American Philological Association

The Fall and Rise of Roman Tragedy

Author(s): Sander M. Goldberg
Source: Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 126 (1996), pp. 265286
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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Transactions
Association
126 (1996) 265-286
of theAmerican
Philological

The Fall and Rise of RomanTragedy*

SanderM. Goldberg

University
ofCalifornia,Los Angeles
The historyof Romantragedyrestson a paradox.Not a singleplayperformed
publiclyat Rome survivesintact,whilethosethathave survived-thetenplays
of theSenecancorpus-lack all tracesof production
history.Thus,thoughwe
knowthatVarius' lost Thyesteswas performed
to publicacclaim in theearly
20s B.C.E. and wenton to winliterary
renown,thewhen,why,where,andhow
of Seneca's extantThyestes
arebeyondrecall.Yet thefactremainsthattragedy
at Rome survivedthe loss of professionalplaywrights
and the stultifying
of the Republicanstageto reemergeunderthe Principateas a
extravagances
favorite
and evena potentgenreforRomanaristocrats
witha literary
turn.How
thiscame about,how tragedydevelopedbetweenthedeathof Accius at some
pointin the 90s B.C.E. and the deathof Domitiannearlytwo centurieslater,
meritsattention
bothforthestory'sinherent
interest
and,in a largersense,for
whatit revealsof the forcesat workon literature
in thatseminalperiodfrom
Republicto empire.
I.
In the late summerof 55 B.C.E., Cicero swelteredthroughthe inaugural
ceremoniesforPompey'snewtheater
complexin theCampusMartius.The vast
structure
itselfwas in manywaysa marvel:Rome's firststonetheater,
designed
to hold perhaps40,000 spectators,incorporated
a templeof Venus Victrix
above the cavea, flankedby fourancillarysanctuariesto reveredabstractions
like Honos and Virtus,whilebehindthe stagebuildingstretched
an elaborate
porticoand formalgardenconnecting
thetheater
witha new senate-house
some
200 metersto theeast.Yet neither
theawningsnortheinnovative
water-courses
of thenew buildingcouldrelievetheheatof thatRomanAugustor thetedium

*Thisessayowes muchto RichardBeacham,RobertKaster,andElaineFantham,

andto
TAPA'sreferees,
Alexander
MacGregor
andRichardTarrant,
whoseexcellent
adviceI should
havetakenmoreoften.A less technical
probably
versionof itsargument
appearsunderthe
title"Melpomene'sDeclamation"
in RomanEloquence,ed. W. J.Dominik(London1997).
Uncredited
translations
aremyown.

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266

SanderM. Goldberg

of thatinauguraldisplay.'Cicerodescribedtheprogramwithwrydistastein a
installedin a villaon
famousletterto his friendM. Marius,himselfcomfortably
theBay ofNaples (Fam. 7.1).
The entertainments
stagedin thenew theateron thatoccasion included
were in Greekas well as Latin and
mimes,plays,and farces.Performances
veteransof the
employedbothlocal and importedtalent.Some distinguished
forthe occasion,and some,says Cicero,
stagewere invitedout of retirement
old Aesopus,the famoustragicactorof the
unwiselyacceptedthe invitation:
of
to theembarrassment
lateRepublic,actuallylosthis voice in mid-sentence,
all. Related shows in the Circus includedraces and wild animal displays
over a five-dayperiod;memoryof an elephanthunttherelingered
performed
however,or
downto Pliny'sday.The mostnotoriousspectacleon theprogram,
Cicero,was thelavishstagingoftwo
at leastthespectaclethatmostexasperated
classic Romantragedies,Accius' Clytemnestraand theEquus Troianus of (we
think)Naevius.2
habentsescentimuliin 'Clytaemestra'
aut in
quid enimdelectationis
triamiliaaut armatura
variapeditatus
et
'Equo Troiano'creterrarum
admirationem
habueruent,
equitatusin aliqua pugna?quae popularem
tibinullamattulissent.
delectationem
mulesina Clytemnestra
Whatpleasuredo sixhundred
provideorthree
in a TrojanHorseor a variegated
thousandmixing-bowls
displayof
in some battleor other?It gave the
equipment
cavalryand infantry
itwouldnothavebrought
youanypleasure.(Fam.7.1.2)
publica thrill;

overblown:who could countsuchopulence?The

The numbersare deliberately
grounds for Cicero's complaint, however, are quite explicit. Tragic
had takenon the trappingsof quite different
(and less literary)
performances

and esp. Gleason.Plin.Nat.

see Hanson43-55, Richardson,
TForthetheaterstructure,
modems.
36.24.115put its capacityat 40,000,a figuretoo oftendoubtedby incredulous
evidenceheld ca. 2,000
ComparetheElizabethanRose, whichwe knowfromsecondary
ofonlyca.
of49' 6" (3 rods)wouldproducemodemestimates
thoughitsdiameter
spectators,
awningswere
see V. Max. 2.6. Theatrical
waterof Pompey'stheater,
400. Fortherunning
of 60 B.C.E. (Plin.Nat. 19.23,cf. Lucr.
at theludiApollinares
firstintroduced
apparently
passage).
4.75-83,a much-argued
Equus Troianusis less likely:Cic. Brut.71 foundhis
2A revivalof LiviusAndronicus'
butcf.Plin.
testimony,
to Mariusis theprimary
The letter
playsnotwortha secondreading.
sites
overseveraldays,withdifferent
extended
Nat.8.7.20andD.C. 39.38.Luditraditionally
Cic. Leg.2.15.38;Liv.42.10.5.
onoffer:
kindsofentertainment
forthedifferent

