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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)
Muhammadiyah, Local Politics and Local Identity in Kotagede

Author(s): Priyambudi SULISTIYANTO
Source: Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia, Vol. 21, No. 2, Dynamics of the Local
(October 2006), pp. 254-270
Published by: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)
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inSoutheast
Issues
AsiaVol.
21,No.2(2006),
SOJOURN:
Journal
ofSocial
pp.254-70 DOI:10.1355/sj21-2f
2006
ISEAS
/ISSN
ISSN0217-9520
1793-2858
electronic
print
Research
Notes
and
Muhammadiyah,
Local
Comments
Local
Identity
Politics
and
in Kotagede
Priyambudi SULISTIYANTO
and localidentity
Thisarticle
is a preliminary
observation
of localpolitics
inKotagede,CentralJava,Indonesia,during
thepost-Soeharto
period.It
local
therolesofMuhammadiyah
and localactorsinmaintaining
examines
I
in
the
of
Islamic
and
this
town.
Javanese
identity
highlight importance
inshapingthelocal history
oflocalpolitics
traditions
and thedynamics
inKotagede.I also arguethatthereis a place forlocalactorsandsocial
in thistown.Some
in the pursuit
of preserving
local identity
networks
are made aboutthe impactof theYogyakarta
observations
earthquake
and future
researchdirections.
localpolitics,
localidentity.
Keywords:
Kotagede,
Muhammadiyah,
scholarship,
This article is based on two research field trips I made to Kotagede,

1
Indonesia, in 2005. My long-term research plan is to document the
political ethnography of Kotagede during the post-Soeharto period,
exploring the interplay between local politics and local identityin
the era of decentralization and paying attention to the significance
of Muhammadiyah and the role of local actors in Kotagede. Here I
will offersome thoughts on the directions this study will take.
The importance of studying local politics in Indonesia in the era
of decentralization cannot be overemphasized. Scholars have been
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inKotagede
andLocalIdentity
LocalPolitics
Muhammadiyah,
255
debating the ramifications of the decentralization policies adopted

in the post-Soeharto period. Generally they agree that the ways in
which local communities have responded to decentralization have
varied between the regions (Aspinall and Fealy 2003; Kingsbury and
Aveling 2003; Erb, Sulistiyanto and Faucher 2005). In the Soeharto
period, the relationship between local politics and religion was
shaped by a centralisticpolitical structure. Since the fall of Soeharto
in 1998, the regions have had to think more for themselves and
find their own ways of dealing with local issues. Maintaining local
identityhas become an important issue in the regions in the era of
decentralization in Indonesia.
The people of Kotagede today have inherited a rich religious and
cultural legacy,accepting both Islamic and Javanese traditions as part
of theiridentity.These traditionscoexist and interact with each other,
enhancing the spirit of tolerance in Kotagede. The local people are
proud of their traditions and may seem somewhat parochial to an
observer,but in a positive sense. The identification with theirglorious
past as the capital city of the old Javanese kingdom of Mataram
creates a sense of ownership of this place. The people of Kotagede
- tourists,visitors or newcomers - about
enjoy talking to outsiders
this glorious past and their local identity.
I will begin with explaining the geographical and historical setting
of Kotagede. This town is located about ten kilometers fromYogjakarta
and has a population of 30,000 people (Pemerintah Kota Yogyakarta
2004). It is a popular tourist destination with many important
historical and cultural sites. Kotagede is known as an Islamic town
{kota Islam), a Javanese town ( kota Jawa), and a silver town ( kota
perak). It is divided into two administrative areas. The northeast area
belongs to the Yogyakarta municipality, while the southwest area is
under the Bantul district.
Kotagede has strong religious and cultural identities. Where in
some other parts of Indonesia, strong religious identities have become
a source of local conflict,in Kotagede, this has not been the case. A
strong communal spirit grounded in an acceptance of their history
and local identity helps to maintain social harmony.
256
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
The history of Kotagede is an important subject for its people.

