Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
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Leidenschaft.
The Graduate Center and Brooklyn College, City University of New York
Notes
*The translation that follows first appeared in PMLA 56 (1941): 1179-1196.
1. Erich Auerbach, "Figura," Archivum Romanicum, 17 (1938): 320-341.
2. Erich Auerbach, Dante als Dichter der Irdischen Welt (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
1929); published in English as Dante, Poet of the Secular World, tr. Ralph Mannheim
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961).
3. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank, "Shame in the Cybernetic Fold: Reading
Silvan Tomkins," in Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press, 1995), 1-28.
4. See Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 111.
5. 1 have discussed this at greater length in my "Church History and the Cultural Geography of Erich Auerbach: Europe and Its Eastern Other," in Opening the Borders:
Inclusivity in Early Modern Studies, Essays in Honor ofJames Vi Mirollo, Ed. Peter C.
Herman (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1999), 324-349.
6. Eugen Lerch, " 'Passion' and 'Geffihl,' "Archivum Romanicum, 17 (1938): 320-341.
7. For German-Jewish identity and the Enlightenment, see Paul Mendes-Flohr, German Jews: A Dual Identity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999). For Victor
Klemperer's account of writing his history of eighteenth-century French literature,
see I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1933-1941, tr. Martin Chalmers
(New York: Random House, 1998).
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grouped together with the passions [Leidenschaften], and both were denoted as
pathe, passiones. These words, regardless of their etymological associations,
could achieve the full unfolding of their active meaning only when, under the
influence of Shaftesbury, Rousseau, Mendelssohn, and others, the category of
"feeling" [Gefuihl] became autonomous, and thus the meanings "sentiment,"
"feeling" [Gefiihll, "sensation," [Empfindung] etc., were detached from "passion" as understood by the German word Leidenschaft.
In these propositions, which are excellently documented and instructive
in many respects, the essence of the case is clearly seen. The concept of "suffering" always lies at the bottom of the psychological meanings of the word that
in antiquity was expressed as pathos, considered in the same sense as passio,
and these meanings correspond much more to what we denote as "feelings"
and "sentiment" than "passion" [Leidenschaft]. Passions [Leidenschaften] are for
us heated, stormy, and thereby active, just what was not originally contained
in the semantic fields of pathos and passio. Lerch's exposition, however, leaves
us hanging if we ask how the heated, the stormy, the active, in short, the modem meaning of "passion" [Leidenschaft] entered the semantic field of passio.
That cannot possibly have happened by a mere release, a mere subtraction of
the meaning "feeling" [Gefihl] from the word. Instead, there must be something else in the history of passio that made the word ready to receive this
meaning. Lerch certainly seems to assume as self-evident that pathos-passio always signified "passion" [Leidenschaft] in addition to other things. But whenever he means this word in the current modem sense, then this assumption
is contradicted by his own clear and unquestionable demonstration that the
characteristic mark of pathos-passio, "suffering," is passivity. What we today
understand as passion [Leidenschaft], first took shape in passio only later, gradually and in stages. Pathos signifies a state of being afflicted, a state of being
affected, a reception or a suffering, and on this basis it comprehends to some
extent the following range of meanings or parts of them: sensory quality,
change, phases of development, periodically retuming condition (and indeed
all this, particularly in Aristotelean terminology, as much in animals, plants,
heavenly bodies, etc., and in matter generally, as in humans); further, perception [Wahrnehmung], experience [Erfahrung, Erlebnis], sensation [Empfindung],
feeling [GefuIhl]; finally, in colloquial speech, pain, sickness, suffering, misfortune.' Words that are used as the opposite of pathos include praxis [action],
poiesis [making], ergon [deed]. The above mentioned words signify "passion"
[Leidenschaft] only in so far as they can be understood (exactly like a feeling
[GeffihlI or an illness) as merely something affecting the carrier. Conceming
the active quality and intensity of the word, other Greek words, perhaps epithymia [desirel and mania [madness], or Latin words like cupiditas, or furor,
stand closer to the modem semantic field of "passion" [Leidenschaft]. But even
they do not completely convey its modem meaning. They lack the possibility
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of citations, pp. 332-334. Of this oldest layer available to us, the characteristic
features are, as already noted, passivity and ethical neutrality.