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

267

kindsofpublicspectacle,inparticular
thetriumph
withitselaborateprocession,
deliberately
andrelatedsideshows.
breath-taking
ostentation,
Pompeyhimselfmaywell have encouragedtheassociation.Memoriesof
his threefold
triumphof 61 over the pirates,Mithridates,
and Tigraneswere
builtintohis new theaterby theallegoricalfiguresof fourteen
literally
nations
set on permanent
displayalong its perimeter
(Plin.Nat. 36.41; cf. Plu. Pomp.
45.2). Even therowsof planetreesthatconnectedthetheaterbuildingwiththe
new Curia beyondit mighthave suggesteda militaryformation:
the Romans
inclinedtowardsuch associationsbetweenplantingsand parades(cf. Verg.G.
2.274-83). As so oftenat Rome, politics and art were easily combined,
especiallywhenpoliticscouldassumethegarbofcommunity
achievement.
The technicalcapabilitiesof theRomanstagewereby thistimeentirely
equal to the task of managingsuch lavishdisplays.Casts had alreadygrown
quitelarge.Lucullus,forexample,was once askedto furnish100 cloaks fora
tragedy,clear evidence of an impressiveshow as well as his famously
impressivepurse(Hor. Ep. 1.6.40-41). Nor was artisticintegrity
an essential
ingredient
forsuccess.The Hellenistictendency
to sacrificeaestheticcoherence
to histrionic
displaythrough
thecutting,
expansion,and reworking
of classical
originalsno doubt encouragedthe Romans' own penchantfor improvised
politicaldemonstration.
Cicero,forexample,relishedthe memoryof how, at
theFloraliaof 57, thatsame Aesopus,thenpresumably
stillin fullvoice,had
turneda line of Accius' Brutusto Cicero's personaladvantage:Tullius,qui
libertatemcivibus stabiliverat(Sest. 123). The crowd loved it (miliens
revocatumest),thoughthegreatmomentsurelycame at some costto Accius'
intendedeffect.We maywell concludethattheRomaninterest
in tragedylay,
as Beare remarks,"not so much in the essentialdramaticqualities of the
performance
as in externals-impressive
staging,violentutterance
and action,
lines whichmightbe takenas topical,the arrivalof distinguished
spectators,
and of courseanymishapwhichmightbefalleithertheactorsor anymembers
of the audience."3The disruptiveeffectsof such occurrencesare all well
attestedfor the late Republic.The tragicgenre,havinglost its intellectual
was easilysubornedbyhucksters
bearings,
andpoliticos.
The verysize ofPompey'snewtheater
was a symptom,
and perhapseven
a cause,oftheproblem.Notthatitssize was uniqueor unprecedented:
eventhe
3Beare71. Forthepoliticization
oftheatrical
productions
inthelaterRepublic,see Nicolet
363-73andBeacham154-63.

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268

SanderM. Goldberg

theatersof thisperiodcould be formidable

M.
structures.
ostensiblytemporary
scaena, thefirststory
Scaurus,as aedile in 58 B.C.E., had erecteda three-story
ofmarble,thesecondofglass (an extraordinary
luxuryin itstime),andthethird
feethigh
of gildedwood. The lowesttierdisplayed360 columnsthirty-eight
whicheventuallyfoundtheirway intoAugustus'Theaterof Marcellus,and the
cavea was said to hold80,000spectators
(Plin.Nat. 36.113-15). In 53, C. Curio
builta doubletheaterof wood thatnotonlyallowedsimultaneous
productions
butcouldpivot(at someriskto thespectators)
in theafternoon
in themorning,
forgladiatorial
shows.And"temporary"
thoughit
to forma singleamphitheater
was stillbeingused,at leastas a theater,
in Juneof 51 (Plin.
was, thestructure
Nat. 36.116-20,cf.Cic. Fam. 8.2.1).
Such largeand elaboratedesignswere a farcryfromthe moremodest
facilitiesavailable in the earlydays of theRomantheater,
thougheven these
structures
we sometimesthink.4
werenotnecessarilythejerry-built
Nor is their
size entirelyunknown.Consider,for example,conditionsat the early ludi
ofPlautus'Pseudolusin 191 and fourof
Megalenses,whichsaw theproduction
later.The playingspace availableforthose
Terence'ssix comediesa generation
productionsis subjectto measurebecause the games were held, as Cicero
"beforethetemple,in theverysightof theGreatMother"(ante
wouldremark,
temp/urin ipso MatrisMagnae conspectu,Har. 24). He means by thisthe
precinctimmediately
adjoininghergreattempleon thePalatinehill.5Thiswas a
made thebest of it. The
site forgames,buttheRepublicanarchitects
difficult
and fittedwith
templeof the Magna Materwas builton a veryhighplatform
twotiersof stepsthatwidentowardthebase. Beyondthesestepswas a narrow,
level area, and beyondthatthe terracedslope of the Palatine.The temporary
4Tac. Ann. 14.20,namantea subitariisgradibuset scaena in tempusstructaludosedi
reactionto Nero's
solitos,impliesas much,but the moralizingcontext-conservative
gamesin 60 C.E.-is notreliableevidencefordetailsof Roman
of quinquennial
institution
79-82andBeacham67-69.
Duckworth
300 yearsearlier.See ingeneral
theater
production
to thefootof thePalatine,
period,theshowsmayhaveextended
5BythelateRepublican
was erectedintheareacalledtheLupercal.This,at least,is
theater
wherea secondtemporary
allusionin thisspeech-an allusionboth
Cicero'sperplexing
theeasiestwayto understand
twotheaters
attheMegalenses(Har.25).
rhetoric-to
coloredandcloudedbyitsanti-Clodian
thanthatof
See Hanson14 n. 29 and Wiseman1974: 168-69,a moreelegantexplanation
in the
an arrangement
to assumeso elaborate
Lenaghan124-25.Thereis no need,however,
see Hanson
ofthetempleofCybeleitself,
Forthetheatrical
possibilities
earlysecondcentury.
showing
plansandelevations
(withhelpful
supplement
archeological
13-16andtheimportant
space)byPensabene54-67.Discussionofseatinginthe
thesize andshapeoftheproduction
betweensacred
morecarefully
(e.g.,Moore)shouldperhapsdistinguish
earlyRomantheater
andsecularvenues.

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

269

stage and scene buildingforthe annualludi would have occupiedthis level

musthave accomodated
space,whichmeansthatthetemplestepsthemselves
the
audience,sincetherewas notroomforanother
in theprecinct.
Yet the
grandstand
templestepsat theirwidestmeasured
notmuchmorethanforty
meters
across,and
thewedge-shaped
areabeforethetempleoffered
littleroomforthestagebuilding
andwingsneededto marshalanddisplaylargeprocessions.
The Palatineslope is
too near and too steep.Plautus' theaterwas thus,at least by laterstandards,
intimate
andnecessarily
restrained
in itsstageeffects.
comparatively
Othertempleswere also used forstagingshows of variouskinds.The
ludi Florales,made regularin 173, wereheld beforeFlora's temple.The ludi
Apollinaresweretheatrical
fromtheirinceptionin 212 (Ennius' Thyesteswas
producedforthemin 169), and a templevenueis likely.In 179,thecensorM.
AemiliusLepidusnegotiated
forseatsanda stagebeforeApollo'stemple
contracts
(theatrum
etproscenium
adApollinis...locavit,Liv. 40.51.3). Pompey'stheater,
withitstempleof Venus setabove thecavea,perhapsdeliberately
recalledthis
he
traditional
practice: is said to have referred
to thestructure
as "a Templeof
Venusbeneathwhichwe have addedseatsfortheshows,"and so, as seen from
a distance,it was.6Yet Pompey'sstage,thoughtypicalenoughof itsown day,
was at leasttwicethe size of anything
erectedbeforethe shrineof Cybele.It
measuredsome ninety-five
metersacross, and this vast difference
in scale
suggestsa difference
in function.Somethingwas expectedto fill so much
space,and thatsomething
meantnotjust mulesand mixing-bowls
butthetime
and expensenecessaryto orchestrate
theirdisplay.A performance
in a theater
this large was necessarilydifferentin quality and quantityfrom the
intimate
comparatively
oftheold templesites.
surroundings
Nor werethe Hellenisticproductions
fromwhichRomanpoets formed
theirnotionsoftragedy
particularly
richin intellectual
content.7
The Rhesus,for