The historical trajectory of Kotagede has been shaped by the
relationshipbetween Islam and Javanese traditions. Prince Senopati
{Panembahan Senopati ), the founder of the Mataram Kingdom,
established Kotagede in the late 16th century (Van Mook 1958:
290; Nakamura 1983: 15). While a Muslim, he was also Javanese,
thus heavily influenced by the Hindu and local animistic traditions
that characterize Javanese culture. Kotagede was Mataram's capital
before it moved to Yogyakarta in the 17th century. During the
Mataram Kingdom period, Kotagede was an important place for
Javanese cultural activities as many royal family members and their
employees resided here. Kotagede also attracted artisans, traders,
craftspeople, musicians, scholars, and religious figures.These groups
settled and developed a sophisticated cultural life and luxury items
for the aristocracy.2Later on, especially during the Dutch colonial
period, artisans from Kotagede produced gold and silver items for
the Dutch community and other Europeans who lived in Java
(Maulana 2001: 33).
Scholarship on Kotagede
Previousstudiesof Kotagede have mainly dealt with the political history
and socio-religious aspects of the town (Soekiman 1992; Albiladiyah
1997; Khudori 2000; Tjahyono 1991; Zaidan 2003; and Bahari
2004). Van Mook (1958), a Dutch scholar, studied political and social
life in Kotagede during the 1920s. He found that the coexistence of
Islamic and Javanese traditions were important in shaping the social,
economic, and cultural life of Kotagede. Van Mook (1958: 287-88)
also noted the importance of the local entrepreneurs and traders
(mostlythe local silversmiths,or pengrajin perak), many of whom were
membersof Muhammadiyah. Their association with Muhammadiyah
contributedsignificandyto the local economy in Kotagede during the
1920s and the 1930s. The locals regard these decades as a "golden era"
in Kotagede when the production of silver goods reached a significant
level, bringingeconomic prosperityto the community.
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
257
In the early 1970s, Japanese scholar Mitsuo Nakamura, in a

study of the role of Muhammadiyah in Kotagede, suggested that in
spite of the successful "Islamization" of Kotagede, Muhammadiyah
was unable to totally eradicate the peoples attachment to Javanese
traditions (Nakamura 1983). He noted that the local people
accepted both Islamic and Javanese traditions as their way of living
and as a part of their identity.Nakamura noticed signs of declining
economic prosperityin Kotagede during the late 1960s and the
1970s as the local entrepreneurs and traders struggled to defend
themselves against the onslaught of market competition brought
about by the growing number of foreign investors in Indonesia.
Nakamura also suggested that with the collapse of the Indonesian
Communist Party {Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) in the middle of
1960s, Muhammadiyah expanded its religious and social activities
in Kotagede (with the support of the local entrepreneurs and
traders).
In an ethnographicstudy conducted in 2000, Indonesian scholar
Jadul Maulana argued that strong local initiatives had led various
actors to rejuvenate and preserve local traditions in Kotagede.
Observingthe proceedingsof the Kotagede Festival {Festival Kotagede)
held in 2000, he acknowledged the richness of the religious and
cultural identities of the Kotagedean community (2001: 14-20).
The political and economic crises that have occurred in the postSoeharto period have direcdy affectedthe people of Kotegede, as the
number of foreigntourists has declined with the consequence of a
weakening local economy. However, Maulana (2001: 13) also noted
this economic change of fortune in Kotagede had
that, surprisingly,
had some positive impact. It forced Kotagedeans to initiate a range
of cultural activities such as ketoprakan (traditional theater), and
mocopatan(poetryreading), among others, that led to an appreciation
of theirrich religiousand cultural traditions,while at the same time,
attractingtourists.As Maulana (2001: 38) suggests, the Kotagedean
communityrealized the importance of maintaining their Islamic and
Javanesetraditions.
258
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
Muhammadiyahand Local Politics

