Ananku

Contents
12 meanings of ananku...............................................2
Ananku Basic Properties...........................................7
Ananku -- Heat.............................................................8
Ananku -- Colour and heat...........................................9
Early Tamil culture placed great weight upon ananku
as connected with female energy..............................11
Woman occupies a central position in a Dravidian
family unit.................................................................11
In accordance with the ambivalent nature of ananku
the woman may be benevolent and, also, intimidating
and dangerous..........................................................12
Saivite and Visnuite attributes of Korravai................13
Blood life force........................................................13
"Food is a metaphor of life and resurrection."...........14

The notion of Ananku is crucial for the Tamil culture and deserves
careful consideration.
12 meanings of ananku

Following Zvelebil [Zvelebil 1979: 159-160] I would like to bring

into focus the polysemantic character of the word ananku. The
PPTI dictionary provides twelve meanings of the word, of which
"fear," "source of fear," "a fearful deity, or demon," "a demoness in
the guise of a beautiful woman," "the one who slays young men"
(identified with Mohini - a beautiful yet dangerous woman whose
form Vigil acquired) present special interest. The main meanings of
the noun ananku are "suffering," "pain," "a feeling of pain;" the
verb ananku will, correspondingly, mean "to torture," "to bring
suffering," "to be tortured," "to perish" and, also, "to suppress," "to
submit," "to hide," "to be submitted" (DED 566). Thus we are
justified in assuming that ananku is an evil power that brings pain
and suffering to man and can manifest itself either as an abstract
force or can assume certain forms: those of spirits, demons and
deities.1
However, if we consider every instance of the use of the word
ananku in ancient Tamil poetry, we shall see that the above
definition fails to cover all its usage. Indeed, with this definition
1 Let us draw a few more examples: "her young breasts torturing like ananku"
(AN 161, 12); "a gaze frightening like ananku" (AN 319, 6); "you, evening,
come to torture" (anatikiya vantaye, Kal. 120, 15); "the demons possessing
ananku" (PN 174, 1); "this village is inhabited by spirits that attack people"
(takkananku, AN 7, 4).

one is left to wonder, for example, why the mountains should be

described as residential sites of ananku (AN 22, 1; 226, 19; 372, 3;
Nar._228, 1; PN 52, 1; 151, 11; PParr. 494), or why ananku should
be dwelling in a cool bay (AN 240, 12), or in a kadamba tree (Pat.
88, 6). Moreover, ananku is considered to be inherent in a bow (AN
159, 6), a bowstring (AN 167, 8), a gatepost (MK 353-354, 693), in
a platform in front of a house (PN 274, 4), in kalanku beans used
for fortune-telling (Nar. 47, 8; 282, 5), in an elephant (KT 308, 23), a lion (PParr. 258), and a serpent (PN 211, 2; AN 108, 2; Nar.
37, 9; KT 119, 2). Attanku is also inherent in man: it is present in
the "big arms" (Pat. 62, 11) and in the "strong legs" (Pat. 11,
patikam, 11) or in a woman's breasts (AN 117, 19; Ain. 363, 3-4).
Generally, a woman is associated with ananku: "a young maiden
possessing ananku" (ananku cal arivai AN 14; 15; 181, 25; 212,
8). ananku can refer even to abstract notions: "the time filled with
ananku" (PN 369, 6), "chastity filled with ananku' (AN 73), "a
vow" (Nar. 386, 6). Finally, ananku is inherent in gods: Murukan
("a rare ananku of Murukan," AN 86, 10; "Murukan possessing
ananku," PN 299, 6; or TirumalVisriu ("the rare might of Tirumal
who possesses ananku," Par. I, 43; "Tirum51's disk, filled with
ananku," Par. XIII, 6;). In one instance Indra is referred to as
possessing ananku (Kal. 105, 15).
As can be seen from the examples quoted above, although, the list
is far from complete, firstly ananku is not invariably a destructive,
dangerous and explicitly malevolent force; "in some contexts,
ananku denotes a power which is in fact beneficial, destroying
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enemies of gods and men" [Zvelebil 1979: 167] and at the same
time signifies strength, reliability and benevolence (hence in AN
20, 11 it is termed, nallananku, that is, "good," "beneficial"
ananku). Secondly, in spite of the fact that the word ananku is
employed to denote spirits and deities, it primarily signifies a
certain force related to various objects and phenomena of the
world.
According to G. Hart, "This power... was a potentially dangerous
sacred force which was considered to inhere in any object or
person thought to be especially potent for a number of reasons.
Anything in which it inhered had to be carefully controlled, lest the
power go out of control and wreak havoc. But if ananku were
present in its proper place and under control, then it lent to things a
sacred correctness and fitness which was the most important of all
criteria to be satisfied for human fulfilment. Among the places in
which this power inhered were a chaste woman, a king, certain
drums, special columns, memorial stones inhabited by the spirits of
dead heroes, dead bodies, widows, and women in their menstrual
or puerperal periods. In certain places, it was potentially more
unstable than in others, but under all circumstances it had to be
carefully controlled." [Hart 1976: 321].
The view of K. Zvelebil has it that "The sacred was thought of as a
force immanent in certain places, objects, and beings, and not as
the property of well-defined transcendent gods. The term used for
the sacred was ananku, originally conceived of as an impersonal,
anonymous power, an awe-inspiring supernatural force inherent in
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a number of phenomena but not identified or confused with any