6Pompeyap. Tert.Spect. 10.5: non theatrum

sed Veneristemplum
nuncupavit,
cui
subiecimus,
inquit,gradusspectaculorum.
Gleason21 reconstructs
a perspective
thatwould
havecreatedprecisely
thisillusionof seatsleadingup to thetemplewhenviewedfromthe
Curia.Forthepoliticalcontroversy
(andcultural
statement)
thebuildingofthis
surrounding
theater,
see Gruen205-10.
7Giventherecurrent
efforts
to deducefifth-century
modelsforRomantragedy,
itremains
worthpointingout thatRomans necessarilybroughtHellenisticsensibilitiesto theirreadingof

all tragedy,
whatever
its originalaesthetic.
This was an age thatcouldproduceEuripides'
Hippolytus
without
a chorus(PSorb.2252) and give a tragoedusa choruswithout
a play
(PLeid. 510). See Gentili19-21, Tarrant1978, and fora nice exampleof whatsuch
sensibilities
entailed,
Frank16-27.

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270

SanderM. Goldberg

example,whichsurvivesin theEuripideancorpusbutis almostcertainly

a work
oftheearlyfourth
containsbrilliant
century,
sceniceffects
and slyinversions
of
itsHomericmaterial:theplay is performed,
and theplaywright
remindsus that
it is being performed,
as the eventsof Iliad 10 take place in the wings.Its
exciting,episodic plot, however,moves by fitsand startsto no particular
The dramatist
resolution.
seemsstrikingly
unableto makehis superficially
rich
actionmeananything
to anyone.ThoughRhesuswouldhave givenitsaudience
quite a good timein thetheater,
no verydeep thoughts
would have followed
it.
I
themout of So too, suspect,withRomantragedyeven in its goldenage.
Cicero, forexample,liked to color his philosophicaltreatiseswithlong and
enthusiastic
quotationsfromtragedy,butthe effectwas invariablyto animate
ratherthanto advancethe discussionat hand.Thus he showsus whatdivine
possessionis by quotingCassandra'smad scenefromEnnius'Alexanderin his
de Divinatione(1.66); at TusculanDisputations3.45,theformidable
anguishof
theEnnianAndromache
becomesa stickto beatthetritecomforts
afforded
by
the doctrinesof Epicurus.Such scenes were clearlymemorable.Cicero often
commentsaside on theirpowerand beauty-butnoton theircontent.He does
notdescribetragicactionto advancean argument
by evokingwhatcharacters
do or thinkon the stageas distinctfromwhattheyfeel.The theaterhe knew
was a theater
moreof styleand emotionthanofintellect.
Yet theRomansneverlosttheirfascination
withtragedy.Cicerodisliked
revivalspreciselybecause he likedthe old plays themselves,
extravagant
and
therewere eventuallynew plays to like as well. Accius, who died about 90
B.C.E., was the last professional
tragedianat Rome,the lastpoet to makehis
on thestrength
ofhisdramaticscripts.Yet he was notthelast
literary
reputation
to writetragediesof note.Varius,one of thebetterpoetsof theAugustanage,
wrotea tragedyof more than passing success, and so did Ovid. In fact,
Melpomene'sfootprints
(if notalwaysheractualsongs)remaindiscerniblefor
in therecordof Romanliterary
at leastanothercentury
activity.The genredid
come to changeprofoundly,
however,in thatperiod,and thosechangeswere
notall forthebad.
II.
The firstthingto understandabout Roman tragedyafterAccius is thatit
thesameprocessof gentrification
underwent
commonto all Romanpoetry.The
lies withthearistocrat
earliestrecordof thetransition
JuliusCaesar Strabo,an
of
aedile in 90 and an oratorof noteuntilhis deathin theMarianproscriptions
87. Strabonot onlywrotetragedies,he attendedmeetingsof theprofessional

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

271

CollegiumPoetarum,whereAccius famouslyrefusedto deferto his superior

social position(V. Max. 3.7.11). Despitethisdeliberately
insultingverdicton
histalent,Strabo'splayscirculatedlongenoughforCiceroto read,and excerpts
a generation
fromthemeventuallyenteredthegrammatical
tradition
or so later
theworkof Augustus'learnedfreedman
through
VerriusFlaccus. This Strabo
providesbutour firstexampleof a Republicanaristocrat
dabblingin tragedy.
Othersincludean eques namedC. Titius,Cicero's brotherQuintus,passing
awaya winterin Gaul bywriting
fourtragediesin sixteendays,his commander
Caesar,whosejuveniliaincludedan Oedipus,Octavian,whowrotean Ajax,and
perhapsthetwosonsofHorace's Piso.8All theplaysin questionweredoubtless
amateurefforts
of littleindividualsignificance.
Theywere notproduced,and
mostneverevencirculated.
forbade
Augustusexpressly
of his uncle's
publication
poetryand,as he toldVarius,he preferred
his ownAjax to falluponhis sponge
(Suet. Jul. 56.7; Aug. 85; Macr. Sat. 2.4.2). Yet moresignificant
to
attempts
writetragedywerealso beingmade by moresignificant
figureson theliterary
scene, fortragedy,like epic, still claimeda loftyplace in the hierarchyof
genres.Tragediesby AsiniusPollio are mentioned
by Horace and Vergiland
survivedforTacitus to read.9Varius' Thyestesand Ovid's Medea won still
greateracclaim and became canonical texts: QuintiliancomparedThyestes
to themasterpieces
favorably
of Greeceand admiredMedea in spiteof himself
(10.1.98). Thus tragedysurvivedat Rome,thoughit was no longerwritten
by
professional
tragedians.
Norcoulditclaiman extensiveaudience.
Whatkepttragedyalive in thearistocratic
imagination
was notthekind
of lavish public spectaclethathad so irritated
Cicero,thoughspectacletoo
survived.Horace's letterto Augustus,forexample,soundsmuchlikeCicero's
reportto Mariusa generation
earlier:
abaurevoluptas
verum
equitis
quoqueiammigravit
omnis
adincertos
oculosetgaudia
vana.
quattuor
autplures
aulaeapremuntur
inhoras,

dumfugiunt
equitum
turmae
peditumque
catervae;
moxtrahitur
manibus
regumfortuna
retortis,
essedafestinant,
pilenta,
petorrita,
naves,
captivum
portatur
ebur,captivaCorinthus.