When its founderHaji Ahmad Dahlan established Muhammadiyah in
Yogyakartain the early20th century,his vision was for it to uphold the
mission of amar ma'arufnahi mungkar(right relationship with fellow
human being) and to ensure that Islam (and Muhammadiyah) would
bringrahmatanlil 'alamin (peace in the world) (Nakamura 1983: 48).
In Kotagede,Muhammadiyahgained a strongfollowing. Haji Masyhudi
took up the missionby establishinga Muhammadiyah branch in 1923
and under his leadershipthe organization founded religious and social
institutions to cater for the needs of the local people (Nakamura
1983: 70-73; Maulana, 2001: 24). Muhammadiyah was less directly
active in the local political arena, and has no formal link with any
particularpolitical party,unlike the other major Muslim organization
in Indonesia, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Muhammadiyah believes
that political affiliationis a personal or private matter. Nonetheless,
Muhammadiyah has produced some local leaders in Kotagede. It has
been a trainingground for not just local but also some prominent
national politicalleaders,including the formerreligious minister of the
Soekarno period, Kahar Muzakir, and of the Soeharto period, Mukti
Ali. A few local politicianswho currentlyhold office in Yogyakarta are
members of or have association with Muhammadiyah.
Muhammadiyah was not the only major organization active in
Kotagede in the early 20th century.SyarikatIslam (SI), which was a
social and economic organization, was established in Kotagede before
Muhammadiyah, its supporters being mainly local entrepreneurs
and traders (Nakamura 1983: 55). At around the same time, the
Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) also
established a branch in Kotagede. The PKI was very popular among
the local workersand peasants. At the end of 1924 the PKI organized
an internationalconferencethat brought a thousand of its members
and supportersto Kotagede (McVey 1965: 262-73; Shiraishi 1990:
313). Rivalry between the PKI and Muhammadiyah started at this
point with workersand peasants supporting the former,and wealthy
local entrepreneurssupporting the latter. Nakamura observes:
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
259
The PK3 advocateddirectactionto overthrow

the Dutch colonial
regime.The Muhammadiyah,
althoughno less anti-colonial,did
not let the organization
becomeinvolvedin such an action.The
took
the
ofindividuals
as its
Muhammadiyah
enlightenment
religious
task
and
its
involvement
rather
detrimental
primary
regarded political
to the performance
of that task.Althoughindividual members
wereaccordedthe freedomof politicalactionsas individuals,the
tookthestandthatpoliticalactionwithoutreligious
Muhammadiyah
convictionwas groundless
or evenharmfidto its task of religious
(1983: 65).
enlightenment
During the post-independenceperiod, the PKI gained ground in
Kotagede, with the result that Muhammadiyah joined other Islamic
organizations in establishing the Masyumi, a coalition of Islamic
political parties that were active in the post-independence period.
Masyumi was popular in Kotagede in the 1950s, ranking number
one in the 1955 general elections, slighdy above the PKI (with
approximately one third of the votes each) while the Indonesian
Nationalist Party (Partai Nasional Indonesia, PNI) and other small
parties shared the remainingvotes (Nakamura 1983: 105; Maulana
2001: 27). Surprisingly,the almost equal support for the PKI and
Masyumi in Kotagede at this time did not divide or polarize the local
people. Peace was maintained in Kotagede, which the local people
believe, was due to the commitment of its people to the spirit of
tolerance that is embodied in this town.
However, it is not clear how Kotagede weathered the crisis that
followed the fall of Sukarno in 1965. Thousands of members the
PKI and the latters affiliatessuch as the leftistcultural organization,
Lekra, and severalworkers'organizationswere killed or arrested and
jailed in Java and Bali. It remainsa mysterythat no one is willing to
talk about in Kotagede, which had large numbers of PKI members
and supporters.They are still reluctant to talk about this part of
local historyin Kotagede.
The departure of the PKI from the local political arena in the
1960s brought considerable political and social change to Kotagede.
Many sympathizersand members of the PKI who were stigmatized
and traumatized looked for political security and sanctuary within
260
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
Muhammadiyah. As noted by Maulana (2001: 27-28), during

