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Getting a Grip
Disability in American Industrial Design of the Late
Twentieth Century
Bess Williamson
From the 1970s to the end of the twentieth century, a number of American designers pursued the approach known as
universal design, or design that can be used by both disabled and nondisabled people. Universal design informed a
number of mainstream products as designers integrated disability-related features into functionally and aesthetically
distinct offerings for the mass market. These successful, fashionable consumer goods reflected the ideal that design for
people with disabilities could bring about better design for all. In the public image of these products, however, disability
was rarely a central focus, but instead remained secondary or hidden.
their counterparts in the architectural world, however, the designers of consumer products were not
subject to legal requirements to improve usability.
Instead, a select group of designers took up this new
functional concern as a creative challenge and a
source of innovation. Departing from conventional
approaches to designing for the most common physical types, they considered the extremes of the human bodythe impaired bodies of older people
and people with disabilitiesas a starting point for
new designs. In the last several decades of the twentieth century, several new, commercially successful
products grew out of the push to design for common, or universal, values of greater usability.
The approach that came to be known as universal
design provides a distinct example among a range
of late twentieth-century design efforts to address
social issues. Responding to social and cultural
changes in the 1960s and 1970s, many designers
saw such issues as environmental waste, resource
scarcity in the developing world, urban American
poverty, and the struggles of the disabled as potential
avenues for an enlightened, progressive design practice.2 These proposals, however, often proved difficult to implement, given the commercial emphasis
2
Dean Nieusma, Alternative Design Scholarship: Working
toward Appropriate Design, Design Issues 20, no. 3 (Summer
2004): 1324; Nigel Whiteley, Design for Society (London: Reaktion,
1993); Victor J. Papanek, Design for the Real World: Human Ecology
and Social Change (New York: Pantheon, 1972).
214
of the industrial design profession and relative conservatism among manufacturers. By contrast, universal design deliberately focused on mass-market
appeal as a means of bringing about social change.
The underlying claim of universal design was that
addressing the concerns of people with disabilities
in everyday products would bring design solutions
for alland thus, design solutions that could compete successfully in a mass marketplace. This claim
paralleled the arguments of the disability rights
movement, which posited that the concerns of people with disabilities were not marginal, but rather
central to a diverse human population with a host
of potential vulnerabilities.
The design historian Judy Attfield describes design objects as wild things, referring to the difficulty
of finding a tame or well-ordered interpretation of
modern material things as they move through the
wilds of creative planning, manufacturing, marketing, consumption, and use. To locate design within
a social context, Attfield writes, means integrating
objects and processes within a culture of everyday
life where things dont always do as they are told
nor go according to plan.3 In the case of the modern lives of people with disabilities, there are many
ways in which designed things do not do as they are
told. Most notably, the vast majority of consumer
products are not designed with disability in mind,
meaning that handles are too delicate, buttons too
stiff, and graphics too small for certain users. Even
in architecture, where laws have improved the landscape somewhat, blocked doors, out-of-order elevators, and poorly designed ramps show how even
legal mandates do not guarantee that material
things will work according to plan. Universal design represents a deliberate effort on the part of designers to address the ways things can go wrong for
hand, eye, and body. These plans, in turn, created
new questions and avenues of interpretation as they
reached material form.
The history and development of universal design show the variety of ways that material objects
respond to, and in turn shape, social contexts. At
first look, universal design represents a victory of
disability rights principles, as designers moved beyond assumptions of disability as a special and separate experience toward accepting the relevance of
disability to usability in general. Before this moment, ergonomic or body-focused design sought
an ideal, typical body size and shape as a guide
for designing spaces and products, leaving out the
3
215
Getting a Grip
to improve the fit between manufactured things and
the human body. Over the course of the twentieth
century, experts in these various fields recognized a
fundamental challenge of mass production: that
while standardized manufacturing could churn out
identical machines and tools, human bodies proved
more difficult to predict. Before the 1970s and the
advent of universal design, disabilities rarely featured in the calculations of designers. When these
professionals did turn to people with limited reach,
dexterity, mobility, or sight, they tended to respond
to the thinking of their time, treating the disabled
as marginal figures, exceptions to the norm. These
assumptions shaped the technical processes by which
spaces and products were designed and ultimately
created the inaccessible society that disability rights
advocates would critique in the later part of the
century.
A starting point for the history of body-focused
design can be found in the early twentieth century.