8The sources are Cic. Brut. 167 (Titius) and Q. ft. (Q. Cicero); Suet. Jul. 56.7 (Caesar) and
Aug.85 (Augustus);Hor.Ep. 2.3.366-90 (thePisones).Fantham5-6 provideshelpfuldiscussion.
9Hor. Carm. 2.1.9-12; Verg. Ecl. 8.9 withServ. ad loc.; Tac. Dial. 21.7. Pollio, however,
did notearninclusionin Quintilian'scanon of Roman tragediansat Inst. 10.1.97-98.

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272

SanderM. Goldberg
andall their
havestoppedlistening,
Nowadayseventheknights
pageants.
is takenup withinaneandephemeral
interest
ifnotlonger,
periods,
is up forfour-hour
Thecurtain
hurtle
past;
ofcavalryandhordesofinfantry
as squadrons
acrosswiththeirhandspinioned;
fallenkingsaredragged
along,
wagonsandshipsrumble
carriages,
chariots,
worksofbronzeandivorytakenfromCorinth.
carrying
(Ep. 2.1.187-93,tr.Rudd)

WhetherHorace is reallythinkingof tragedy,or confusingit withhistorical

pageantryor even triumphalprocessions,remainsunclear,and thatlack of
clarityis preciselythe point.Althoughtherewere still shows aplentyto be
foundat Rome,plays of staturewerebecomingscarceon thepublicstage.In
fact, Varius' Thyestes,performedeither in conjunctionwith Octavian's
of 29 B.C.E. or at therestoredludiApollinaresof 28, is
celebrations
triumphal
theonlydocumentedstagesuccessby a RomanpoetafterAccius.10Its closest
Ovid's Medea, has no productionhistory,and Ovid
known contemporary,
contextthathe had neverstaged a play (Tr.
himselfclaimed in a different
eventuallymetedout to
5.7.27). He may have fearedthekindof humiliation
Pomponius Secundus, consul ordinariusunder Claudius in 44 C.E. and
governorof Upper Germanyin 50/51.Secunduswas a poet of note,better
knownamonghis peersas a tragedianthanforhis victoryovertheChatti:he
was neverthelessbooed in the public theaterwhen one of his works was
performedthere(Tac. Ann. 11.13, cf. 12.27-28).

andotherpublicspectacleson therise,tragedy
Withmimes,pantomimes,
began losingits popularaudience.It maywell be true,as scholarslike Slater
thattheaterwas and remainedcentral
and Wiseman(1995) have been insisting,
butby Horace's day theaterswereno
to theprocessof Romanself-fashioning,
and
betweenpopularentertainment
longerthe poets' preserve.A distinction
to
second-century
have
been
as
incomprehensible
theaterthatwould
literary
Atheniansnow becomesan increasingly
significant
Romansas to fifth-century

was.Ourmainsourceis an
andhowpublicitsproduction
I0Wedo notknowhowelaborate
of the
thatsurvivesin two manuscripts
imprecision
isolateddidascalicnoteof maddening
magna
Lucius Variuscognomento
tragoediam
RufusThyesten
eighthand ninthcenturies:
augustoludiseius in scaena ediditpro qua fabula
cura absolutopost Actiacamvictoriam
1980andmorebroadly
See Jocelyn
emended.
deciensaccepit.Thetextis variously
sestertium
thegift
implya lavishperformance:
does notnecessarily
Cova 9-27. The millionsesterces
likeHorace'sSabine
rather
forlongservice,
mayhavebeennota quidproquo butthereward
46-47.
farm.See Coffey

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

273

factof Roman stage history.Underthe Principate,literarydramabegan to

abandonpublictheatersforthemoreintimate
confines
(and morearistocratic)
of smallerroofedhalls and privatehomes.Recitationratherthanfullystaged
becamethenorm,thekindofperformance
performance
longestablishedforthe
presentation
of Latin literaryworks.This did not necessarilymake plays
designedforrecitation
trivial.By the70s C.E., accordingto Tacitus,something
stillcalled tragedycould servetheprofoundly
seriousand evenperilouscause
of CuriatiusMaternus:his Cato createda sensationwhen recitedprivately
beforean audience of friendsand was the talk of the town even beforea
polishedtextbegancirculating."This shiftto theprivatesphere,however,had
important
consequencesfortragedyas a genre.
Maternus'nextplaywas to be a Thyestes,
whichsuggeststhecollapseof
the old Republicandistinction
betweenplays withRoman subjects(the socalled praetextae)and those on Greekthemes.Praetextae,firstcreatedby
Naevius in the days of Hannibal,probablyhad politicalovertonesfromthe
beginning,
but we do not knowwhentragediesin the Greekstylewere first
written
to be topical.Thepolitical
overtones
thatstirred
crowdsatthetragicrevivals
ofthelateRepublic(above,n. 3) arenotattested
fortheoriginal
productions
ofthose
plays,noris a politicalmessageeasilyimaginedforVarius'Thyestes
in the20s.
AbuseofAgamemnon
in a playbyMamercus
AemiliusScaurusoffended
Tiberius,
butit is impossible
to knowwhether
theplaywas politicalby designor whether
Scaurusmerelyfellvictimto Macro's maliciousimaginings.12
Matemus' plays
remainunique in the record.'3Politics,or politicsalone, does not explain
tragedy'senduring
appealamongRomanaristocrats.

IITac. Dial. 2-3. The potency

of suchtragedy
is rightly
stressed
byBartsch98-105.For
recitation
in generalsee Mayor173-82,and forrecitation
of specifically
dramatic
verse,
Zwierlein156-66.Williams303-6 observesthestylistic
effect
of recitation
on poetry.
The
spreadofroofedtheaters
intheempiresuggests
small-scale
publicperformances
as wellas the
privaterecitations
forexample,by theyounger
recorded,
Pliny(Ep. 1.15.2,5.3.2,9.36.4),
whoseowntasteapparently
rantowardcomedy(whichwas better
forhis digestion).
On the
development
ofsmallpublictheaters,
a topicthatmerits
further
see Izenour.
research,
12Forthepraetextae,
see Wiseman1994: 12-20,challenged
now on pointsof detailby
Flower.Lefevre1976: 15-20basedhisreconstruction
ofVarius'Thyestes
on a presumption
of politicalcontent,
but neitherpresumption
norreconstruction
has won acceptance.Cf.
Jocelyn1978,Tarrant1979,andCova 19-23.ForScaurus,see Tac. Ann.6.29,D.C. 58.24,
Suet.Tib.61.
13Neither
Maternus
norhisplaysis otherwise
attested,
encouraging
Bartsch
260-61n. 68 to
doubttheirhistoricity.
The literary
climateevokedby theDialogus,however,
mustat least
havebeencongruent
withtheexpectations
ofTacitus'audience.