one of them in particular. The sacred power was so completely
independent of particular objects or persons in which it was
believed to dwell or inhere that it might have preceded or survived
them. It was impersonal, capricious, dangerous, neither auspicious
nor inauspicious in itself; among the various places, it was found to
inhere in awe-inspiring localities mountain tops, the sea, the
battlefield, the threshing-floor used as the place where orgiastic and
sacred dances were performed; among objects, it was thought to
dwell in dangerous or exceptional things like weapons and musical
instruments; it also inhered in certain fear-inspiring animals (lion,
tiger, snake), and in certain (probably totemic, sacred) trees.
Among the early gods, it was connected most frequently with
Murukan; also with Mal and Indra." [Zvelebil 1979: 190].
In his review of Hart's book T. Burrow objects to the author's
interpretation of the term ananku: in the first place, because "it
does not account for the many and various meanings which the
word has "; secondly, because the term ananku in the early
literature "does not denote a generalised potency, but is used of a
host of individual gods, godlings, spirits and demons residing in a
variety of locations." Because the word originates from the root
an-, "to approach," "to join," "to dwell inside," Burrow considers
ananku to denote primarily, "the possessing spirit" and, also, "the
state of possession" [Burrow 1979: 283]. The interpretation of the
term ananku suggested by V.S. Rajam [Rajam 1986] who has
analysed a wide range of its usages in a most extensive way,
5