However, already in the dialectic of Aristotelianism there lay a certain possibility for rendering the concept pathos as active. In fact, suffering or affliction
can be considered to be in the condition of potentiality, dynamis, in relation to
the active-productive: it is ready to receive the effect; through the action of the
agent, it is moved or changed; it thus moves, and this movement is also signified as pathos; a psychic pathos thus easily becomes kinesis tes psyches, Lat.
motus animi [movement of the soul]. This thought, which I here render only
in a very simplified manner, was further developed 3 in the Middle Ages, especially in Thomism, yet remained without any influence on general usage; so
much more consequential was the Stoic development of the word. To the Stoa,
the passiones tumed into restiveness, directionless agitation and mental aimlessness that destroy the tranquility of the wise. The word passio carries a
sharply pejorative meaning; every inner reaction and movement due to goings
on in the world is to be avoided as far as possible; not to encounter the world,
at least inwardly, not to allow oneself to be unsettled by it, to be impassibilis
[unsusceptible to suffering], is the duty of the wise. In this way, the original
opposition to actio falls into the background, and passio becomes the opposite
of ratio; in contrast to the agitated passiones, reason stands as their opposite;
but agitation includes within it a kind of activeness. Here for the first time can
the word Leidenschaft be used to render this meaning into German; partly because of the agitation, partly because of the intensity always assumed by the
Stoa, the images of storms and whirlwinds of the passions [Leidenschaftenl
originate here, and for passio the clearly pejorative perturbatio is often used.
This is the second layer of the development of the meaning of pathos-passio;it
is characterized by intensity, closeness to being active, and pejorative connotation. In practice it has been ever more influential than the first, Aristotelian
meaning since it continues to live on even today in the popular moral concepts
of the most varied groups of people; in one way or another, it enters into almost every later ethical dogma; one also finds numerous uses of passio in
which both concepts-the Aristotelean as well as the Stoic-operate together
at the same time in manifold combinations, especially in late Scholasticism
and in the Renaissance.
The Stoic meaning of passio was all the more effective in that it influenced
late antique Christian writers from the very beginning. Ambrose writes: Caro
nostra diversis agitatur etfreti modofluctuat passionibus [Our flesh is driven by
different passions, and fluctuates like the sea.] (De Noe et Arca, 15; 51; PL 14,
p. 385); Augustine uses a similar image (passionum turbelis et tempestibus agitari [to be vexed by the turbulence and storms of the passions]. De civ. 8, 17);
he defines passio as motus animi contra rationem [stirrings of the soul against
reason] and says the word is understood in Latin, especially in the usage of
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tribulos sub antiquo maledicto produxerat, ad novae benedictionis gratiam innovatam refloruisse. Et in his omnibus, illius recordataversiculi- Et refloruit caro mea,
et ex voluntate mea confitebor ei (Ps. 27, 7) passionis rmalis, quae de arbore tulerat crucis, cupit vigere, et defloribus resurrectionis, quorum praesertimfragrantia
sponsum ad se crebrius revisendam invitet.... [They therefore love more easily
who understand that they are loved more. He to whom less is granted, loves
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impression at the time (it contains a variant, since he construes only the drink
of myrrh as the Passion, but the embalming as the indestructibility of the
body), I have found Bemard's most important passage quoted by Bonaventure
and Suso: Et ego,fratres, ab ineunte mea conversione, pro acervo meritorum, quae
mihi deesse sciebam, hunc mihi fasciculum colligare et inter ubera mea collocare
curavi, collectum ex omnibus anxietatibus et amaritudinibusDomini mei.... Ubi
sane inter tot odoriferae myrrhae huius ramusculus minime preatermittendamputavi etiam illam myrrham qua in cruce potatus est; sed neque illam qua unctus est
in sepultura. Quarum in prima applicuit sibi meorum amaritudinem peccatorum;
in secundafuturum incorruptionem mei corporis dedicavit. Menoriam abundantiae
suavitatis horum eructabo, quoad vixero; in aeternum non obliviscar miserationes
istas, quia in ipsis vivicatus sum. [And I, brethren, from the beginning of my
conversion, to make up for the multitude of merits that I knew I lacked, took
care to bind for myself this bundle [of myrrh] and, collected from all the anguish and bittemess of my Lord, to place it between my breasts.... And there,
surely, among so many branches of fragrant myrrh, I thought that that myrrh
from which he was made to drink on the cross ought not at all to be passed
over, nor yet that with which he was anointed in the tomb. By the first he
applied to himself the bittemess of my sins; by the second he declared the
future incorruptibility of my body. I shall pour forth my words about the
memory of the abundant sweetness of these things as long as I live; I shall
never forget for all etemity that mercy, for in it I have been brought back to
life.] (In Cant. xliii, PL 183, 994).