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SanderM. Goldberg

Nor does theirabidingadmirationforits style.EducatedRomanshad

always minedthe old tragicscriptsforliterary
tags and purplepassages. We
know,forexample,of Republicantragedy'scapacityfordepictingviolentand
patheticemotionpreciselybecause these qualitiesattractedits laterreaders.
momentsof madness
Thus Cicero's fondnessforquotingtragedyto illustrate
who documents
the
and rageis echoednearlytwocenturieslaterby Quintilian,
pointthatnobodywantsto appearas bad as he is withonlya passingallusionto
Sallust's Catiline, but explicit quotationof Varius' Thyestes: iam fero
infandissima,iam facere cogor (3.8.45). These allusions to classical
Something
more
masterpieces,
however,are littlemorethanstylistic
flourishes.
is needed to explainwhyRoman aristocrats
keptwritingtragedies,and why
plays writtenunderthe Caesars eventuallywon the enduringfame thatso
thoroughly
eludedtheirpredecessors.
Besides itssomewhatfloridstyle,Republicantragedywas also knownfor
and usefulto
itsargumentative
quality.This feature
provedespeciallyattractive
In Cicero's youth,theanonymousauthoroftheRhetoricaad
writers.
rhetorical
ofgood andbad argument
fromtragictexts(e.g.,
Herennium
culledillustrations
2.34-42), and Cicero himselfhad Crassus of de Oratoreillustratedifferent
stylesof deliverywitha longseriesof tragicquotations(3.217-19). Quintilian
attractions
(cf. 10.1.97notonlypraisedRomantragedyhighlyforits stylistic
thrust
the
and
of
98) but extolled
parry Accius' dialogue. Yet Accius, he
"They
reports,
also knewthedifference
betweenthestageand thecourtroom:
say thatAccius, when asked whyhe did not plead cases since his tragedies
thatthethingssaid in his
showedsuch skillin repartee,
gave thisexplanation,
while
in courthis opponentswouldsaywhat
playswerewhathe wantedto say,
and
he did notwantthemto say" (5.15.43). This was an important
distinction,
thatC. AlbuciusSilus,
notjust foreducators.It was preciselythisdistinction
one of the greatAugustandeclaimers,learnedto his cost whenhe unwisely
of the centumviralcourt. He proposed an
enteredthe rough-and-tumble
extravagant
oath,a well-knownrhetoricalfigure,only to have the opposing
counseltake him at his wordand expresshis client'swillingnessto swearit
costAlbuciusboththe
(Sen. Con. 7 Prf.6-7, cf.9 Prf.2-5). Thatmiscalculation
was
No
such
his
case and
self-respect.
mishap
possible in the declaimers'
whichhad becometheverse
debates.Nor could it happenin tragedy,
artificial
equivalentof declamation.
to its
The ubiquityof recitationas a mediumfor bringingliterature
audiencedoubtlessencouragedthe assimilationof poetryto the demandsof

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

275

rhetorical
display.This maywell have been the secretof Ovid's successwith
his Medea, whichapparently
strucka happybalance betweeninspiration
and
discipline.Quintilianquotes one of its sententiaewithapproval(Inst. 8.5.6:
servarepotui: perdere an possim rogas? ) and clearlyadmiredthe whole.14
Ovid was an accomplisheddeclaimer,and the declamatorystylemay have
seemedless contrivedin his tragedythanit sometimesappearedto readersof
hisepicandelegy.Thatmustremaina guess,butthecompatibility
of declamation
and tragedyis certainin the case of Seneca. His plays are notjust generally
in stylebutspecifically
rhetorical
in conception,
and it is herethat
declamatory
theeffectofrhetoric
on tragedyis therefore
easiestto measure.
III.
The rhetorical
qualityof Senecantragedyis an old and yetneglectedscholarly
topos.Its modemhistorygoes backto Friedrich
Leo, who devoteda sectionof
his Observationescriticaeof 1878 to whathe called "tragoediarhetorica."
Therehe set out to showhow a rhetorical
influencedistinguished
theplaysof
Seneca frombothhis Greekand Romanpredecessors."These are not really
he concluded,"butdeclamations
tragedies,"
patterned
aftertragedyand divided
intoacts"(158). Because he thought
therhetorical
impulsehad a banefuleffect
on Latinliterature,
Leo and his disciplesgenerallyconfinedtheirinvestigation
of its influenceto mattersof styleand thenfaultedSeneca forfulfilling
their
expectations.15 The result could make ratherdry reading,and the more
sympathetic
line of Senecan criticismthathas since emergedunderstandably
looks in other directions.Attentionto Seneca's philosophicalroots, for
example,has shownnotjust how Stoic vocabularyunderlieshis diction,but
how Stoicism furnisheda powerfulintellectualfoundationfor his tragic
constructions
and insuredtheirlastingappeal (e.g., Braden,Lefevre 1985,
Rosenmeyer).Senecan drama,however,is not only philosophical:rhetorical
criticism
shouldalso have something
to say aboutthesubstanceof his tragedy.
Leo's basic perceptionof thetragoediarhetoricaremainstrue.The new point
to make is simplythatrhetoric'sinfluenceon tragedyextendsfarbeyondthe
14Inst.
10.1.98:OvidiMedeavidetur
mihiostendere
quantum
Wile
virpraestarepotuerit
si
ingeniosuo imperarequam indulgere
maluisset.
Cf. thecomments
of Leo 148-49,Currie
2702-4,andArcellaschi
261-64.The elderSenecafoundtheplaysomewhat
bookish,
fullof
Vergilian
echoesthatproclaimed
rather
thanconcealedthedebt(Suas. 3.7). ForOvidin the
declamation
hall,see Sen.Con.2.2.8-12.
150fthestudiesdirectly
fostered
byLeo's pioneering
work,Canterremains
mostvaluable
forits comprehensive
examination
of Seneca's debtto rhetorical
practice.Bonner160-67
provides
a usefuloverview.