enables the author to conclude that "ananku in ancient Tamil

society was far more than a "dangerous sacred force" p. 258) while
"the term ananku has undergone a semantic change a change of
shrivelling quality, narrowing from a multi-dimensional concept of
diverse significance to single-dimensional concept of a celestial
female." (p. 266) As a result of the analysis she has proposed a
reinterpretation of the term as "an anxiety producing source/agent"
(p. 266).
The examples I have adduced above also demonstrate the
polysemantic character of the word ananku, but I am not inclined to
think that its various meanings contradict one another, whereas
certain meanings can be definitely considered basic ones. Of these
I would' like to provide two: " the inner power" and "a spirit, an
unidentifiable deity;" the two meanings are so closely interlocked
in their usage that it is sometimes difficult to choose which of the
two to apply, for example, the phrase in AN 114, 15: anankutaiya
nakarin mananta p 17 can be interpreted as "the flowers fragrant in
the home of the deity (that is, in the temple)" and, also, as "the
flowers fragrant in the household where ananku dwells."
From a theoretical standpoint, one may come to the conclusion that
the word ananku was employed to denote a certain abstract power
on the one hand; and certain beings created by human imagination
spirits or deities as its bearers, on the other. It was the abstract
character of the power, its amorphous, fluxional character, that
determined a vaguely identified form for these creatures: tam ventu
uruvin analikumar varume, "the spirits will come in the form they
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will choose to assume" (AN 158, 9) and, also, their ability to move
around in space: ananku kal kilarum mayarikirul natural "a dark
night when ananku wander (Lit. 'when ananku's legs rise' )" (Nar.
319, 6).
The spirits in ancient Tamil poetry defined by the term katavul (that
which moves or exceeds boundaries) are characterised in the same
fashion: "the painted deity (katavul) is leaving", that is, leaving its
representation (AN 167, 15); "the pillar deserted by the katavul"
(AN 307, 12); "a gloomy night when katavul is abroad" (MK 651).
In these examples the katavul is obviously an equivalent of ananku;
therefore, in certain contexts the terms can be considered as
synonyms. This does not seem to contradict the fact that in other
contexts the word ananku "is not interchangeable with katavul"
[Rajam 1986: 264].
Ananku Basic Properties

Returning to the sacred power ananku, let us now consider its basic
properties. Scholars define it as an impersonal, supernatural force,
analogous to the Polynesian mana (e.g. [Hart 1974: 163]). I think
this point of view fails to take into account the Indian specificity of
the phenomenon: there are reasons to view ananku, instead, as a
basically natural rather than a supernatural power, its characteristic
expression being heat or/and fire (which places ananku in the same
order as tapas, the concept produced by Vedic culture. It should be
noted, however, that in ananku and in tapas heat is viewed in a
broader sense: as natural heat and, also, to a considerable degree, a
religious phenomenon linked with the accumulation of virtue).
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Ananku -- Heat

The association of ananku with heat and fire can be traced in the
following examples: "thick pieces of fat roasted (anaiikiya) in the
red fire" (AN 237, 9); "she (the woman) became torture (ananku)
for the villagers like a fire kindled under a tree" (PN 349, 6-7); a
hearth with ananku (anarikatuppu) (MK 29).
In some other instances the fiery nature of ananku is not expressed
explicitly yet nonetheless it is fairly well defined: ananku is
inherent in serpents (AN 108, 13; Nar. 37, 9; KT 119, 2) because
they possess "the heat of wrath" (see KT 190, 4: "a hot-wrathed
serpent"), an elephant run amok (KT 308, 2), a battlefield (PN 25,
6) which is always associated with dry and scrub lands, palai.
Ananku can be associated with dance (Cil. V, 70), suffering or pain
(Nar. 322, 10) and sexual passion (Nar. 245, 9-10).
Such an interpretation of ananku is supported by the evidence of
anthropologists who study modern rituals in Tamilnadu, that
employ the idea of heat and heating and, as its antithesis, that of
cold and cooling. As B. Beck puts it, "In essence, heat is associated
with life and fertility. The energy which can both activate and
nullify life is a kind of heat. The heat when taken alone, however,
can be highly dangerous. It must be focused and controlled in order
to become a source of power which humans and superhumans can
utilise." [Beck 1969: 553].
Heat or overheating accompanies certain human conditions such
as illness, suffering and sexual passion. Heat is suffered by women
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in their pubertal or menstrual periods or during pregnancy.

Impurity of any kind is considered to be heating [Beck 1969: 562],
while purification, a relief from pain, a period of recovery, a return
to the norm etc. are invariably interpreted as channelling heat,
controlling and directing it: that is, cooling. Thus sexual
intercourse is considered cooling as it controls the fire of passion
[Beck 1969: 562].
Ananku -- Colour and heat