From these citations, which are only samples, we may infer how closely
the meaning of "suffering" and "creative, ecstatic love passion" [Liebesleidenschaft] advanced toward each other. It would require a separate treatise to discuss each of the continually recurrent themes: ebrietas spiritus, suave vulnus
charitatis, gladius amoris, pax in Christi sanguine, surgere ad passionem, calix
quem bibisti, amabilis, etc. [drunkenness of the spirit, sweet wound of love,
sword of love, peace in the blood of Christ, rising up to suffering, the cup
which you drank, loving, etc.]. The inclination toward Passion mysticism became even stronger in the following centuries. In the classic mysticism, as it
were, of Bemard, the Passion almost always appears in connection with other
love themes, depending on the occasion and context, be it the earlier life of
Christ, be it the resurrection, be it, from the viewpoint of the testimony of
love, the workings of the Holy Spirit. The visual depiction as well as the physical representation of the stations of the cross and the ecstasy effected in those
who meditate on them always maintained a certain moderation.' 2 In the following epoch, not least because of the influence of the miracle of Francis of
Assisi's stigmata, a much stronger and more concrete prominence of the Passion and Passion mysticism appeared; its disseminators seem to have been the
Franciscans and the mendicant orders in general. There are few texts here at
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my disposal, almost nothing besides the above quoted edition of the work of
Bonaventure; and the writings of the Franciscan-Spirituals are entirely inaccessible to me. Yet even in so moderate a personality as Bonaventure, the development is clearly recognizable, and the citations are so numerous and extensive
that I cannot present them here, but can only refer to the most important ones:
the Breviloquium pars iv caput ix: Diaetasalutis Tit. vii, cap vii; the Itinerarium
chapter 7 (De excessu mentali et mystico); the preface of the Lignum vitae; chapter 6 of the De perfectione vitae; the chapter de specialibus orationibus (II, 23) in
the apparently inauthentic work De perfectu religiosorum; the preface and the
sexta Feria of the Meditationes Vitae Christi; and the first pages of the Stimulus
Amoris of Bonaventure's student Jacob von Mailand. Undoubtedly, many more
have eluded me. 13 Everywhere the reader will encounter the strong elaboration
of passion and the inner proximity of the meaning of "suffering" and "passion"
[Leidenschaft], passio and fervor. Christus homo hunc (ignem charitatis) accendit
infervore suae ardentissimaepassionis-devotionisfervorperfrequentem passionis
Christi memnoriam nutritur-transfige, dulcissime Dominejesu, medulas animae
meae suavissimo ac saluberrimo vulnere amoris tui animam (AMariae) passionis
gladius pertransivit-inpassione et cruce Domini gloriari desidero-curre, curre,
DomineJesu, curre et me vulnera [Christ as man kindles this fire (fire of love)
with the heat of his most buming suffering-the heat of devotion is fed by the
frequent recollection of the suffering of Christ-pierce, most sweet LordJesus,
the inmost recess of my soul with the most sweet and most salutary wound of
your love just as the sword of the Passion penetrated the soul (of Mary)-I
long to be glorified in the Passion and the cross of the Lord-hurry, hurry,
Lord Jesus, hurry and wound me.] There are only some excerpted sentences,
and many related ones could not be so briefly quoted since they are only intelligible in context. Naturally, not only do crux, vulnera, gladius [cross, wounds,
sword], etc., often stand for passio, but they were also among the countless
images which allegorical or figural Biblical interpretation placed into the hand
of the medieval theologian, and ardor, ebrietas, dulcedo, suavitas, excessus [heat,
drunkeness, sweetness, delight, excess] etc., often signifyfervor. I would like
to give one more example of the imagistic language that emerges of Biblical
interpretation, from chapter 6 de perfectione viale ad soreres; Bonaventure, addressing a nun, paraphrases Is. xii, 3: (Haurietis aquas in gaudio defontibus salvatoris): Quicumque desiderat aquas gratiarum, aquas lachrymarum, iste hauriat
defontibus Salvatoris, id est de vulneribusJesus Christi. Accede ergo tu, ofamula,
pedibus affectionum tuarum adJesum vulneratum, ad Jesum spinis coronatum, ad
Jesum patibulo crucis affixum, et cum beato Thoma apostolo non solum intuere in
manibus eiusfiguras clarovum, non solum mitte manum tuam in latus eius, sed totaliter per ostium laterus eius ingredere usque ad cor ipsius Jesu; ubique ardentissimo amore crucifixi in Christum transformata, clavis divini timoris affixa, lancea
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Regnum coelorum violenza pate
De caldo amore eda viva speranza
Che vince la divina volontate;
Non a giusa che l'uom all'uom sobranza,
Ma vince lei perche vuol esser vinta,
E vinta vince con sua beninanza. (Dante, Par. 20, 94ff.)
[The Kingdom of Heaven suffers the violent force of hot love and
living hope, which conquers the Divine Will, not as man conquers
man, but love conquers the Divine Will because it wants to be
conquered, and once conquered, it conquers with its own kindness.]
And in this sense the passiones are and remain something that the soul suffers
and by which it is afflicted. In this sense the root meaning and the Aristotelian
tradition remain preserved. The novelty and, as it were, the active quality of
the Christian concept subsists in the spontaneity and creative force of love kindled by passio (even this is fundamentally Aristotelian); but it always originates
from the heights or depths of superhuman forces and is received and suffered
as a magnificent or terrifying gift.