the New Order period, there was an expansion of religious and
social activities in Kotagede. Muhammadiyah became the largest
organization in Kotagede. But the dominance of Muhammadiyah
did not necessarilytranslateinto an Islamic voting block for Islamic
political parties contestingthe general elections during the Soeharto
period. Muhammadiyah leaders in Kotagede continued to assert the
freedom of the individual in political matters. It was commonly
said "religion is for spiritual purposes, while politics is for political
purposes" (agama itu untuk rohaniah,politik untuk duniawiah). In
the general elections of the Soeharto period (1971, 1977, 1982,
1987, 1992, 1997) the people of Kotagede voted for all three of the
political parties that contested them: the Unity Development Party
{Partai PersatuanPembangunan,PPP), an alliance of Islamic political
parties,the rulingpartyGolkar ( GolonganKarya) and the Indonesian
Democratic Party (Partai DemokrasiIndonesia, PDI) (Zaidan 2003).
The voting resultsillustratedthe political diversityin Kotagede.
This diversitycontinued after the fall of Soeharto in 1998. In
the 1999 general elections, Kotagedeans voted almost equally for
the two major political parties,the National Mandate Party ( Partai
Amanat Nasional, PAN) (37 per cent of the votes) and the Indonesian
Democratic Party-Struggle(Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan,
PDI-P) (30 per cent of the votes). The remaining 33 per cent of the
votes were distributedamong otherpolitical parties.3Some have argued
that the PAN gained the largestpercentage of the Kotagede vote in
1999 because the party was led Amien Rais, a formerchairman of
Muhammadiyah. Some have suggested that PAN relied very much
on the support of Muhammadiyah in Kotagede (Nakamura 2005:
220-21). However, in the 2004 general elections, the popularity of
PAN in Kotagede declined with voterssupporting parties such as the
PDI-P, PPP, Golkar, and new comers such as the Prosperous Justice
Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) and the Democratic Party
{Partai Demokrat,PD).
The resultsof the 2004 general elections in Kotagede underlined
the on-going political diversityof the people of Kotagede and also
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
261
the decline of the Islamic-based political parties. Whereas in the

1999 general elections, PAN was able to relyon the votes of a large
section of the people in Kotagede, this seemed not to be the case
anymore in the 2004 generalelections.4With the declining popularity
of PAN in Kotagede, competition for the local vote increased, with
new contenders coming mainly from the business community, in
particular the silver industry.In this new development we see local
business leaders joining other political parties such as PKS and PD
in order to expand their influence beyond the business world.
Some recent local political developments deserve attention
especially the direct election for the districthead known as Pilkada
( pemilihan kepala daerah langsung) that took place in June 2005. I
was able to observe in this election that the people of Kotagede voted
overwhelmingly for the incumbent bupati (district head) of Bantul
district, Idham Samawi, who was supported by the PDI-P and other
small political parties. The candidates who were supported by the
PAN and the Nation Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa,
PKB) obtained few votes, even though both parties were perceived
by the public to be close to Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama
respectively.Prior to the Pilkada, therehad been speculation among
the local people that the incumbent bupati would face difficultyin
gaining votes from the local people in Kotagede. This was not the
case afterall. I observed severalpolling booths in Kotagede and I am
impressed that the voters showed theirindependent views. The local
people showed their political maturityby accepting the winners and
the losers without enteringinto disputes over the final resultsof the
Pilkada. The re-electionof Idham Samawi suggeststhat the people of
Kotagede supported leadership of the incumbent bupati, who had
succeeded in developing both Kotagede and the broader Bantul district.
I would argue that the neutralityof Muhammadiyah has allowed
the people of Kotagede to show their maturityand independence
in casting their votes in both general and local elections. The local
people express this phenomenon by saying that they are practical
and business-like people who always put their eggs in many baskets
rather than in a single one, which could disappear when things go
262
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
wrong. The wisdom holds for politics as well as for business: they
should never invest all resourcesin a single political party.
Local People and Local Identity
The coexistence of Islamic and Javanesetraditionshas been established
forcenturiesin Kotagede. Through religiousand culturalactivitiessuch
as arisan, pengajian, paguyuban,and selamatan the local people know
each other and support each other.5By engaging in these activities,
the Kotagedean community shows its willingnessto accept different
religious and cultural traditions.One popular activityis selamatan,
which involves groups of families.The selamatan has been practiced
in Kotagede for centuries. It is still practiced today by local people,
both the devout and the less devout Muslims. The Muhammadiyah
has toleratedselamatan because it is an activitythathas many followers
in Kotagede. It is a part of their Javaneseidentity.In this sense, as
my source states, "the Muhammadiyah had to live with selamatan
as part of accepting differentlocal religious and cultural practices".6
Selamatan functions somewhat like a civic forum in which local
people can meet and discuss the issues or problems faced by the
whole community.
The role of local actorsin maintaininglocal identitiesin Kotagede
also deserves attention. It is importanthere to examine the life stories
of a few personalitiesin Kotagede including theirconcerns and ideas
about the future of Kotagede. The firstis a prominent religious
and cultural figure in Kotagede who is also an active member of
Muhammadiyah. Amiruddin was born in Kotagede in the early
1950s. His fatherwas a prominent religious leader who was active
in the Kotagede branch of Muhammadiyah. Amiruddin came from
a prominent local familywho were among those known in Kotagede
as the Bani Mukmin people, a term that refersto the early setders
of Kotagede. Many local leaders in Kotagede come from these
families, as do many Muhammadiyah activists.Amiruddin studied
in Kotagede and Yogyakarta. He learned Islam from his father at
home. He grew up and was activelyinvolved in the activities of the
Kotagede branch of Muhammadiyah. Afterhe obtained a university
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
263
degree from Gadjah Mada University in Yogjakarta, he became a

