Shanel Khaliq

12020408
POL 212
Taimur Rehman
27th December 2011
Ethnic Nationalism as a Faade for Class Exploitation: the case of the Pashtun Nationalist
Struggle
Pakistan has been prey to strong ethnic and sectarian divides since its inception. The
politics of ethnic nationalism has been used to disguise the exploitative class structure and this
paper explores the case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in this regard. The politics of ethnicity has
scarred national integration and solidarity. As politics has mainly remained the domain of the
elite, the slogan of ethnicity has been raised time and again to perpetuate the existing political
structure and class inequality. The case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is no different. The Pashtuns are
a historic race who takes pride in its bravery, hospitality and heroism. This strong cultural
tradition and affiliation only to ones own ethnicity and tribe should have faded over the years
somewhat with the influence of modernity. However, this was not the case. This strong
allegiance continued and the role of the tribal Sardars and the ruling class is crucial in this. It is
always essential for the ruling class to maintain the status quo, since that is what perpetuates and
strengthens their control. In order to achieve this goal they use the slogan of ethnicity to distract
people from the real economic and social disparities that confront them. This is precisely what
the nationalist leaders of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have done in the name of the Pashtun nationalist
struggle.
According to Lenin on Marxist ideas about nationalism:
Throughout the world, the period of the final victory of capitalism over feudalism has been
linked up with national movements. For the complete victory of commodity production, the
bourgeoisie must capture the home market, and there must be politically united territories whose

population speak a single language Therein is the economic foundation of national

movements. (Lenin).
Marxist point of view believes nationalism to be a capitalist construct created by the
bourgeoisie in order to detract the masses from the real issue of class exploitation that they are
facing. For Marx the proletariat are a community in their own who are not subject to national
boundaries but it is imperative for them to recognize their class exploitation as a whole. In much
of the third world nationalism was used to mobilize the masses against colonial rule. In the
case of Pakistan as well, the ruling dominant party was the Muslim League which consisted
mainly of the landed class. However the concept of a separate state for the Muslims without
Hindu subjugation and with equal economic and social opportunity seemed very attractive for
the masses that ended up supporting the Muslim League. However once the new state was
formed the ruling elites entered the spheres of state and nation building and the idea of equal
economic opportunity proved to be an elusive dream for the vast majority of Pakistanis. In
essence the elite bourgeoisie not only directly affect the lives of the masses through means of the
market forces and means of production which they control but also indirectly affect the way the
masses perceive their own reality. This is identified by Marx as false consciousness. Through
the disguise of ideology the ruling class in reality serves its own vested interest and manipulates
the lower classes into believing that their progress lies in uniting under the flag of ethnic
nationalism.
When we apply the above mentioned dynamics to the case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, it
transpires that the same is true for this enigmatic Western Frontier. Wali Khan at one occasion
made a historical statement that has been quoted by ANP supporters till today. According to him :
I have been a Pakistani for the last 40 years, a Muslim for 1300 years and a Pashtun
for 400 years.(Khan).
The above statement is a prime example of rhetoric used for manipulating masses to believe that
their escape lies only in uniting on ethnic grounds.
Although the overall social structure of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is much like the rest of
Pakistan, certain differences exist. Tribal jirgas form an important part of state machinery in
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Even at the eve of partition the Governor of NWFP consulted the tribal