Similarly, the viewpoint of the "positive evaluation" of passio in the mystical ecstacy of love requires careful qualification. All Christian thought, especially all mystical concepts, move within the polarity of opposites. Love of God
is also tormenting love, even when it is answered; for God is too strong for the
soul. If He took it to heart, "it [the soull would perish from His stronger
being"; the soul would die a Liebestod in real torment and real rapture at the
same time. As an illustration, I want to quote some verses from Jacopone da
Todi, from the Cantico dell'amorsuperardente:
Amor di caritate,
Perche m'hai si ferito?
Lo cor tutto partito,
Et che arde per amore?
Arde et incende, e nullo trova loco;
Non puo fugir perb ched e ligato;
Si si consuma come cera a foco;
Vivendo mor, languisce stemperato:
Dimanda di poter fugir un poco,
et in fomace trovasi locato.
Oime do 'son menato
A si forte languire?
Vivendo si e morire,
Tanto monta l'ardore.
Nante che lo il provassi dimandava
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ecstasy also influenced the development of passio-Leidenschaft; Passion mysticism made passio more receptive to the modem meaning of "passion" [Leidenschaft], and in this regard gave an advantage over the competing expression,
affectus. What in particular, in my opinion, "passion" [passion-Leidenschaft]
drew from Passion mysticism is the deepening of the meaning of "suffering"
in a double, dialectical sense, in that it can mean delight and rapture at the
same time. It is what Eckhart (see note 9 above) calls "inhitzige minne" [ardent
love]. This influence is indeed incontestable for this meaning of the word; it is
formed in close accord with the mysticism of the polar-dialectical meaning of
"passion" [Leidenschaft] even in profane love poetry, which describes its experiences as martiri, tormenti, dolcifurori [martyrdom, torments, sweet madness],
etc. Nevertheless, the impact on the secular use of the word passio itself was at
first very weak. To be sure, in the canzone E'm 'incresce di me si duramente [And
it pains me so deeply], Dante characterizes his experience on the day his Lady
appears in his world, an experience he relates unmistakably to the rapture of
Acts 9, as a passion nuova,16 which leads to a mystical Liebestod; to be sure, at
the beginning of his Convivio, he describes the mystical work of his youth, the
Vita Nouva, using the well known expressionfervida e passionata, taken from
the mystical texts; to be sure, it may well be concluded from one of his Latin
letters (Exulti Pistoriensi, p. 417), that passio, at least in the colloquial speech
of certain circles, was commonly used to mean erotic passion [Liebesleidenschaft], and finally, Boccaccio too uses passione and passionato for the suffering
and passion of love, and occasionally he speaks of the piacevolissimapassione
d'amore (suavissima passio amoris) [the most pleasing suffering of love]-but
with these instances our examples from the Trecento and Quatrocento are exhausted. " In the overwhelming majority of cases, Dante himself uses passio in
the Aristotelian sense, in contrast to actio, and occasionally with a Stoic undertone, in contrast to ratio; and the same is true of the rest of the philosophical
authors of the late middle ages; for them passio means suffering (without its
secondary dialectical meaning), feeling [Geftihll, experience [Erfahrung], and
sometimes passion [Leidenschaft] in the purely pejorative Stoic sense; the Aristotelian element prevails by far, the Stoic sense is weak, and the mystical sense
is absent. Passiowas at the time a technical word smacking of the Schools, and
precisely for that reason love poetry avoided it altogether; even Jacopone always speaks of croce, never passione. Dante, whose concept of the high style
incorporated the philosophy of the Schools, had no lasting influence, since directly after him an early anti-scholastic, humanistic current got the upper
hand; Petrarch, who uses very many images of mystical origin, never uses passio. In the high style and with the meaning of passion [Leidenschaft] in the
modem sense, this word was accepted only when the influence of the Aristotelian Scholastic tradition receded. Less tied to the Scholastic tradition was passionatus, but at the time even this word meant "passionate" [leidenschaftlich] in
301
the pejorative Stoic sense-but with a new variation to boot: "biased in favor
of." This is how it was already used by Dante, who even uses passionare(Mon.