lecturer in that university.
Within Muhammadiyah, Amiruddin has risen from the bottom
level ( ranting) to the national level ( pimpinan pusat). From 1995 to
2005, he was the secretaryof Majelis Tarjihin Muhammadiyah at the
national level. He was indeed among the elite circleof Muhammadiyah
during this period. This allowed him to discuss both local and national
issues with high profile personalities such as Amien Rais (the former
leader of PAN) and Ahmad Syafii Maarif (the formerchairman of
Muhammadiyah). Through his social and religious involvementsin
Kotagede, Amiruddin is regarded as an icon for Muhammadiyah in
Kotagede. As a prominent member of Muhammadiyah, he prefers
to help the people in Kotagede through social and cultural activities
rather than through political activities. In this respect he embodies
the mission of Muhammadiyah. He has been active in promoting
local identity in Kotagede by encouraging Kotagedeans to respect
their religious and cultural traditions.7 He has been instrumental,
along with some other local personalities (including Paiman, whom
I shall mention below), in establishing a Living Museum project in
2003, the aim of which is to preserve Kotagede and to promote such
conservation as a model for other historicalcities in Indonesia (Dinas
Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata DIY Yogyakarta,2003).
Unlike a conventional museum, the intention of this living
museum is to have it looked after by the local people of Kotagede.
This requires the active participation of the local people to preserve
their local identity and their cultural resources and to use them to
the benefit of the entire local community.8There were several steps
taken to establish a Living Museum in Kotagede. The firststep was
to gather information about historical and cultural sites in Kotagede
that can be preserved and protected. This was done by talking to
local people and by visiting the sites scatteredaround Kotagede. The
second step was to identifyseveral areas in Kotagede that have their
own special character such as the silversmitharea, the handicraftarea,
the batik painting area, and the leather craftarea. Each area is to be
maintained with its own strong character and identity,and can be
264
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
Silver
handicraft
from
ofPriyambudi
Kotagede
(Photograph
courtesy
Sulistiyanto)
enjoyed by both locals and outsiders. The third step was to identify
and to interview the older people who lived in Kotagede in order
to preserve their knowledge about the town. Their knowledge and
insights are useful and needed for the preservationof local identity.
Amiruddin and Paiman have been activelyinvolved in thinkingand
preparing concepts and practical ideas to promote and maintain local
identity in Kotagede.
The second person is a successful entrepreneur in the silver
industry. Paiman is in his early fortiesand is the son of a well-known
local painter. He was born, grew up, and still lives in Kotagede. He
owns a silver shop and three workshops where local silversmiths
produce fine silver items. He studied in Kotagede and Yogjakartaand
obtained a universitydegree from Gadjah Mada University.Early in
his life, Paiman was not interestedin running a silverbusiness. His
mother had once told him that being a businesspersonwas a tough
call suggesting he worked in the civil service instead. He took her
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
265
advice and applied for such a job after he obtained his university
degree. However, he found himself unable to obtain a job either in
the government or in the military.9
Paiman thus decided to start a silver business at the end of the
1980s. It was difficult in the beginning, as he had to compete with
other more established businesses. He needed to learn from other
silver entrepreneurs,while also looking for opportunities to enhance
his own silver business. His relationships with foreignstudents and
researchersduring his days at Gadjah Mada Universityin the 1980s
helped in establishing connections with silver companies abroad in
the United States, Australia, Singapore, and Europe. Through these
connections he began to do business with museums abroad that
ordered and purchased silver items from his shop.
Surprisingly,Paimans silver business expanded rapidly after the
1998 economic crisis. He survived so well primarilybecause of his
strong links with business counterparts in Jakarta and abroad. He
worked to maintain his overseas links well by regularlysendingupdates
promoting new designs. By having overseas customers,he earned U.S.
dollars whose value against the Indonesian rupiah increased sharply
after the 1998 economic crisis. Paimans success storyattracted the
attention of his fellow entrepreneurs in Kotagede. The media has
also taken an interest in his achievements and often asks him to
comment on the challenges and problems facing Kotagede. This has
led Paiman to become involved in the local movement to preserve
local cultural activities including the Living Museum project, of
which he is the treasurer.
Both Amiruddin and Paiman are members of Muhammadiyah and
are involved in many of its religiousand social activities.Through their
personal and public engagements with Muhammadiyah, theyhave also
been activelyinvolved in a number of local initiativesto maintainlocal
identity in Kotagede. Amiruddin uses his deep religiousand cultural
knowledge on Kotagede combined with his organizational link with
Muhammadiyah to find a way in which the spirit of tolerance and
the maintaining of local identity can be preserved in Kotagede. He
talks at various local gatherings such as pengajian and selamatanabout
266
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
the importance of the Kotagede community. Paiman, who belongs to