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276

SanderM. Goldberg

tropes,figures,and sententiaethat Leo's studentscatalogued.Nor is that

influencenecessarilybaneful. Rather than simply observing,and then
dismissing,rhetoricas the source of mannerismsand verbal pyrotechnics
(thoughit was certainlythat),we mightproductively
arguethatrhetoric-in
particular
declamation-wasa positiveinfluenceon Romantragedybecause it
assertedtheprimacyof languageover spectacle.The declamatory
modelthat
shaped Seneca's idea of tragedytherebybroughtthe genre out of the
intellectual
doldrumsthathad so exasperatedCiceroand Horace.To arguethis
forthedeclamatory
case requiresonlysome sympathy
enterprise
and itseffect
on both the writingand the receptionof tragedy.Consider,forexample,a
famousSenecanmoment.
As we begin the last act of Thyestes,
Thyesteshas been fed his own
children'sflesh.Now Atreus,eagerto claimtherewardof his infamy,
is about
to displayhis handiwork.
He ordershis servantsto unboltthepalace doorsand
revealthesceneoffeasting
within.
turbafamularis,
fores
domus.
templirelaxa,festapatefiat
libetvidere,capitanatorum
intuens,
quosdetcolores,verbaquaeprimus
dolor
effundat
aututspiritu
expulsostupens
fructus
hicoperismeiest;
corpusrigescat.
miserum
viderenolo,seddumfitmiser.

(901-7)

The curiousexpressionquos det colores, says RichardTarrant(1985: 219),

means"whatcomplexionhe shows (i.e., how his face turnsred and pale by
turns)."Atreusthusis saying,
loosenthepalace
Servants,
houselieopen.
doors,letthefestive
I wantto see,as he inspects
hischildrens'
heads,
he shows,whatwordshisfirst
whatcomplexion
sorrow
poursoutorhow,gaspingandshocked,
hisbodystiffens.
Thisis thereward
ofmywork:
I wanttosee himnotwretched,
butbecoming
wretched.

Tarrant'sgloss is certainly
butitis notcomplete.The wordcolorescan
correct,
refernotonlyto facialcomplexion.
Those schooledin rhetoric,
whichof coursemeansbothSeneca and his
in
would
also
hear
color
its technicalsense,i.e., thekindof plea a
audience,

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

277

the"complexion"he putson thecase at

speakermakes,the line of argument,
hand.Thoughnevermorethana loose assemblageof attitudes,
postures,and
to declamation,where
fundamental
rationales,the colores were nevertheless
successoftendependedon theaptand inventive
twistsgivento familiar
topics
(Bonner 55-56; Fairweather166-78). Atreus, as he awaits Thyestes'
appearance,thus wonderswhat color he will assume and how originalits
willbe. We maythusalso hearhiswordslikethis:
application
hischildrens'
I want
tosee,as heinspects
heads,
what
faceheputsonthis:what
words
hisfirst
andshocked,
sorrow
outorhow,gasping
pours
hisbodystiffens.
Ratherthanthinking
in sequenceof Thyestes'expression,
words,and bearing,
Atreuswould be employinga muchtighterconstruction:
the wordsand the
bearingcreatethecolor.16
Whichever
waywe chooseto heartheexpression,
thereis no doubtthata
Romanaudiencewould have sharedAtreus'curiosity,
forThyestes'condition
was a famoustopos.By thefirstcentury
C.E., notonlyhad his banquetbecome
emblematic
oftragedy,
buthis impassionedresponseto itshorror
had becomea
rhetorical
clich'.7 Seneca's father,
forexample,represents
angeras a distinctly
color:
Thyestean
colorem
exaltera
parte,
quaedurior
est,Latroaiebathuncsequendum,
utgravissimarum
iniuriarum
inexorabilia
etardentia
induceremus
odia
Thyesteo
more...
Latrosaidthatontheother
side,whichis moredifficult,
we should
followthecolorof representing
unremitting
andpassionate
hatred,
from
thegravest
arising
injuries,
Thyestes-wise.
(Sen.Con.1.1.21,tr.
Winterbottom)

16For
colorinthemetaphoric
senseofa (good)complexion
putonbehavior,
cf.Quint.Inst.
3.8.44: dandusillis deformibus
color.At 915-16 Atreususes the termmoreliterally
in
tohisvictims'bloodatthebanquet:veteris
referring
huncBacchicolorabsconde.
17SoPorphyrio
glossesthe Thyesteas
precesof Hor.Epod 5.86 as diras exsecrationes
qualibusin tragoediisThyestes
Atreumexsecratur.
At Ars 2.3.91, the cena Thyestaeis
equatedwithtragedy
itself(cf. 186); Cic. Tusc.4.77, quotingAccius,makesThyestes
the
personification
ofira.

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278

SanderM. Goldberg

SmallwonderthatAtreusshouldwonder-or at leastSeneca's audienceshould

hearhimwondering-whatcoloresthisnewThyesteswillemploy.
allusion to the contentand
Such conscious and even metatheatrical
forthe appreciation
ramifications
techniqueof declamationhas two important
readers,encouraged
Modem
ofRomantragedy.The firstinvolvestheaudience.
tendto regard
andJuvenal,
in partbytheparodiesand sneerswe findin Petronius
as a dryand staleexercise,or at bestas a sourceof effeteand even
declamation
wife.
Think,saysJuvenal(6.279-85), oftheunfaithful
immoralsophistries.
autequitis.'dic,
sediacetinservicomplexibus
colorem.'
dicaliquemsodeshic,Quintiliane,
inquit
dicipsa.'olimconvenerat,'
haeremus.
'utfacerestuquodvelles,necnonegopossem
mihi.clameslicetetmarecaelo
indulgere
homosum.'nihilestaudaciusillis
confundas,
sumunt.
iramatqueanimosa crimine
deprensis:
Sheis lyinginthearmsofa slaveor(worse!)a banker.
givemesomecolor."
"Please,Quintilian,
"Weagreedlongago,"
We'restuck.Speakforyourself.
shesays,"thatyoucoulddo as youlike,andI couldplease
Rantonuntilyoubringheavendowntoearth.
myself.
thanwomen
I amhuman."
Nothing
is brasher
caughtintheact.Crimefeedstheirangerandtheirenergy.

This example is not wholly fictitious.The elder Seneca reportswhat was

a real case in whicha womanwas foundwitha handsomeslave in
apparently
herbedroom.Her husbanddivorcedherand prosecutedthe slave foradultery.
The wifedefendedtheslave.18"Therewas needforsomecolor," says Seneca in
discussing the ensuing arguments,"since she had been seen in the bedroom
with a slave and her husband" (Con. 2.1.34-36). He preserves several of the
colores employed on the occasion, not all of themas brazen as Juvenal's, along
with the spirited exchanges that followed. The victorious pleader (for the
husband, apparently)was Vallius Syriacus,whose wit earned greatapplause.
The case is interestingnot only forthe opportunityit affordsto compare
the handling of a topos in both literaryand rhetorical contexts. Seneca's

admiringanalysis of declaimersat work is a good antidoteto Juvenal's

underthe lex Iulia de adulteriis
in sucha case, presumably
18Forthe slave-defendant
andthereference
50 n. 132.I oweboththelegalexplanation
see Mette-Dittmann
coercendis,
toThomasMcGinn.