Progressive Era experts in scientific management
created a new form of industrial consulting focused
on the interactions between industrial equipment
and human operators. For leading figures including
Frederick W. Taylor and Frank and Lillian Gilbreth,
proper selection and training of workers were key
tools for eliminating wastes of time and energy on
the factory floor and, eventually, in homes as well.5
Taylor suggested screening workers according to
body type, essentially designing a workforce to fit
the physical requirements of certain machines and
tools.6 The Gilbreths, for their part, advised that
there was a one best way to do any task and focused
on both training and equipment design as a means
of achieving it.7
In rare moments when these early twentiethcentury consultants considered disability as a factor
in industrial work, they imagined customized solutions to adapt mass-produced work equipment. The
Gilbreths were some of the first to address the concerns of disabled workers through design. They
studied veterans of World War I who had lost arms
and recommended adapting office and factory equipment to accommodate their disabilities.8 Medical
5
David Meister, The History of Human Factors and Ergonomics
(London: Erlbaum, 1999), 15152.
6
Frederick Winslow Taylor, The Principles of Scientific Management (New York: Harper, 1919).
7
Jane Lancaster, Making Time: Lillian Moller Gilbreth; A Life beyond
Cheaper by the Dozen (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2004).
8
Elspeth Brown, The Prosthetics of Management: Time Motion Study, Photography, and the Industrialized Body in World
War I America, in Artificial Parts, Practical Lives: Modern Histories
of Prosthetics, ed. Katherine Ott, David Serlin, and Stephen Mihm
(New York: New York University Press, 2002), 24981.
216
and lowest two to five percentiles.13 Researchers calculated that, by eliminating these statistical outliers,
they could develop designs that could accommodate
the remaining 95 percent of potential operators
tall, short, slender, broad, and with a range of reach
abilitywithout sacrificing weight or size. While
their numbers were limited to the young, able-bodied
population of active-duty military, these engineers
did pursue some measures of diversity in their samples, including servicemen of a variety of specialties
as well as women enrolled in the Women Army Service Pilot (WASP) and Flight Nurse programs.14 Given
the military context, however, these early ergonomists
had the option to eliminate certain body types from
certain positions if fit was too difficult to achieve.
It is better to require that the 98th percentile
man hunch down to the 90 per cent cockpit or even
to bar him from the fighter type aircraft, wrote one
researcher, than to include head and foot space for
his edge-of-the-spectrum body size.15
As the war came to an end, human factors specialists applied their 95 percent principle to the
design of civilian products and environments.
Where once they discussed the extremes of flight
conditions, now these engineers and industrial consultants emphasized the importance of fit and comfort to the efficient operation of any kind of
equipmentin industry, in offices, or at home.16
The leading disseminator of human factors methods
to the industrial design field was Henry Dreyfuss, a
prolific American designer of products and interiors
(e.g., the John Deere tractor and black Bell Telephone).17 After a stint designing naval equipment
during the war, Dreyfuss developed a series of anthropometric charts for his offices use in civilian
13
H. T. E. Hertzberg, Some Contributions of Applied Physical Anthropology to Human Engineering, Annals of the New York
Academy of Sciences 63 (1955): 62022; Albert Damon, Howard W.
Stoudt, and Ross A. McFarland, The Human Body in Equipment Design (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966), 3.
14
Francis E. Randall, Albert Damon, Robert S. Benton, and
Donald I. Patt, Human Body Size in Military Aircraft and Personal
Equipment, Army Air Forces Technical Report no. 5501, Army
Air Forces Air Material Command, Dayton, OH, 1946.
15
Hertzberg, Some Contributions of Applied Physical Anthropology, 620.
16
For example, McFarland, Human Factors in Air Transport Design;
Ross Armstrong McFarland, Human Body Size and Capabilities in the Design
and Operation of Vehicular Equipment (Boston: Harvard School of Public
Health, 1953); Ross Armstrong McFarland and Alfred L. Moseley, Human Factors in Highway Transport Safety (Boston: Harvard School of Public Health, 1954); Damon, Stoudt, and McFarland, The Human Body in
Equipment Design; Earnest Albert Hooton, A Survey in Seating (Cambridge,
MA: Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, 1945).
17
Russell Flinchum, Henry Dreyfuss, Industrial Designer: The Man in
the Brown Suit (New York: Cooper-Hewitt, National Design Museum,
Smithsonian Institution, Rizzoli, 1997), 8788, 17579.
217
Getting a Grip
Fig. 1. Henry Dreyfuss, Standing Adult Male chart, 1960. From Henry
Dreyfuss, The Measure of Man (New York: Whitney Library of Design,
1960). (Henry Dreyfuss Associates, LLC.)