Interestingly, Tamil culture also uses a colour scheme for a

symbolic expression of the conditions linked with heat: fire is
associated with the colour red, while coolness with the white
colour. Accordingly, the structure of a typical ritual may be presented as "the progression from an inferior condition (white)
through a point of transition (red)" to "a new and superior
condition (also white)" [Beck 1969: 557].2
Although in her studies of the structure of Tamil ritual B. Beck uses
evidence provided by field work, it seems to me that her
conclusions can be safely applied to the earlier stages of the Tamil
culture, which can be supported by the examples provided by
ancient Tamil poetry: the standards of behaviour as reflected in it
are best interpreted "functionally," from the point of view of at2 17 This thermodynamic view of certain life processes and conditions can be
traced also in other parts of Hindustan being probably characteristic of the earlier
("substrata!") layers of Indian culture. It has been recorded in some tribes in
Pakistan who employ a thermo-orientated classification for foods and colours
([Pnina Werbner 1986: 235]; cf. a similar classification provided by B. Beck in
her study [Beck 1969: 556-570]). In the tribes where Pnina Werbner performed
her field studies a bride is considered to be cold inside. Therefore she is "heated"
and "cooked" [Pnina Werbner 1986: 238].

taining control over the energy in its various forms. Generally the
evidence is not to be found on the surface, yet not infrequently the
poetry provides direct data on the ritualized actions whose aim is a
symbolic "taming" of the power, the cooling of the heat inherent in
humans or in objects: for example, putting on garlands of cool
flowers (TMA 236), wreaths made from margosa or palmyra
palm3leaves (AN 138, 4-5); rubbing saffron (kurkuma) and sandal
paste (with cooling properties) onto the skin (TMA 235); oiling
gates (MK 353-354), decorating spears (PN 95 1-2) and memorial
stones (AN 67, 10) with peacock feathers (a peacock is associated
with coolness).
Early Tamil culture placed great weight upon
ananku as connected with female energy

Early Tamil culture placed great weight upon ananku as connected

with female energy. The possession of anayiku, an expression of
sexuality (see for example, "a woman full of anatiku" (AN 114, 5;
212, 8 ; "beautiful breasts possessing arzariku" (AN 117, 19); the

3 The leaves of both trees: the margosa and the palmyra palm possess a
"cooling" effect. It is particularly characteristic of the margosa. Its'branches and
leaves are employed in rituals throughout India as guarding or purifying (see for
example [Beck 1969: 569; Reiniche 1979: 177; Beck 1982: 46; Whitehead 1976:
56-57, 64-65; Lakshmanan Chettiyar 1973: 68]).

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power of fertility inherent in woman4 represents a value more

significant to her affines, primarily to the men-folk, than to herself.
Woman occupies a central position in a Dravidian
family unit

As B. Beck has demonstrated, the woman occupies a central

position in a Dravidian family unit being a source of life and luck
for her father, husband, brother and son; she ensures well-being
and prosperity to her kin [Beck 1974: 7-9].5 This explains the
Dravidian custom of cross-cousin marriage, the significance of
which is the following: the woman, once having got married, does
not leave her family, remaining the guarantee of its good fortune.
In accordance with the ambivalent nature of
ananku the woman may be benevolent and, also,
intimidating and dangerous

Thus, in accordance with the ambivalent nature of ananku the

woman may be benevolent and, also, intimidating and dangerous.
The power inherent in her may bring disaster and death unless
4 19 It would be interesting to draw a parallel with the analogous views held by
African culture in which "inherent in woman is a natural procreative energy
which men lack: the fertility energy necessary for a continuation of culture; this
life-giving force is clearly represented also in the close links between women
and the fire of the household hearth and the cooking of food" [Zuesse 1971:
234]. Interestingly, these links are traceable in the Tamil language: the verb
camai means 'reach puberty' (when referred to girls) , 'heat' and also 'cook.' Take,
for example, camaital whioh means 'to mature,' to attain puberty,' while camaittal
(the transitive form) means 'to cook' [Beck 1969: 562].

5 Folklore is always sensitive to things concerning qualities inherent in woman.

As Beck points out, "in folklore there are numerous examples of the extensive
influence of a female upon the lives of her father, brother, husband and son"
[Beck 1974: 8]. The role of the main heroes' sister in the Tamil epic "The Three
Twins" (annanmar katai) is remarkable in this respect as she is capable, through
the magical force of female virtue inherent in her, of revitalizing her twin
brothers [Beck 1982: 45].

