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and quickly lay the basis for a revolutionary society where there
would be no relations of exploitation.
Marx and Engels support for German capitalism was not
because they were German nationalists, but was due to the
profound weakness of capitalism elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
That meant that any other nationalism except German nationalism
was a rare phenomenon, and national revolts even rarer. The
necessary preconditions for the outbreak of a national revolt the
unity of town and country, the bourgeoisie and the peasantry
barely existed anywhere in Eastern Europe, either because a
national bourgeoisie was absent, or because it was German and
therefore had little in common with the mainly Slav peasantry. As
a result, the endemic struggles that peasants conducted against
their landlords usually remained sporadic, local affairs that rarely
acquired a national focus. That the mainly peasant Austrian Slavs
sided with their landlords against the German revolutionaries
suggests that, for all their agrarian conflicts, feudal relations
remained largely intact in the region. Engels position was
realistic in that he believed that the only hope for lifting the
Austrian Slavs out of their stagnant existence was their rapid
assimilation into the German nation (and hence the `annihilation'
of themselves as a people separate from Germans).
Rosdolsky subjects Engels false prognosis his adoption of
the theory of non-historic peoples to a devastating polemic.
While he accepts that the Austrian Slavs had to be fought, insofar
as they did eventually line up with the Habsburgs and Romanovs,
Rosdolsky shows that at no stage were they ever offered freedom
by the German revolutionaries of 1848, who, as capitalists, desired
to suppress them anew. Rosdolsky believes that Marx and Engels
should have led a campaign to back the liberation of the Austrian
Slavs, since they could have at least expected to neutralise a
number of those who subsequently threw in their lot with
Metternich and reaction.
Instead Engels, as an editor of Colognes radical Neue
Rheinische Zeitung, argued that the Austrian Slavs had
betrayed the revolution because they had no history:
Peoples which have never had a history of their own, which come under
foreign domination the moment they have achieved the first, crudest level of
civilisation ... have no capacity for survival and will never be able to attain
any kind of independence. And that has been the fate of the Austrian Slavs.
(Democratic Pan-Slavism, February 1849)