218
219
Getting a Grip
variations to provide optimal grips for luggage, bicycle handlebars, brooms, saws, pens, and cookware.32
Although Lamb denied any aesthetic considerations
in his design of the handle forms, the Wedge-Lock
has a distinctive, recognizable shape. Companies
that licensed the Lamb handle promoted them and
Lambs design story as key characteristics of the
products. Cutco described its knives as the worlds
greatest cutlery that combined a patented Double
D grind blade and the exclusive Lamb handle.33
In promotional materials, the producers of WearEver Aluminum cookware described the full story
of how Lamb became handle conscious during the
war, while designing a pain-saving crutch [and]
invented the wedging principle which became the
basis for this revolutionary new utensil handle.34 In
the Wedge-Lock handle, Lamb had translated research on the injured body into benefits for a commercial marketa result that foreshadowed the
development of universal design strategies later in
the centurybut never produced a crutch or any
other medically related handle.
Lamb and Dreyfuss both represent designers
responses to disability in an era before a rights
movement, when the argument for universal design had not yet taken hold. These midcentury designers responded to what disability rights advocates
would later describe as the disabling effects of
design, or the ways in which design can obstruct
movement, cause pain, or confuse the user.35 In
both cases, people with disabilities ultimately remained outside of the imagined mainstream of
users. In Dreyfusss case, he touted his work with
amputees as a part of the practice of designing for
people, but he admitted that the prosthetic arm
project required him to go beyond his knowledge
of the typical user. Thomas Lamb developed his innovative handles based on research on the particular
issues of injured veterans, but the resulting form
targeted a part of the users body that was not injured.
The carefully sculpted grips, through which Lamb
aimed to optimize the strongest fingers, assumed a
32
Cutco: Worlds Finest Cutlery, advertisement, Cutco Cutlery,
Olean, NY, n.d., Thomas Lamb Papers, Hagley Museum and Library;
Presenting the New, Advanced Wear-Ever Aluminum New Method
Utensil Design, advertisement, Wear-Ever, New Kensington, PA, n.d.,
Thomas Lamb Papers, Hagley Museum and Library.
33
Cutco: Worlds Finest Cutlery.
34
Presenting the New, Advanced Wear-Ever Aluminum New
Method Utensil Design.
35
Edward N. Brandt and Andrew MacPherson Pope, eds., Enabling America: Assessing the Role of Rehabilitation Science and Engineering
(Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1997), 3; Joseph La Rocca
and Jerry S. Turem, The Application of Technological Developments to Physically Disabled People (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 1978), 1.
220
These groups lobbied for local accessibility regulations and in 1977 staged nationwide protests to
pressure the federal government to pass and enforce sweeping regulations for public buildings
and transportation design.41 While designers like
Henry Dreyfuss and Thomas Lamb responded to
a postwar flash of publicity around disabled veterans, the next generation experimenting with
universal design responded to a new awareness of
disability not as a special separate concern, but
one that had relevance to a broader public. Their
41
Facilities for the Elderly and Handicapped, Bay Area Rapid
Transit District, San Francisco, January 1975, Harold L. Willson Papers,
Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley; Charles D. Goldman,
Architectural Barriers: A Perspective on Progress, Western New England
Law Review 5 (1983): 46593.
221
Getting a Grip
early responses included experiments in process
and form to address the entirety of human users,
not just the estimated 95 percent median.
In the 1970s, a number of designers and engineers proposed new technical models to address
a more diverse user group than were represented
in midcentury anthropometric calculations. Henry
Dreyfusss office published a revised edition of The
Measure of Man in 1974, now retitled Humanscale,
including a set of charts with measurements for
persons in wheelchairs, using canes and crutches, and
with limited vision and reach.42 Dreyfusss protgs
admitted that adding these new groups into the pool
of potential users made for a more difficult project
of accommodating diverse bodies. They acknowledged the problems of using the median measurements but found that to include the extremesthe
very large and small peopleis also impractical, for
it is nearly impossible to cover this range in a single
design without jeopardizing the comfort, efficiency,
or safety of the majority.43 An article published in
Industrial Design in the same year, however, suggested
a different conclusion. In May 1974, the magazine
ran a twenty-page feature article titled The Handicapped Majority, suggesting the commonality of
handicapping design interactions, not their specialness. The article featured photographs of people
struggling to open familiar products and packaging:
fumbling with a milk carton, tearing with their
hands and teeth at a cracker box, and struggling to
pry open blister-packs and pop-tops. The article
argued that these functional obstacles affected a
broad swath (a majority) of the population. One
designer noted that a normal person is [also] liable
to fall on a polished floor, slip in the bath, or trip over
a threshold he has limitations of reach, and can
only see over a limited distance. Student participants in a workshop on disability asked, How many
Americans are really normal?44
The premise of the Industrial Design articlethat
the design concerns of the disabled had relevance to
the broader field of usersechoed through a number
of design forays of the period. Rolf Faste, a design
professor at Syracuse University, developed a new
chart linking parts of the body to design features. This
chart, called The Enabler, differed in look and logic
42
Niels Diffrient, Alvin R. Tilly, and Joan C. Bardagjy, Humanscale 1/2/3: A Portfolio of Information, 1. Sizes of People, 2. Seating Considerations, 3. Requirements for the Handicapped and Elderly (Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press, 1974); Niels Diffrient and Henry Dreyfuss Associates,
Humanscale 4/5/6: Manual (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981), and
Humanscale 7/8/9: Manual (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1981).