i, 11): bene repellentur, qui iudicem passionare conantur [those who attempt to
prejudice a judge should be banished]. Other passages can be found in a report about the College of Cardinals at Pisa (1409), which Ducange cites (consilium . .. fuit ex personis ... passionatis contra iustitiam.. . Suae Sanctitatis [the
council ... was made up of persons ... biased against the justice of His Holiness]), in the Imitation of Christ and in several Italian texts which were cited
by Tommaseo-Bellini. 18
In the sixteenth century, when the power of the Thomist-Aristotelian
schools receded, and when Stoic as well as renewed mystical currents made
an impact on literature, passio began to establish itself as "passion" [Leidenschaft] in the modem sense, and indeed this occurred in the way amorous suffering and passion [Liebesleiden und-leidenschaft] were described above. Yet it
was still a long time before this meaning was unequivocally and exclusively
secured. Passio-Leidenschaft, nourished by mystical and stoic sources, had to
wage a battle on two fronts, as it were: against its own Aristotelian meaning
(as experience [Erfahrung], feeling [Gefuihll, or completely passionless [leidenschaftsfreies] suffering) and against competition from affectus, affectio. The various Aristotelian nuances are still found for example in Montaigne,'9 Th. de
Beze,20 Gamier, 2 1Lecoq; 22 moreover, they still had aftereffects in the Scholastic
psychological systems of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Italian
and French equivalents of affectus are found in competition with passiopassion [passio-Leidenschaft]in the Italian love treatises; and in two so different
writers as Alexandre Hardy and Honore d'Urfe, I have come across feux,
flammes, blessures [fires, flames, wounds], above all affections, but, so far as I
know their work, never passion. On the other hand, passio as passion [Leidenschaft], especially erotic passion, is found in Italy since about Boiardo 23 and
Lorenzo de'Medici 24 (however, I remember no instance in Ariosto or Tasso),
and in France mainly in Marguerite de Navarre.25 Alongside passion, she also
uses affection, feux, flammes. Almost everywhere it appears, passion also suggests the concept of suffering; at times it even carries the trace of a critical ring,
but everywhere it means without a doubt "erotic passion" [Liebesleidenschaft],
and any reproach often falls into the realm of the forgotten; sympathy and admiration for the grand agitations of the heart are intermingled. From then on,
passion in this sense never again disappears, 26 while the older meanings of the
word are gradually lost. In seventeenth-century France, the word steps out of
the technical scholarly sphere into the sphere of the cultured and the literary;
at this point it unequivocally and exclusively signifies "passion" [Leidenschaft]
in the modern sense, for the most part erotic passion [Liebesleidenschaftlthough side by side with a passionate [leidenschaftlichl and power-seeking selflove and self-assertion identified as ambition and later, more characteristically,
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the author of, or actor in a tragedy does not know how to move or transport
the spectator through the passion he wants to express, where will he fall but
into coldness, boredom, and ridicule . . . ? Hence the poet's entire design, the
entire purpose of his efforts is to make us, like his heroes, fall in love with his
beautiful characters, and serve them as if they were gods; in a word, to make
us sacrifice everything for them, if perhaps only for the glory the love of which
is more dangerous than that of beauty itself. ... We see ourselves in those who
appear to us to be transported by the same objects that move us: we soon become secret actors in the tragedy; we act out our own passion; and the extemal
fiction is cold and unattractive if it does not find an inner truth to which it
corresponds.J For the spiritual sensibility, the concept of the passions [Leidenschaften] in the tragedy of the seventeenth century was a dangerous enemy;
passion [Leidenschaft] was not just the ordinary "disorder" which the earthly life
always entails, but was itself a kind of religion, a presumed elevation of human
existence, which appeared worthy of aspiration, and by which one demonstrated greatness and nobility of heart. I have dealt with this issue before;"' and
I say nothing entirely new when I find that the sublime idea of the passions in
its double, dialectic meaning represents a secularized anti-Christian tum of Passion mysticism, for this thought is frequently reflected in the modem critique
of Racine, even if it lacks an explicit historical grounding. It should also provide
the key for a comparison of Racine to his ancient prototypes.
But in any case, the modem meaning of passion [Leidenschaft] is already
completely realized in the seventeenth century not only in visual circumlocutions likefeu andflamme, but also in the word passion. I even doubt whether
Lerch's emphasis on the eighteenth-century development of the meaning of
"feeling" [GeffhlI contributed much to a clearer distinction between feeling
[Gefiihl] and passion [Leidenschaft]; that distinction, at least in general, holds
true only in scientific psychology. There were also currents, from pietism to
romanticism, which allowed the feelings [Gefuhle] to grow to such an extent
that they again approached the passions [Leidenschaften] and ultimately differed from them only by their blurred and vague object of desire. Senancour
once calls it passion universelle. In the fourth book of Obermann, after a night of
melancholic meditation at the lake of Neuchatel, he writes: Indicible sensibilite,
charrne et tourment de nos vaines annees; vaste conscience d'une nature partout
accablante et partout impenetrable, passion universelle, sagesse avancee, voluptueux abandon; tout ce qu 'un coeur mortel peut contenir de besoins et d'ennui profonds, j'ai tout senti, tout eprouve dans cette nuit memorable. J'aifaitun pas sinistre
vers l'dge d'affaiblissement;j'aidevore dix annees de ma vie. Heureux l'homme simple dont le coeur est toujoursjeune. [Inexpressible sensation, enchantment and
torment of our wasted years; vast consciousness of a nature everywhere overwhelming and everywhere impenetrable, universal passion, highest wisdom,
sensual abandon; every desire and profound boredom that a mortal heart can
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contain, I felt it all, experienced it all on that memorable night. I took a catastrophic step toward the age of enfeeblement. I devoured ten years of my life.
