
1
Architect and environmental psychologist Romedi Passinis writings have been fundamental to the
conception of wayfinding as spatial problem solving and a new design sub-discipline in its own
right. For more, consult: Romedi Passini, Wayfinding: A study of spatial problem solving with
implications for physical design (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Man-Environment
Relations, Pennsylvania State University, 1977); Romedi Passini, Wayfinding: A conceptual
framework, Man-Environment Systems, 10 (1980), pp. 2230; and lastly, the landmark title, Paul
Arthur and Romedi Passini, Wayfinding: People, Signs and Architecture (New York: McGraw-Hill,
1992).
2
Edward R. Tufte, Envisioning Information (Cheshire, Connecticut: Graphics Press, 1990), p. 53.
194
possesses a unique understanding of their surroundings, and that this understanding

is shaped by mental processes of information gathering and organization.3 To
summarise in a mere phrase: wayfinding is much more than just arrows, and does
much more than simply pointing you from one place to another: wayfinding very
much pinpoints the themes we wish to hang off of it. I hope, if anything, this
dissertation has made that clear.
In regards to the methodology and research design of this dissertation, some
would argue that civic wayfinding signage systems should be studied comparatively
for best effect. If, say, a political scientist were to focus more on the political
origination of sign systems, they could widen their study by not isolated it on single
cities or neighbourhoods. Future design history scholarship could well indeed push
past the necessary limits of this particular dissertation, which focused on themes of
Los Angeles exclusively (overwhelmingly full enough of rich subtexts for this here
author, at least). A regional portrait of Southern California could be developed in
future academic work, if only in a work of several authors, or in one whose scope
was much larger than this one. Crossing the borders of Los Angeles, city proper,
there are 88 total cities and towns which make up Los Angeles County, all of which
hold wayfinding systems, and component themes that could make for good future
study.
As well, while Donald Normans popular concept of user-centred design
remains a predominant methodology for environmental graphic designers, more
wayfinding research design in the future might survey those very designers in their
studio environments as they undergo urban mapping projects of this large a scale and
Jack M. Loomis, Daniel R. Montello, and Roberta L. Klatzky, Makers of Modern Human Geography:
Reginald G. Golledge (19372009), Progress in Human Geography, Volume 34, Number 5 (Oct.
2010), pp. 678690 (p. 678).
195
extent of use.4 Rather than just evaluate the process by which wayfinding signs have
been designed and received by their users, a focus on the maker would be
worthwhile. Future research questions could include: How are wayfinding sign
systems tested and evaluated by the makers of the systems themselves? An oral
history component would be key to such an endeavour.
This research has shown that wayfinding, transport and mobility are
interlinked and naturally on-going processes, and to conduct a history of wayfinding
signage design means historicising these links as well. Studying wayfinding relies on
more than aesthetic considerations because to study a history of wayfinding as a
history of design is to also study wayfinding behaviour. This makes research on
wayfinding signage systems a model for even large questions of urban human spatial
behaviour. Lastly, the accomplishment of this dissertation has been to use the design,
production and politics of wayfinding signage systems to add new knowledge to
current Los Angeles research.
See Donald A. Norman, Design of Everyday Things: Revised and Expanded (London: MIT Press,
2013).
196
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Ordinance
City of Los Angeles, Department of City Planning, General Information,

Department of City Planning, City of Los Angeles (Los Angeles: City of Los
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City Of Los Angeles, Office Of The City Clerk, Application To Name Or Rename
Communities
City of Los Angeles, Office of the City Clerk - Election Division, List of Acceptable
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Dittmar, Hank and Gloria Ohland, By Road, Rail and Foot, a Revitalized
Metropolis, Los Angeles Times, October 19, 2003
Federal Highway Administration (FHWA), The Standard Alphabets for Traffic

Control Devices, in Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices (2009)
197
Hebert, Ray, Community Signs - LA--a City Divided and Proud of It, Los Angeles
Times, 9 December 1985
Hills, Gladwin, Traffic Chaos Spurs Los Angeles To Plan 'Freeways' on Vast Scale,
New York Times, January 12, 1947
Hutton, William Rich, Part of Los Angeles, Drawing, July 1847
Los Angeles City Council Redistricting Commissions Final Report and

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Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority, Style Guide (Los

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Angeles Times, 24 January 1999
Murphy, Dean and Ronald B. Taylor, Riders Get First Look at Blue Line Light Rail
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Addressing Los Angeles

Wayfinding Signage Systems in L.A.

Turn by Turn: Definitions of Wayfinding

Is Los Angeles Anti-Urban?

Wayfinding across a challenging geography

From The Motorists Paradise to the

Biggest Parking Lot in the World

Destination Ahead: Chapters

Chapter One: All in a Name: Los Angeles Community Name Signs

X Marks The Spot

Names Are Not Narrow

The Sign Shop and the Identity Crisis

Chapter One Illustrations

Chapter Two: Walking Downtown LA

From Here to There

Chapter Two Illustrations

Chapter Three: Going Metro

Of Streetcars and Subways

The Freeway of the Future

The Go Metro Rail System Map

Chapter Three Illustrations

Robert Brownjohn, Street Level, Typographica 4 (London: Lund Humphries, 1961),

(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992), p. 165.

Travelling to new areas is disorienting, and requires ritualization to breed

Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1972).

Architecture of Four Ecologies (London: Allen Lane, 1971).

While rampant suburbanisation of Los Angeles County was boosted by

Robert M. Fogelson, The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 18501930 (Cambridge,

Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 134.

Pearce, 1946), p. 13.

audiences should not be understood in isolation, seen or studied only by other

Architecture and Urban Design.

Greenwood Press, 2001), p. 181.

i.i Turn by Turn: Definitions of Wayfinding

Lynch, The Image of the City, p. 3.

Ibid., back cover.

Lynch, The Image of the City, p. 1.

Lauren H. Mandel, Lost in the labyrinth: Wayfinding behavior in a public librarypredictable?

Corbin Design, Wayfinding is..., <http://www.corbindesign.com/about-corbin-design/wayfinding-

is.html> [accessed 10 February 2014]

destination.20 Urban wayfinding signs are meant to be used regularly, on an

Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), p. 440.

Is Los Angeles anti-urban, or just anti-tradition?

As Michael Dear and Nicholas Dahmann of the University of Southern California

Geography, 18 (1992), pp. 121138 (p. 121).

clustered in indistinguishable neighbourhoods, slashed across by endless

Banham, Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies, p. 161.

Keynote Presentation Pothole Politics: The Road To Pavement Preservation, by William A.

Robertson of the Bureau of Street Services, City of Los Angeles.

of particular neighbourhood identification opens up a morass of emptiness, a no

From The Motorist's Paradise to the

University Press, 2013), p. 319.

and London: University of California Press, 1997), p. 158.

It is called the Freeway because it will be free from grade crossings,

THE FREEWAY, Los Angeles Times, Jul 6, 1935, page A4.

Technology and Culture 40 (July 1999), pp. 544575 (p. 550).

(Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2008), p. 129

Today, though, that dream is deferred as traffic in LA is clogged and city

i.iv Destination Ahead: Chapters

contains a remarkable 10,000 linear miles of sidewalks, much of this infrastructure

Robin Kinross, Douglas Rose, The London Underground: a diagrammatic history,

Information Design Journal Volume 3, Number 1 (1982), p. 67

No other American city has received such anti-urban response

The worlds image of Los Angeles [] is of an endless plain