elders on the issue of Pakhtunistan. The elders of the village not only made decisions on behalf
of the tribes but also had the agency to call the Lashkar (Stewart). The importance of Jirgas
cannot be ignored as even today they stand unchallenged hence the lives of ordinary people
depend to a great deal on the tribal elders and leaders. The British Raj played almost the same
card in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as they did in Punjab and other areas of the subcontinent. The big
Khans were given huge tracts of land on which they exercised considerable social and
economic control. Below them were the small Khans who owned smaller landholdings and
also were not the direct favorites of the British (Banerjee). Therefore a class conflict in the
society of Khyber Pakhtunkwa was bound to evolve entailing control in the hands of the
aristocracy and marginalizing the peasantry.
After the creation of Pakistan, over time the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (known as
NWFP before 2010) began its own nationalist struggle on the grounds, that for the Pashtun race
Pakistan was a secondary identity and that their ethnicity was the foremost source of identity and
affiliation. Much like the Muslim masses of the subcontinent, the Pashtun masses of Pakistan
have been made to believe that their salvation lies in attaining self determination and in the
ideology of ethnicity that is promoted by these nationalist leaders. The Awami National Party
(ANP) has been the single most important voice of the Pashtun nationalist struggle since
independence. The party has come a long way from before partition under the auspices of Bacha
Khan and the Red Shirts. The Red Shirts or the Khudai Khidmatgar party in essence was a
non violent anti colonial movement that wanted to rid the subcontinent of the British Raj (Sufi).
It is noteworthy that over the years the movement has evolved a great deal and is now one of the
mainstream political parties in Pakistan; however the class element among the party leadership
remains quite the same.
The Red Shirts were lead by Abdul Ghaffar Khan who wanted Pakhtunistan - a
separate homeland for the Pashtun race. He came from a family of aristocratic landowners. At
the time of independence in 1947, majority of the Red Shirts voted against Pakistan as according
to their demands the referendum should have had an option of voting for Pakhtunistan
(Ahmed). After independence, the Red Shirts elected Abdul Ghaffar Khan as their party
President. Initially in 1958 with the imposition of martial law the party suffered a setback
however later came together in 1964. Throughout much of the next decade the party adopted a

socialist ideology and consisted of leaders from both wings of Pakistan demanding provincial
autonomy (Rashiduzzaman). Later in 1986 the Awami National Party emerged along with other
ethnic nationalist groups, and elected Asfandyar Wali Khan as the chairperson.
Abdul Ghaffar Khan belonged to the Muhammadzai clan which is a sub division of the
Abdali or Durrani tribe. Ahmed Shah Abdali was the founder of the state of Afghanistan so in
essence the Muhammadzai clan is one of the royal dynasties of Afghanistan. The close
association of this familys nationalist politics to the politics of Afghanistan can therefore be
attributed to this link. According to the Marxist conception of the Asiatic mode of production,
land was allotted to jagirdars for raising revenue for the state. After the introduction of the
Permanent Settlement Act, the jagirs became private property. Furthermore, the Indians who
had helped the British in the mutiny of 1857 were rewarded a great deal. The case of Abdul
Ghaffar Khans father Bahram Khan falls under this category. He extended his support to the
British in the mutiny and as a result got awarded acres of land which later became his personal
jagir. Nevertheless Abdul Ghaffar Khan involved himself in an anti colonialist struggle and
went ahead to mobilize the masses against the foreign rulers. Nevertheless, when viewed closely
it is evident that throughout his movement the interests of the Muhammadzai clan elites were
always accounted for (Ahmed). More so he never raised the slogan of land reforms or anti
feudalism as land is the principle means of exercising political, social and economic control in
the rural areas of Pakistan especially.
The introduction of the One Unit plan, in 1955, developed anguish among the smaller
provinces of West Pakistan. This lead to the formation of the National Awami Party (NAP) which
was a conglomeration of individuals from various political and ideological leanings all
demanding provincial autonomy and representation. The overall tilt of the party was anti
imperialist especially opposing the inclusion of Pakistans entry into defense agreements with the
United States. Although the political ground realities had changed to an extent however Wali
Khan, the son of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, decided to continue his fathers political heritage. Hence
the idea of Pashtoonistan was not completely washed out of the picture. Cold war politics was
at its peak at that time and he used the appeal of socialism to prove his anti imperialist stance and
to gain support from the USSR. They portrayed themselves as a progressive bourgeoisie who