Happy the simple man, whose heart is always young.]
P.S. To the objections which Lerch, p. 336ff., raised conceming details in
my "Remarques sur le mot passion" ["Remarks on the Word Passion"] (Neuphil. Mitt. XXXVIII, 218), I would like to make the following comments:
1. Conceming the survival of passio in vulgar Latin, I believe just as he does,
namely, that it survived as a leamed and ecclesiastical word, with the meaning
of illness, as in Christ's suffering. I too have written that, and have attached
far greater importance to the ecclesiastical usage. Godefroy, moreover, cites
popular forms as well. 2. I stand by my explanation of the disappearance of
passion as "illness" in the seventeenth century as the secondary meaning of a
word henceforth received into the formal language of the cultured. Lerch apparently misunderstood me. I did not assert that "suffering" had to make way
for "passion" [Leidenschaft], but that inferior, physical illness had to give way
to the sublime movements of the soul. His own explanation that passio-illness
must have given way as a specialized word does not contradict mine, but complements it. 3. In contrast, Lerch is correct, contra Furetiere and myself, when
he sees a reminder of Christ's Passion in the expression souffrir mort et passion.
It appears already in crusader songs, as in the song Chevaliermult estes guariz,
in Bedier-Aubry, Les Chansons de croisade, Paris, 1909, and in Provencal by
Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, in Bartsch's Chrestomathie, 6th ed., 139, 10.
Martin Elsky, translation
The Graduate Center and Brooklyn College, CUNY
Notes
*1would like to thank Gerhard Sharon, John Collins, Monica Callibritto, Ottavio di
Camillo, and Jacob Steme for their help. My special thanks to Julia Hirsch.
1. Cf. Liddell-Scott, A Greek-English Lexikon: A New Edition, by Henry Stuart Jones
(Oxford). See also specialized dictionaries, especially the Aristotle-Index by Bonitz.
2. Thucydides VI, 59, 1, has erotike lype. Cf. Bultmann in Theologisches Worterbuch
zum Neuen Testament under [ad. v.] lype, where parallel problems to the pathosquestion are treated.
3. Instructive in this context is a passage in Boethius, De Cons. Phil., 5, 4: Praecedit
(that is the perceiving activity of the spirit) tamen excitans I Ac vires animi movens /
Vivo in corpore passio [Suffering excels, nevertheless, in rousing and stirring the
powers of the soul in the living body]. We are not really dealing here with psychology, but with epistemology, and passio signifies "sense perception." But it is excitans and movens. The excerpt contains a defense of the Aristotelian doctrine of the
spontaneous cognitive power of the soul against the Stoic theory that the soul is
only a [passive] receptor (the theory of the tabula rasa upon which sense impressions leave their inscriptions like a stylus). An example of the development of the
above mentioned Aristotelian relationships between the agential to the suffering
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can be found in Dante's Convivio, III, 10, beginning Dov'e da sapere, etc. Cf. the
explanation in Businelli and Vandelli's edition (Florence 1934), 1,376. But Stoic,
even already mystical motifs are indeed suggested here in Dante.
De nuptiis et conscupisc., 2, 33; it is not certain that nisi is in the text, but the sense
demands it.
This is already the case in the Roman Vulgate, l, 26; Romans 7, 5: Thess. 1, 4, 5;
see also Z. B. Cassian, De Coen. inst., V, 2,: Coll., V, 19 and 20; a Provencal text
translates peccata in the Liber scintillarum as passios; cf. Bartsch, Chrestomathie
provencale, 61' ed., p. 58 and PL, 88, 600.
L. Spitzer has made me aware of the following passages in Malebranche, Entretiens
XI, XIV: Je croix de plus que Dieu afigure, meme par les dispositions du corps, celles
de I'ame sainte deJesu, et principalement l'excrs de son amourpour son Eglise; car saint
Paul (Eph., 5, v. 25-33) nous apprend que cette passion violente de l'amour, quifait
qu'on quitte avec joie son pere et sa mere pour sa femme, est une figure de L'exces de
l'amour de Jesu-Christ pour son epouse... [I believe, moreover, that God represented the sacred soul of Jesus even through the state of his body, and especially
the surfeit of his love for the Church; for Saint Paul teaches us that the violent passion of love, which makes us joyfully leave our father and mother for our wife, is a
figure of the surfeit of love that Jesus Christ feels for his spouse.... 1
Jesus was impassibilis before his Incamation. See Bernard of Clairvaux (Tract. de
grad. humil., 111, 9, PL, 182, 946): Beatus quippe Deus, beatus Deifilius, in eaforma
qua non rapinam arbitratusest esse se aqualem Patri, procul dubio impassibilis, priusquam se exinanissetformamservi accipiens (Phil., 2, 6-7), sicut miseriam vel subjectionem expertus non erat, sic misericordiam et obedientiam non noverat experimento.