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

279

forthespectators'keenand enthusiastic
cynicism,
responseto theperformance
oftheadvocatesbeliesthepoet's chargeoftedium.Rhetoricaleducationforged
a commonbondbetweendeclaimersand audiences.Laughter,
shouts,applause,
sharp retorts,and sudden interruptions
were everydayoccurrencesin the
declamationhall. Declamationbeforeadultaudiences-school exerciseswere
somethingelse again-was a boisterousexercise,withcheersto greetevery
effectivegestureand cleverturnof phraseand hecklersreadyto deridethe
unwaryand the inept,a spectatorsportforhighlyengagedspectators.'9
To
watcha Cestiusor Latroperform
was notjust like watchinga mastertakethe
thepiece youyourself
stage,butlikewatchinghimperform
playedlastweekor
had struggled
to playin youryouth.
In recalling that bond, Atreus' allusion to his brother'scolores
encouragesa similartie betweenthe play and its audience.Reading Seneca
rhetorically
requiresus not just to recognizecertainmannerismsand their
sourcesbutto sethistextagainsta background
ofsharedexperiences
thatunites
speakerswho are reachingas faras theycan withspectatorsfullypreparedto
applaudtheirsuccessesand mocktheirfailures.20
The atmosphere
wouldthus
have been livelyand highlycharged.Rhetoricbecomesa sourceof energy,not
tedium.Let us then rejoin Atreusand his audience as theydiscoverwhat
coloresThyestesdoes in factemploy.
It is notthecolorof "unremitting
and passionatehatred."WhenThyestes
appears,he at firstpersistsin thinking
he has shareda banquetofreconciliation,
and he is therefore
perplexedand confusedby his own sense of foreboding
(965-69). This weakness extendsthroughout
the revelationof catastrophe.
Thoughneverat a loss forwords-he willhavethreeemotionalspeechesinthe
scene to come (1006-21, 1035-51, 1068-96)-his words consistently
lack
power. Appeals to heaven are unanswered,and his brotheris of course
unmoved.Atreushimselfspeakscomparatively
little(his one longishspeechat
1052-68 is an aside),buthiswordsareviciousintheirtaunting,
riddlingstyle.

19Forthecheers,cf.Sen. Con. 2.13.19,9 Prf.2, Quint.2.2.9-12,8.5.13-14;forcriticism

andheckling,
Sen.Con.2.4.12-13,3 Prf.16.
20Whether
thisaudiencewas notionalorrealandwhether
theplayswerewritten
withfull
stageperformance
in mindhardlymatter,
though(as faras I can see) nothing
muchis added
to theeffectof a Senecanplayby a visualcomponent
or lostby its absence.For careful
roasting
ofthisSenecanchestnut,
see Fantham
34-49 andBraden230-31 n. 14; theissueis
examined
froma different
perspective
bySutton57-62.

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SanderM. Goldberg

280

THYESTES
reddeiamnatosmihi!

997

ATREUS
ettibiillosnulluseripiet
dies.
reddam,
Expediamplexus,
pater;
venere.natosecquidagnoscistuos?

1004

THYESTES
agnoscofratrem...
frater
hicfratrem
rogo:
sepelireliceat.reddequodcernasstatim
habiturus
rogo,
uri;nihiltegenitor
sedperditurus.

1027

ATREUS
quidquide natistuis
nonsuperest
habes.
superest
habes,quodcumque
THYESTES
utrumne
saevispabulumalitibusiacent,
anpascuntferas?
an beluisscinduntur,
ATREUS
epulatusipsees impianatosdape.
THYESTES
Givemebackmysons!
ATREUS
So I shall:no daywillevertakethemfrom
you.

Father.
Prepare
yourembrace,
yoursons?
Theyhavecome.Do yourecognize

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

281

THYESTES
I recognize
mybrother...
... I ask mybrotherthisas a brother:

Allowtheirburial.Return
whatyouwillstraightaway
see
I askyouas a father
burned;
notforsomething
tohave
buttolose.
ATREUS
You havewhatremains
of
yoursons,andwhatdoesnotremain
youhave.
THYESTES
Do theylie exposedas foodforsavagebirds,
oraretheytornapartbybeasts,ornourish
wildthings?
ATREUS
You haveyourself
madean impiousbanquetofyoursons.

Atreus' desire to see Thyestesnot just wretchedbut becomingwretched

(miserum
viderenolo,sed dumfitmiser,907) necessitates
thisslow,deliberate,
and inexorableprogresstowardthe truth.Thyestesis almostchildlikein his
dependenceandpitifulin theignorance
whichAtreusso cruellymocks.His one
potentially
greatretort,
agnoscofratrem,
is foundedon error:he does notyet
knowhis brother.
He will notknowhimfullyuntilAtreusspellsouttheextent
ofhis crimeboldlyandunequivocally
at 1034.Andwhathappensthen?Stillno
ardentiaodia, but only morevain appeals and a strikingly
weak sententia,
en
genitor natospremo/premorque
natis(1050-51). Thereareevenmoreturns
of the screwto come untilAtreus,satisfiedat last,proclaimshis satisfaction:
perdideramscelus,nisisic doleres(1097-98).
All thisanguishand all thishorrorare broughtaboutentirely
by Atreus'
abilityto manipulatespeech.Whatcould have been a culminating
action,the
displayof thechildren'sheads and handsat 1004, is deliberately
undercutby
Thyestes'ignoranceof all thattheserelics imply.The bare factof kindred
murderis nottheissue of maximumimportance:
thisis onlyhalftheexpected
revelation.We are still waitingforThyestes'discoverythathe has himself
committed
the finaloutrageagainstnature.Yet Seneca deliberately
postpones
thatdecisivemoment.The effecton Thyestesof his children'sdeathremains

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282

SanderM. Goldberg

incompleteat 1004 and is forthisreasondecidedlyunclassical.Consider,by

ofthediscovery.
twootherpossiblearrangements
wayofcontrast,
combineobjects
recognitions
pointedout,themosteffective
As Aristotle
both a fact and its fuillsignificance:
and actions to reveal simultaneously
anagnorisis,to use the technicalterms,then bringsabout peripeteia (Po.
have workedthisway.
couldcertainly
55a20). The ghoulishdisplayof Thyestes
a similarrevelationin tellingthe storyof
Thatis how Herodotusorchestrated
Astyages' revengeon Harpagus for saving the infantCyrus. Harpagus is
dish,which
at dinnerandthenorderedto liftthelid oftheremaining
entertained
conceals the head, hands,and feetof his only son: "As he kept controlof
himselfand didnotlose his headat thedreadfulsight,Astyagesaskedhimifhe
knewwhatanimalit was whose fleshhe had eaten. 'I know,my lord,' was
Harpagus'reply....Hesaid no otherword,but took up whatremainedof the
replacedthe quiet
fleshand wenthome" (1.119). Ovid in theMetamorphoses
WhenTereus,
moreenergetic.
poignancyof Harpagus'anguishwithsomething
havingcompletedhis equallyhorridmeal,asks forhis son Itys,Procnereplies
witha riddleandPhilomelawithan action(6.655-59):
ille
'Intushabes,quemposcis'ait.circumspicit
atqueubisitquaerit...
cruentum
ItyosquecaputPhilomela
prosiluit
misitinorapatris...
"You haveinsidewhomyouseek,"shesays.He looks
aroundand asks wherehe is...