43
Diffrient, Tilly, and Bardagjy, Humanscale 1/2/3, 45.
44
The Handicapped Majority, Industrial Design 21 (May 1974): 25.
222
oversized key (figs. 78). Photographs of the project showed these items as aesthetically inviting,
following design conventions of electronics and
home dcor rather than a medical or institutional
appearance.
In another venture, a young designer named
Patricia Moore used a hands-on research method
to explore issues of design for the elderly. In 1978,
Moore took leave from the prominent New York
design firm of Raymond Loewy and immersed
herself in the issue by dressing in theatrical makeup
and costumes to pass as a woman in her eighties.
In her book Disguisedpart memoir, part design
manifestoshe reported that while people were
willing to carry her bags or open doors, she felt irrelevant to the culture of consumption and design
as an older person. Attending a design conference
in costume, Moore noted that an old lady of eightyfive was someone to be ignored. She was not the
49
Pat Moore and Charles Paul Conn, Disguised: A True Story (Waco,
TX: Word Books, 1985), 3940.
50
Ibid., 163.
51
Ronald Mace, Universal Design: Barrier Free Environments
for Everyone, Designers West, November 1985; Moore and Conn,
Disguised; The Ronald L. Mace Collection, Special Collections
Department, North Carolina State University, 1999.
52
See http://www.design.ncsu.edu/cud/about_ud/about_ud.htm.
53
Katherine Ott, interview with Ruth Lusher [2005], typescript,
Division of Medicine and Science, National Museum of American
History, Washington, DC; Elaine Ostroff and Daniel Iacofano, Teaching Design for All People: The State of the Art (Boston: Adaptive Environments Center, 1982); Wolfgang F. E. Preiser and Elaine Ostroff, eds.,
Universal Design Handbook (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001). My thanks
to Katherine Ott, who has interviewed and collected documents to
trace the many design professionals who participated in universal design, particularly Maces collaborators.
54
Mace, Universal Design, 18.
55
Mary E. Osman, Barrier-Free Architecture: Yesterdays Special Design Becomes Tomorrows Standard, AIA Journal 63, no. 3
(March 1975): 4044; Michelle Morgan, Beyond Disability: A
Broader Definition of Architectural Barriers, AIA Journal 65,
no. 5 (May 1976): 5053.
223
Getting a Grip
Fig. 6. Rolf Faste, Controls, 1977. From Rolf Faste, New System Propels Design for the Handicapped, Industrial Design, July 1977, 53. (Rolf Faste Foundation for Design Creativity.)
For most of the 1970s, designers efforts to address disability in new and appealing ways remained experimental, reflected in design charts,
product prototypes, and exploratory pieces like Pattie
Moores undercover research. In the 1980s and
1990s, several product designers put these initial
ideas to work, creating mass-market products with
functional and visual elements that responded to
limitations of the body. While these products reflect
changes in design approaches to disability, however,
their marketing messages show a more complex story.
As the next section will show, the earliest mass-market
products that incorporated disability-related features
made little or no reference to disability or physical impairment in media or marketing materials. In contrast
to early environmental products pitched to an ecoconscious market, the consumer products that incorporated research on physical disabilities rarely touted
these particular benefits. Instead of creating a new
niche market of those who identified as disabled, universal design translated these concerns into overall
marketing appeals based on function and aesthetics.
Universal Design on the Market
The products that emerged from a universal design approach had certain characteristics in common. They were generally functional hand tools,
they fell into the category of kitchen and home
wares, and they shared a certain aesthetic, with
smooth surfaces, tactile controls or handles, and
Fig. 7. Television prototype, 1974. From Designing to Accommodate the Handicapped: 1974 Armco Student Design
Program (Middletown, OH: Armco Steel Corporation,
1974). (AK Steel.)