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restricted or properly channelled within limiting ties of some kind

(bonds of kinship and marriage, ritual prescriptions). The most
striking example of the disorderly state of the power is provided by
the Ancient Tamil epic cilappatikaram "The Story of the Anklet,"
whose main character, Kannaki, having lost her husband, sets the
city Maturai on fire with the flames breaking away from her breast.
Such notions of the power inherent in woman are represented in the
Tamil goddess Korravai (korravai literally means "murderous").
There are but a few instances in the ancient Tamil texts in which
she is mentioned, while the only lengthy description is provided in
chapter 12 of "The Story of the Anklet" where Korravai is
presented as guardian goddess of the eyinar tribe of warlike hunters
and robbers who dwell in the waste lands. "Her head was adorned
with a glittering moon, she gazed at you with an unblinking gaze of
the third eye, she had a coral mouth, a white-tooth smile and the
throat black with the poison she had drunk. She bent a big
mountain instead of a bow, with a hot-wrathed serpent for its
string; a hollow-toothed serpent was around her breast. She raised a
trident in her hand, around her shoulders there was an elephant
skin, and a lion skin, full of ananku, around her hips. Bells and
warrior anklets were jingling on her legs. Suchlike was Korravai,
the possessor of the sword, inherent in victorious strength. She
stood on the head of a mighty-shouldered demon, possessing two
images" (Cil. XII, 54-66).

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Saivite and Visnuite attributes of Korravai

Apparently Korravai was somewhat tentatively drawn into the

Saivite mythological lore, being given the main attributes of Siva,
and, in effect represents his consort, the goddess Kali manifested as
Mahisasuramardini ("she who has slain the asura Mahisa"). On the
other hand, later, in the hymns addressed to Korravai her definite
associations with Visnu can be traced ("You are holding the conchshell and the cakra in your lotus-like hands" Cil. XII, 9) and also
with Krsna (in hymn 22 she is described as having performed one
of Krsna's heroic deeds: she slays a demon in the shape of a cart,
sent by Karhsa, Krsna's uncle, to destroy him).
Blood life force

Putting aside the Saivite and Visnuite attributes of Korravai, it

would be essential to refer to two stories related to the cult of the
goddess that can be traced back to the earliest time: the blood
sacrifice and the destruction of the bull demon. The eyinars thus
sing: "Here is our sacrificial duty (katan)! Receive the blood
streaming from the throat as a reward for the victorious might"
(Cil. XII,17; also 18-19). Blood is known to have been considered
the substance with an extremely high concentration of life force,
therefore, the goddess raised on blood ("drink the sacrifice
provided by the strong-bowed eyinars" Cil. XII, 20) was

13

supposed to receive plenty of power. In reward, she supplies the

warriors with strength to aid them in defeating the enemy. 6
"Food is a metaphor of life and resurrection."

Of particular significance is the motif of "food" or "nourishing"

characteristic of the universal pattern of sacrifice. It is important
not only because it serves to bring out the all too evident archaic
semantics of sacrifice ("Food is a metaphor of life and
resurrection." [Freidenberg 1936: 67]), but, also, because, in the
mainstream of Tamil culture it brings out a specific mythical figure
closely related to Korravai, that of pey, a demon, or, more
frequently, a demoness.

6 21 Korravai as the goddess of victory was linked not only with the tribe of the
eyinars. She had acquired this meaning in the lore of all the Tamils in ancient
times. In this respect the lines from a poem in NV are quite remarkable: the
maid-servant of the heroine suffering in separation thus addresses the goddess,
who, according to [Hardy 1983: 163], is undoubtedly Korravai: "So that the
unfortunate suffering of the good woman in separation should cease provide him
(that is the heroine's husband) with victorious might to stop the battle
immediately, o mother!" (NV 166-168).

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