was fighting for the rights of the oppressed proletariat against the imperialist and centralist state
(Ahmed).
If viewed in contrast to the other nationalist struggles for provincial autonomy and
representation of language, the Pashtun struggle cannot compare on equal footing. Unlike the
Bengalis they were never able to forward the cause of their language as they did not form a
majority in the overall population. Although the centralist tendencies of the state did impose
Punjabi-Mohajir dominance, it is evident that the leadership of the Pashtoonistan struggle simply
wanted to regain their past hegemony. The people of the province had voted in favor of Pakistan
with a majority. The creation of the state of Pakistan was to harm the Pashtun elitist leadership
the most. Many of the powers previously exercised by the tribal leaders and landlords now
became the domain of the state.
When considering the case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa it is essential to realize that the
Pashtun bourgeoisie consist of landed as well as industrial families. The three major capitalist
families are the Hotis, the Khataks and the Khanzadas. These families were also part of the 22
famous families of Ayub Khans era which controlled the majority of Pakistans financial assets.
Much of their financial capital is invested in sugar mills. These capitalists can easily associate
with other capitalists in Pakistan on the basis of shared interest and material welfare. They are
aware of the fact that economic links with the rest of the country are crucial to their survival as it
provides the chunk of the market demand for their sugar. The Pashtun capitalists have also
invested in other industries such as pharmaceutical and textiles (Ahmed).
The interests of the petty bourgeoisie and the urban middle class of Pashtuns have always
been in line with integration with the rest of the countrys economy. The Pashtuns have
dominated the transport business in the country especially in Punjab and Sindh. The migration of
Pashtun workers to these urban centers has provided them with employment opportunities and
has enabled them to send back remittances home to their province (Ahmed). So much so that this
migration has caused ethnic violence in Karachi especially between the Pashtuns, Mohajirs and
Sindhis who are all competing for employment and land. The Sindhis feel that their rights are
being usurped by these foreign immigrants. On the other hand we do not find many examples of
the Frontier hosting as many migrant workers from other parts of the country or in that case the
vast majority of land and property in the Frontier is owned by the Pashtuns.

In order to establish the claim that much of the ethnic nationalism is lead by the elites and
does not essentially hold mass support it is essential to consider the viewpoint of the peasantry as
well. Statistics reveal that many evicted peasants from Khyber Pakhtunkwa ended up in urban
centers of Punjab and Sindh specifically Karachi for alternative sources of employment
(Ahmed). The peasants now have realized that the concept of Pakhtunistan would have
entailed total control of the landlords over all means of production hence depriving the peasantry
of any chances of education, employment etc. They have realized that tendencies towards
national integration are in their best interest. This by no means implies that they are willing to
give up their cultural and traditional values and practices; rather it implies that they accept that
assimilation with the rest of the country and acceptance towards the social setup of other
provinces will help them achieve economic progress and development.
The Green Revolution of the 1960s was a watershed event in increasing economic and
class disparities in Pakistan targeting the peasants directly. Upon independence most of the
peasants in Punjab and NWFP were involved in a sharecropping relationship. The Green
Revolution in President Ayub Khans era introduced mechanized farming techniques and the use
of HYV (High Yield Variety) seeds. The idea was to improve efficiency and to eradicate the
parasitic relationship that existed between the landlord and the peasant in which the landlord was
not responsible for the entire process of cultivation but was only interested in the final produce
(Herring). However, this reform plan backfired, as on most middle and few large land holdings
the use of tractors and tube wells rendered many of the peasants evicted from the land and
unemployed (Alavi). The new techniques improved the yield and hence a large majority of
peasants in the rural areas found themselves landless and searching for alternative employment.
This lead to unrest followed by armed clashes as income disparities reached new heights.
The Pashtun proletariat in Karachi has on several events proven himself to be part of a
class struggle against the capitalists as opposed to being involved in an ethnic struggle. The
economic and social deprivation that he suffers at the hands of the capitalist makes him realize
that it is more imperative to confront this class exploitation. The notorious slaughter of S.I.T.E
workers in Karachi was a landmark event for the labor struggle in Pakistan. The ruling political
bourgeoisie though at once subdued the unrest; however the event had far reaching effects
throughout the country. The Pashtun peasants in Peshawar lead a protest and rally in order to