the younger generation in Kotagede, also uses his business skill and
knowledge to nurture the rich local knowledge in the silverindustry,
something that is a significantpart of the local identityof the people in
Kotagede. With his financial resources, Paiman is involvedin supporting pengajian and other local cultural activities. Both Amiruddin and
Paiman believe that the Muhammadiyah spirit of "amar ma'arufnahi
"
mungkar has inspired them to engage in local activitiesin Kotagede.
Both of them also believe that, given the fact that Kotagede has long
and rich Islamic and Javanese traditions, it can draw upon a range
of cultural, social, education, and economic resources to bring about
significantimprovements in the well-being of Kotagedeans.
Have things remained the same in Kotagede since 2005? I visited
Kotagede again in the middle of 2006 and witnessed the destruction
of this town by the earthquake that occurred on 27 May 2006. The
earthquake destroyed the market, many shops, and other businesses,
and also homes and religious buildings, leaving the local economy
struggling. Kotagede suffered like neighbouring districts, with
hundreds of people killed (KR, 28 May 2006). I talked to many
people about the impact of the earthquake in Kotagede, including to
Paiman. They told me that what is holding the local people together
is their religion and their spirit of gotong royong,meaning that the
Kotagedean community is using its own resources and helping each
other to rebuild their community.10 In a practical sense, neighbors
help each other voluntarily especially when it comes to cleaning up
the debris and to rebuilding houses. Beyond this individual effort,
Muhammadiyah and other social organizations in Kotagede have also
organized volunteers to help those affected by the earthquake. The
earthquake destroyed the local economy, which will require a few
years to get back to normal. Rebuilding historical houses and other
historical buildings will need government assistance because the local
community does not have sufficientfinancial resourcesin theirhands
to do this. However, the earthquake also strengthenedlocal solidarity
and a sense of local belonging, which will help a lot in the process
of rebuilding Kotegede.
inKotagede
LocalPolitics
andLocalIdentity
Muhammadiyah,
267
Historic
before
theearthquake
on 27 May2006(Photograph
housein Kotagede,
of
courtesy
Priyambudi
Sulistiyanto)
Concluding Remarks
In this article I have presented preliminary observations about
the role of Muhammadiyah and some local actors in maintaining
and preserving local identity in Kotagede. I have argued that the
coexistence of both Islamic and Javanese identities is very important
for the local people. I have explained that Muhammadiyah has long
been an important organization in Kotagede. Through its influence,
Islam in Kotagede is a religion that has been blended and localized.
Islam lives alongside Javanese traditions that have many followers
in Kotagede. The coexistence of Islamic and Javanese traditions is
accepted by the Kotagedean community, as something that enriches
their lives in ways that they maintain and nurture for the benefit
of the whole community. At the local political level, I have argued
that local politics has diversified in Kotagede in the post-Soeharto
period. Muhammadiyah has an impact on the way in which the
268
SULISTIYANTO
Priyambudi
local people cast their votes in Kotagede. As I have learned from