224
Fig. 8. Door handle prototype, 1974. From Designing to Accommodate the Handicapped: 1974 Armco Student Design Program
(Middletown, OH: Armco Steel Corporation, 1974). (AK Steel.)
225
Getting a Grip
Fig. 9. Marc Harrison, Cuisinart DCL 7-PRO, 1979. (Marc Harrison Papers, Hagley Museum
and Library.)
226
227
Getting a Grip
Fig. 11. Fixtures, 1977. From The ILZRO Industrialized Housing System (New York: International Lead
Zinc Research Organization, Inc., 1977), 18. (International Lead Zinc Research Organization, Inc.)
See http://www.fiskarsgroup.com/corporation/corporation_2
the tools on the tabletop as they cut (fig. 17). After focus groups of various demographics responded well
to the new model, the Golden Age line was renamed
Softouch, emphasizing the products benefits without making explicit reference to an older age group.76
Concurrent with Fiskarss new product development, another big name in consumer products,
Tupperware, was also searching for new updates
to their classic designs. After Earl Tuppers death
in 1983, the company struggled to adapt to social
trends such as the increasing use of take-out food
and microwave ovens and the presence of working
women who did not have time to give or attend
Tupperware parties.77 In 1992, the company hired
76
James Mueller, The Case for Universal Design: If You Cant Use
It, Its Just Art, Ageing International 22, no. 1 (March 1995); Laura Herbst,
Nobodys Perfect, Popular Science 250, no. 1 ( January 1997): 6466.
77
Patricia Leigh Brown, At Tupperware, Rethinking the Bowl,
Perfecting the Burp, New York Times, June 10, 1993.
.html.
74
75
228
Fig. 12. Marc Harrison, food processor drawings, 1978. (Marc Harrison Papers, Hagley Museum
and Library.)
Brown, At Tupperware.
229
Getting a Grip
Fig. 13. Marc Harrison, food processor drawings, 1978. (Marc Harrison Papers, Hagley Museum
and Library.)
230
Fig. 14. Cuisinarts advertisement with handwritten notes by Marc Harrison, 1986. (Marc Harrison
Papers, Hagley Museum and Library.)
81
Madeline Drexler, A Universal Handle, Boston Globe Magazine,
December 12, 1993, 8.
82
Ibid.; Florence Fabricant, Food Stuff, New York Times, January
20, 1999, Style sec., 8.
83
Unlimited by Design exhibition, Cooper-Hewitt, National Design
Museum, Smithsonian Institution, New York, 1998.
84
Universal Kitchen poster, Rhode Island School of Design, 1998,
Marc Harrison Papers, Hagley Museum and Library.
231
Getting a Grip
Ibid.
Ibid.
87
William L. Hamilton, Youre Not Getting Older: Products
Are Getting Better, New York Times, June 27, 1999, F1.
86
232
Fig. 16. Gadgets You Can Grip Are Tools You Can Use, ca. 1990. From OXO GoodGrips
catalog, Division of Medicine and Science, National Museum of American History, Washington,
DC. (OXO International; photo, Bess Williamson.)
Fig. 17. Jim Boda and Doug Birkholz, Fiskars Softouch Scissors,
designed 1990. (Fiskars Americas.)
233
Getting a Grip
Fig. 18. Morison Cousins, Tupperware Wonderlier three-piece bowl set, ca. 1994.
(Tupperware.)
234
Fig. 19. Universal Kitchen brochure/poster, Rhode Island School of Design, 1998. (Marc Harrison Papers, Hagley
Museum and Library.)
Ibid., 11921.
235
Getting a Grip
that is different from that in universal design. In the
1980s and 90s, Ron Mace and others argued for universal design as a corrective to environments that reinforced the exclusion of people with disabilities.
Expanding functional criteria to include this population was an affirmation of equality, that people with disabilities have the same opportunities as others.93
Projects such as Robinss emerge from a more complicated political landscape, where disability pride mirrors
other rights movements in which participants have
claimed a distinct cultural identity in addition to political equality. Some twenty years after the passage of the
Americans with Disabilities Act in the United States
and fifteen after Britains comparable Disability Discrimination Act, it may be that this sort of creative riff
on disability culture is more possible now that the need
for basic, usable products is less urgent.
Universal design marked a particular historical
moment when the political demands for inclusion
93
Ronald Mace, Graeme J. Hardie, and Janie P. Place, Accessible Environments: Toward Universal Design, in Design Intervention: Toward a More Humane Architecture, ed. Wolfgang F. E. Preiser,
Jacqueline C. Vischer, and Edward T. White (New York: Van Nostrand
Reinhold, 1991), 155.