express their solidarity with the innocent workers who had been killed. During the same year a
group of peasants were involved in a fierce struggle with the landlords in Malakand when 14
other peasants from Mardan were arrested on the grounds of extending their support to the
peasants of Malakand (Ahmed). This made them a part of a greater class struggle beyond the
narrow bounds of ethnicity or province.
The urban and rural middle class of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa also do not share grievances on
ethnic grounds as have been witnessed in the cases of Bengali or Sindhi nationalist movements.
In Pakistan, the civil service and military are the major employers for the middle class.
According to the governments statistics, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa accounts for 13.40% of
Pakistans population whereas they account for 22-25% of the military according to unofficial
estimates (Rizvi, 199). This represents a more than proportionate representation of the Pashtuns
in the army. A similar observation can be made about the civil service. Moreover employment in
the military provides a valuable indication on the socio-economic reality of the Pashtun middle
class. This is because defense expenditure forms the greatest chunk of Pakistans annual budget.
Moreover the military as an institution is well grounded in Pakistan and hence provides people
with fair chances of upward social mobility unlike most other institutions which have been
riddled with corruption and have no marks of meritocracy left. Therefore the Pashtun middle
class has no grievance against the military in terms of not getting an equal chance rather many
other communities accuse the Punjabis and Pakhtuns of dominating the military and hence other
organs of state machinery as well.
The last elections of 2008 once again saw the Awami National Party coming to power in
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. They were welcomed once again as a breath of fresh air after the
suppressive regime of MMA. Overall the countrys political situation took a turn as a
democratically elected government came to the fore after a nine year long military dictatorship.
One of the landmark measures that ANP was successful in taking was the change in name of the
province to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Attaining a separate identity for the Pakhtuns and their
province had long been on their agenda and this was finally achieved through the eighteenth
amendment. However when examining their role within the past four years it appears that
politically and economically their performance has been quite dismal. The politics of elitism was
once again witnessed when Asfandyar Wali, named his nephew Ameer Haider Khan Hoti as the

Chief Minister. Such an act in the presence of other senior and competent candidates such as
Bashir Bilour was a golden example of the dynastic politics which is characteristic of the politics
of not only ANP but also of most other mainstream parties of Pakistan.
The Chief Minister in 2009 explained that a massive reform in health, education and
industry was one of the foremost goals of the ANP on attaining power. According to the United
Nations assessment report the flash floods that hit Swabi District in 2009 created massive
problems of food supplies and sanitation (UNDP). However the government was unable to bring
the situation under control without the help of international agencies such as the United Nations.
The catastrophic floods of 2010 were a classic example of failure on the part of the provincial
government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa especially. The military had to step in with its resources in
order to rescue people from the disaster (UNDP). The governments steps have been insufficient
and the plight of thousands of poor and helpless people continues. Furthermore to aggravate the
situation, the international donor community has expressed serious skepticism on the efficient
use of funds. The state apparatus is prey to corruption and the funds are not being used properly
which is a big question mark for the government of ANP.
On coming to power another major claim made by the ANP was to curb radicalism and
hold dialogues with the militants in order to achieve peace in the region. However the police was
often found inefficient and helpless and the vacuum left by them was filled by the Taliban.
Incidents of Taliban taking over the sphere of law enforcement in the province indicate the
failure of the government in its promise of providing law and order and security to the public.
The Chief Minister of the province also claimed to build underpasses, major hospitals, Burn and
Trauma center of Peshawar and provision of clean drinking water however ground realities are
quite murky ( ANP).
On its agenda of eradicating illiteracy and lack of awareness, the government of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa faced another setback recently. In August 2011, the anti polio drive carried out in
the province failed to produce the desired results as a vast majority of parents refused to get their
children vaccinated. This percentage was mainly to be found in areas with lower literacy rates
where parents were misconstrued into believing that vaccinations might render their children
infertile or impotent. The United Nations has expressed concern over this alarming trend as it is
arising out of many of the relatively peaceful areas in the province (Dawn News). This