Sciebat quidem per naturam, non autem sciebat per experientiam. At ubi minoratus est
non solum a se ipso, sed etiam paulo minus ab angelis, qui et ipsi impassibiles sunt per
gratiam, non per naturam, usque ad illam formam, in qua pati et subjici posset....
[Certainly, blessed God, the blessed Son of God, in that form which is not considered to be theft to be equal to the Father, without doubt immune to suffering before he emptied himself to take on the form of a servant (Phil., 2, 6-7). Just as he
felt no affliction or subjection, so too he did not know pity or obedience through
experience. Indeed, he knew that by nature, not by experience. And where he was
reduced not only from himself, but also a little less from the angels, who are themselves immune to suffering through grace not nature, all the way down to that
form in which he could suffer and be subjected.] After the resurrection, He was
again impassibilis. Cf. Bonaventure, Breviloquium, IV, 10 (Opera omnia cura et studio A. C. Peltier, Aug. Tur., VII, 294): Christi corpus . . . primo fuerat passibile et
mortale, postea autem impassibile et immortale. [Christ's body was first mortal and
capable of suffering, but afterwards immortal and not capable of suffering.] For the
impassibilitasof God, cf. Isidor., VII, 1, 24, discussed by Spitzer in a note rich in
content in Romania, LXV, 123f. Passibilis in this sense is also occasionally rendered
with sensibilis; they appear almost as synonyms in the Stimulus Amoris (ob. gen.
Bonaventura-Ausgabe, XII) p. 636-637. Cf. Roman d'Eneas, 2883: Sire . . ge voil
saveir, se ce puet estre ... veir que cil .. - aientformne corporel, passibleseient et mortel.
In contrast, see Dante, Inf., 2, 151:1 sensibilmente.
Of course not a passio, for God is, as noted above, impassibilis. A love dialogue of
the Renaissance, 11Raverta di G. Betussi, in the Trattati d'amore del Cinquecento, ed.
Zonta (Bari, 1912), explains, loc.ciL [a.a.O.], P. 39: .. . Quello affetto suo voluntario
non e suggetto a passione, come il nostro, non essendo in lui difetto d'alcuna cosa. [That
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love of his, by his own will, is not subject to passion, as our love is, since there is
no defect of any kind in him.l On this problem, see Thomas Aq. S. Th. Ia, xx, 1.
Cf. Eckhart, Sermon CVII, ed. v. Pfeifer, 3 ed. (G6ttingen 1914): Ez wundert vil
menschen, wie doie lieben heiligen in sa grazer suiezikeit sa grOz liden getragen
haben. Wer des wunders wil ledic werden, der erfulle daz die heiligen mit gr6zem
flize erfullet hant unde hant Jesu KristO mit inhitziger minne nach gevolget.
Gilbert von Hoyland, PL, 184, 21, on Cant. 3, 1.
For this tradition, cf. perhaps Beda on Cant. Cant. alleg. expos., 2, 4; PL, 91, 1097.
Lerch cites as an especially effective example of the radical tum to the active in the
meaning of passio in the modem period some texts of the eighteenth century (Bonnet, Wieland, Choderlos de Laclos), which speak of "active passions" [Leidenschaften], passions actives. In Les liaisons dangereuses, Valmont commends the passions as
the only path to happiness. However, Bemard of Clairvaux already says ofJesus in
a sermon about the Passion (in Feria quarta Hebdomadae Sanctae, 11, PL, 183,
268): Et in vita passivam habuit actionem, et in morte passione activam sustinuit, dum
salutem operareturin medio terrae. [And in life he took passive action, and in death
he endured active suffering, provided that he might bring about salvation on
earth.]
In the Ottimo Commento, I find on Par., 11, 118, in the framework of a biography
of Saint Francis the following sentence: Da quella ora (since Christ himself had appeared to him in San Damiano) innanzi l'anima suafu tutta liquefatta, e la passione
del Crucifisso nel suo cuorefu mirabilmentefitta ffrom that moment, his soul completely melted, and the suffering of the Crucifixion was miraculously fixed in his
heart].
Whoever knows the tendency to antithetical paradoxes in European love poetry
from the Provencal through Petrarch and the Renaissance (typical examples
[Typus]: Pace non trovo, e non ho dafar guerra [I find no peace, and I have nothing
with which to make warl) will hardly be able to escape the impression when reading medieval mystical texts that the great paradoxes of the Passion created the fertile soil in which such forms could grow. The following text is to be sure relatively
late (it is from the Stimulus Amoris, written in the second half of the thirteenth century, thus just about contemporary with the rise of the Stil Nuovo), but already
since the beginning of the twelfth century similar motives can be found: Si ergo,
anima, carnem diligis, nullam carnem nisi carnem Christi ames. Haec enim pro tua et
totius humani generis salute et super aram crucis oblata, cuius passionem in corde rumines quotidie. Huius enim passionis Christi meditatio continua mentem elevabit.... 0
passio desiderabilis! 0 mors admirabilis! Quid mirabilius quam quod mors vivificet,
vulnera sanent, sanguis albumfaciat, et mundet intima, nimius dolor nimium dulcorem
inducat, apertio lateris cor cordi coniungat?Sed adhuc mirari non ceses, quia sol obscuratusplus solito illuminat, ignis extinctus magis inflammat, passio ignominiosaglorificat.