Amiruddin and Paiman, two active members of Muhammadiyah,
the Kotagedean community accepts both Islam and the Javanese
traditions. They believe that these traditions have lived together
in Kotagede in tolerance, allowing the local people to follow both
traditions and to practice their rituals without undermining each
other. I suggest that the case of Kotagede can be seen as an example
of how a local community can positively assert its local identity in
the decentralization era. I also think that there are several areas that
deserve furtherthought in researching this town. It is important to
examine the legacies of PKI in Kotagede especially since some of
its followers still live in the town. These legacies especially relate
to its involvement in the political and cultural life of Kotagede. It
is also important to gather more information about the Kotagede
branch of Muhammadiyah including the detailed profiles of its
leaders and members. This is important in order to understand
whether as an organization Muhammadiyah shapes or is shaped
by the local dynamics and the local people in Kotagede. My last
thought is to examine the impact of the 2006 earthquake on the
everyday life of Kotagede. Some things have changed drastically
since this town was hit by the earthquake and it is important to
examine the local knowledge and wisdom that contribute to the
resilience and unity of this community.
NOTES
on
1. An earlyversionof thisarticlewas presentedat the Centennial
Conference
CityStatesorganizedby theFacultyof Artsand Social Sciencesand theAsia
on 1-3
NationalUniversity
of Singapore,in Singapore,
ResearchInstitute,
August2005. I wouldliketo thankto the FacultyofArtsandSocialSciences
in Kotagede,
forproviding
a research
grantwhichenabledme to do fieldwork
CentralJava,Indonesiatwicein June-July2005 and in December2005, and
forhostingme to revisethisarticle.Special
to the Asia ResearchInstitute
Thanksalso
thankyouto Nyarwiwhohelpedme to gatherdata in Kotagede.
reviewers
on thispaperand to anonymous
to Lynand Rossiforcommenting
are mine.
All shortcomings
fortheircriticalcomments.
inKotagede
andLocalIdentity
LocalPolitics
Muhammadiyah,
269
wasbroughtspeciallyto Kotagede
a groupofartisans
2. In thelate19thcentury,
royalfamilyto producegoldand silveritemsfortheroyal
bytheYogyakarta
This groupwas knownas theKalangpeople.They grewveryrichin
family.
in Kotagede.
the1920sand becamethebackboneof thelocalsilverindustry
The largehousesownedby the Kalangpeopleare still aroundand can be
foundscattered
throughout
Kotagede.
3. Therewereabout 13,000 votesin the 1999 generalelections(see Zaidan,
2003: 44-45).
4. The mayorofYogjakarta
cityis an MP fromPAN and he is fromKotagede.
is a monthly
5. Artsan
meetingto discusslocal issuesand to shareinformation
or social
is a recreational
in Kotagede.Paguyuban
aboutwhatis happening
setup bythelocalpeople.It is a Javanesetradition.
Pengajianis
organization
whichtakesplace on a weeklybasis.Selamatanis a
a Quranicrecitalforum,
in different
fortheirinvolvement
forumthatthanksitsmembers
community
a birth,buildinga house, commemorating
functions
such as celebrating
someonewhojustdied,etc.
witha localNuU activist,
6. Interview
7 July2UU!>.
Yogjakarta,
withAmiruddin
7. Interview
(pseudonym),
Kotagede,10 July2005.
8. Interview
witha localsilversmith,
withPaiman(pseudonym),
9. Interview
10. Gotong
meansmutually
helpingeach other.
royong
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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)

Muhammadiyah, Local Politics and Local Identity in Kotagede

This article is based on two research field trips I made to Kotagede,

debating the ramifications of the decentralization policies adopted

The history of Kotagede is an important subject for its people.

In the early 1970s, Japanese scholar Mitsuo Nakamura, in a

Muhammadiyahand Local Politics

The PK3 advocateddirectactionto overthrow

Muhammadiyah. As noted by Maulana (2001: 27-28), during

the decline of the Islamic-based political parties. Whereas in the

degree from Gadjah Mada University in Yogjakarta, he became a

the importance of the Kotagede community. Paiman, who belongs to

local people cast their votes in Kotagede. As I have learned from

Maulana,M. Jadul."The MovingEquilibrium:KulturJawa,Muhammadiyah,

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