establishes the fact that the government despite carrying out the drive has failed to take necessary
measures in order for the drive to be successful. The masses with low rates of literacy need to be
made aware of issues concerning their own health and betterment but the governments role is
nowhere to be found in this regard.
A close examination of the Awami National Parys rule shows that they ended up
preferring the politics of expediency over their claimed politics of nationalist struggle. An
example of elitist politics in the ANP was when Wali Khan awarded a ticket to Ghulam Farooque
for a seat in the National Assembly. Ghulam Farooque was one of the architects of the
industrialization of the era of the 1960s which resulted in increasing disparities and depriving the
Frontier of its rightful share in Pakistans development (Ahmed).The leadership though itself
belonged to the landed class and the bourgeoisie, adopted leftist and socialist leanings in order to
forward its cause of Pashtun nationalism.
The overall economic conditions of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have never been appreciable.
The central government has always been accused of neglecting Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and lack of
development plays an important role in shaping the minds of the people. According to the Bureau
of Statistics, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa the literacy ratio for the province is 37.26 %. The situation in
the tribal belt is even more appalling with a literacy ratio as low as 17.42%. Despite this the
provincial government has allocated only 6.04% of the revenue expenditure for education
(Federal Bureau of Statistics). Overall a low rate of education means that the masses are more
prone to the rhetoric of ideology and ethnic nationalism. The lack of exposure means the people
readily accept the claims of the Awami National Party.
Supporters of Pashtun nationalism argue that this ideology cannot simply be brushed
aside by arguments regarding class cleavages. It is essential to look into history to view the
various ethnic nationalist struggles that have taken place in this land. The British Raj experienced
numerous tribal insurgencies from the Pashtuns. The Faqir of Ipis revolt is an example of one
such struggle. He was a man of good repute and saintly demeanor however was only able to
mobilize a small force to fight against the British. Despite inadequate supplies and overall
asymmetrical capability against the British army, Faqir Ipis force fought with valor and bravery.
The Pashtuns gathered under his umbrella to fight foreign intervention and with the hope of
maintaining the purity of their land and race. However it is noteworthy that the tribes of the area

always found it impossible to unite. Apart from their differences and feuds, another reason for
the lack of support to Faqir Ipis movement was the fact that the British secured the loyalties of
many of the tribal leaders by giving them financial subsides. This provides analysis into the class
structure of the area. It suited the tribal lords to admit allegiance to the British Raj when they
were provided with financial incentives that kept the control in their hands (Talbot).
Another historical example of Pashtun resistance are the Anglo Afghan wars. These wars
must be analyzed from the viewpoint of the Pashtun race as resistant not only to foreign military
invasions but also to the cultural change brought about by outside powers. The first Anglo
Afghan war especially has been considered one of the worst defeats for the British army leaving
them with only one survivor (Eliot). The wars took place as part of the larger phenomenon of the
Great Game which was a tussle between the Russian and British empires for influence in
Afghanistan.
Ethnic identity throughout the world is one of the strong notions of affiliation. Several
movements and struggles have taken place in the name of ethnic nationalism. In some cases such
as East Pakistan, they have produced the desired outcomes. In other cases however they continue
to be futile. Although the socio economic and cultural realities of every community differ
nevertheless all such movements share certain characteristics and all aim to achieve autonomy
and identity. Pakistan in its initial years had to deal with Bengali separatism until finally in 1971
the two wings of Pakistan parted ways. The Bengalis too were promised an elusive dream of self
identity and equal economic opportunity and an escape from the colonial hegemony exercised by
West Pakistan. However with the exception of the acceptance of Bengali as their national
language, Bangladesh too has failed to achieve much. The post independence politics of
Bangladesh too has been a victim to military dictatorships and dynastic elitist politics.
The case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the Awami National Party presents a similar
dilemma. The politics of pragmatism has caused the party to shift sometimes in favor of
socialism and sometimes in favor of industrialization. What began as a non violent anti colonial
struggle against oppression has over the

years corrupted and become one of the many

opportunistic political parties found in much of the third world. The flag of ethnic nationalism
continues to win the ANP votes in most areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Low rates of literacy and
lack of awareness has rendered the masses incapable of realizing that their elected

representatives are in fact their exploiters. The masses need to realize that their freedom lies in
confronting the class conflict which is existent not only in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa but in all parts
of Pakistan. Uniting under the banner of ethnic nationalism will simply continue this process of
exploitation and prevent them from achieving upward political, social and economic mobility.

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