Sed vere mirabile est, quod Christus in croce sitiens inebriat, nudus existens virtutem
vestimentis ornat, sed et eius manus ligno conclavatae nos solvunt, pedes confossi nos
currerefaciunt, etc. [If therefore, my soul, you love the flesh, may you love no flesh
but the flesh of Christ. For lifted up on the altar of the cross, this flesh, whose
suffering you should contemplate daily in your heart, is for you and for the salvation of the entire human race. For uninterrupted meditation on Christ's suffering
will elevate the mind.... 0 suffering to be wished for! 0 marvelous death! What
can be more wondrous than that death may restore life, that wounds may heal,
that blood may make you white, and cleanse your inner being, that great pain
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brings great sweetness, that an opened side may join heart to heart? But may you
not cease to look with wonder that a darkened sun shines more than usual, that
an extinguished fire has greater flames, that inglorious suffering glorifies. But it is
truly marvelous that Christ thirsting on the cross makes one drunk; that being
naked, he adoms virtue with garments; and indeed his hands nailed to the tree
unbind us, his pierced feet make us run.l The passage is already almost excessively
artistic.
See also Chapter 14 of Suso's Horologium sapientiae (I am using the edition of
J. Strange, rev. ed., Cologne 1861). For an understanding of this passage, one must
take into account that the rose is a symbol of heavenly joy. Cf. M. Gorce 0. P., Le
Roman de la Rose, Paris, 1933, 29-36. The Passion mysticism of German women
mystics like Mechthild von Magdeburg and Margaretha Ebner is highly developed.
One must take care here, as in Dante generally, conceming the meaning of novo
(which depends on passages in Ezechiel and Paul). E. Eberwein has made me
aware of this.
The Catalan texts, which Spitzer quotes (Romania, LXV, 124), are not available to me.
The meaning "biased preference" later became an epistolary flourish. Guez de Balzac and Descartes conclude their letters with que je suis passionnement or avec une
tres ardente passion-votretres humble, etc. This corresponds to our "vorzuiglichen"
Hochachtung [respectfully yours] or the "partiality" with which a tradesman assures
us he is dedicated to our service. In 1724, Prince Eugen concludes a letter to Vico
with the words: e sono parzialite, etc. Vico, L'Autobiografia., etc. (Bari 1929), 180.
See vol. 5 of Lexique de la langue des Essais, Edition Municipale (Bordeaux 1933).
Darmesteter-Hatzfield, Morceaux choisi . . . du XVIe siecle, 315.
Ibid., 342 and 349.
Ibid., 327.
For example. Orlando inam., I, Il, 19, and 1, XII, 49.
For example, his portrayal of the origins of Italian love poetry, in d'Ancona and
Bacci, Manuale della letL ital., II, 85ff.
L'Heptameron des nouvelles, passim.
Cf. for example, Monchrestien, in Dannesteter-Hatzfield, 359. and Regnier, ibid.,
291. In addition, according to Spitzer, loc. cit., also Mairet in Sophonisbe. In Grimmelshausen, Simpl. Simpl., 3, 19, one finds the sentence: '. . . wann der Herrnicht
selbsten wasste wie einem Buhler ums Herz ist, so hatte er dieses Weibes Passiones nicht
so wohl ausfahren oder vor Augen stellen konnen" [if one did not himself know how
the heart of a lover feels, he would not be able to represent and show so well the
passions of this woman].
As soon as this was consciously theorized, the old Aristotelean nomenclature for
passion reappears very easily for all movements of the emotions. That can be determined not only in the eighteenth century (cf. the cited texts in Lerch, 334, from
the Encyclopedie and from Rousseau), but also sometimes still in the nineteenth.
Oeuvres melees, Amsterdam 1706, II, 320. Cf. also 1, 65 and passim.
Pensees et opuscules, ed. Brunscwicg, 123 (Discourssur les passions del'amour). One
notices that here all inner processes except the passions [Leidenschaften] belong to
pensees, even the sentiments; cf. Brunscwicg's note.
Maximes et niflexions sur la comedie, IV.
"Racine und die Leideschaften" ["Racine and the Passions"], Germanischromanische Monatsschrift 1926: Dasfranzosiche Publikum des 17. Jahrhunderts(Munich, 1933), 47ff.
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