andhurled
Itys'bloodyhead
UpjumpedPhilomela
face...
intohisfather's

and
Tereusat once leaps fromthetable,clutchinghis middle.His recognition
andcomplete.
aresimultaneous
reversalof fortune
Seneca doubtlesshad this second example in mind: Atreus' riddle
versionofProcne's.
(quidquide natistuissuperesthabes...) is buta heightened
He separatesthe
verydifferent.
The pace of discoveryin Seneca is nevertheless
of thecrimefromthebanquettheysupplied,and his Thyestes,
pitifulremnants
to see unaidedtheconnection
and ineffective
unlikeTereus,is too slow-witted
he remainsonlya
betweenthem.Like thephantomopponentof a declamation,
foil. Atreusalone controlsthe pace of recognition.He is very much the
andhe is helpedimmeasurably
bythefactthathis victim,againlike
impresario,
the imaginaryadversariesof declamatorydebate,says only what suits his

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

283

purpose.Thoughtheexerciseof realpowerwas whatenabledAtreusto punish

his brother
it was rhetorical
by killinghis children,
powerthatgrantedhis true
wish,whichwas to watchThyestesbecomewretchedin consequenceof that
act. This formidable
contrivance
insuresthatthehorrorwill lie notin thedeed
but in its revelation.The resultingintellectualtensionspringsdirectlyfrom
Seneca's effort
to understand
theforceshe observedat workin theworldin the
termsthathis educationhadprovided.
The success of this new formulahad a profoundeffecton tragedy
because rhetorichad given Seneca notjust a technicalskill-the choice of
colores and dexterityin manipulating
the languagethatcreatesthem-but
confidencein thepowerof thatmanipulation.
Actionbecamesecondarywhen
the dramatist
could describeeffectively
whatmightthen,perhapsmercifully,
remainunseen.2'This new relianceon languagereversedthetendencytoward
actionand spectaclewe saw developingin Cicero's day. The balancebetween
seen andunseenactioncharacteristic
of Greekdramahad tiltedsignificantly
by
the end of the Republic as technicalcapabilitiesgrew and popular tastes
changed.The inevitableresultwas notjust theimmensemuletrainof Accius'
Clytemnestra
buttheeventualfloodingoftheorchestra
to accomodateseafights
and the bizarre,oftengruesometableauxof the laterPrincipate(Suet. Nero
12.2, cf. Coleman67-73). In theprocess,literary
dramaceased to be popular
entertainment.
This loss of a popularaudiencecould have spelledthe end of
tragedyas it certainlyspelled the end of comedy,but it did not.22Tragedy
insteadtook on a new life in a new environment
by reclaimingits literary
heritageandbecomingonce againa vehicleforseriousliterary
endeavor.
Thisinvestigation
beganwithCicero's dismayat a publicshow.A fitting
endis
Claudius' delightat a privateone. Whilewalkingone day on thePalatine,says
Pliny,theemperorwas stoppedin his tracksby a clamorin thevicinity.When
he learnedthatthe sourceof thecommotionwas a recitation
by Nonianus,he

2IThuseven the infamousfinaleof Phaedra(1247ff.),whereTheseusreassembles

the
broken
bodyofhisson,is lessremarkable
forghoulish
display-wedo notnecessarily
see or
needto see whatTheseussees-thanforthewretched
father's
(verbal)processofrecognition
andlament.
did not becomerhetorical,
22Comedy
and so it did notcome to excitethearistocratic
imagination
as tragedy
did.Fortherhetoricians'
useofcomedy,
see Goldberg.

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284

SanderM. Goldberg

fortheroomandtooka seat.23The storyremindsus boththata

headedstraight
be thoughta pleasureand thatit was not a sedate occasion.
could
recitation
Applause in the Roman world,the kind of clamor that caught Claudius'
but
or eventable-rapping
acrossthePalatine,meantnothand-clapping
attention
for
Nor was Claudius' enthusiasm
loud shoutsofpulchre!,bene!,and recte!24
large,
of
their
tedium,
complain
may
recitationsunusual. Though Martial
and responsiveaudienceseagerlyheardand passed judgmenton
enthusiastic,
Whentragedyabandonedthe public
the latestworksof poetryand history.25
gainedat least as muchas it lost. Once
stagefortheprivatehall, it therefore
were freeto portray
language founda way to eclipse spectacle,dramatists
ofPompey
to themassivetheaters
problemsill-suited
emotionaland intellectual
and Marcellus.And thoseproblemswerenottrivial.CuriatiusMatemuscould
witha readingofhis Cato,and evenaftertragedy
friends
to electrify
be thought
had lostthatpoliticalcharge,itspsychologicalpowersurvivedthroughSeneca
thetragicgenre
of theRenaissanceand reintroduce
to capturetheimagination
to the modemworld.As GordonBradenobserves,"The Renaissancegoes to
Seneca ratherthanto the Greeksnot because Greek is harderto learn,but
is suitedto tell"
in thestorywhichSenecanrhetoric
because of seriousinterest
woulddo well to take
andLatinscholarship
(68). Thatis no smallachievement,
may(thoughI thinkwrongly)be thescholar's
noteof it. Declamatoryrhetoric
oftragedy.
the
salvation
it
was
but
certainly
despair,

the Domus Tiberiana.M. Servilius

23Plin.Ep. 1.13.3. The settingwas presumably
Cf. his deathnoticein
oratorand historian.
was a distinguished
Nonianus,Persius'patron,
Tac.Ann.14.19.
shoutsof approvalincludedbelle,Ei'yE, and ocpCbS,
24SoHor.Ars 428. Otherfavorite
inMayor177-79.
whichis whyPlin.Ep. 2.14.5callshiredclaquersCOcpOKXEl. Testimonia
Plin.Ep. 5.3.8-11
barbsas Mart.2.88,8.20,and 11.52,contrast
suchcharacteristic
25With
hetooknew(andwroteof)itsoccasionaltedium.
although
onthevalueofrecitation,

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The Fall andRise ofRomanTragedy

285

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