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Universal history
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UNIVERSAL HISTORY
UNIVERSAL HISTORY
THE OLDEST HISTORICAL GROUP OF
NATIONS AND THE GREEKS
BY
LEOPOLD
VON
RANKE
EDITED BY
G.'W.
PROTHERO
NEW YORK
.""'^K,
President White
Library
_^_
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
No APOLOGY can
the latest
Even
no similar attempt
it
the
if
name
might be found
to present a connected
in the
English language.
describe the
and
way
to point out
The
first
in
is
of
instal-
in his
is
to
some
slight departures
from the
original.
the
F.
W.
Cornish,
for
Great care
has
form
the
been
in
taken
which
to
it
eventually appears.
represent
the
ideas
fidelity,
and
and even,
Whatever other
defects
may
occasion to complain.
be noted,
seldom have
EDITOR
VI
PREFACE.
in
two
parti-
culars,
of the notes.
in the Bible, I
in
In Greek
were
ordinary use
in
till
our
own
me,
have preferred,
in
deference to modern
is
very
difficult, if
however, that
in
names
work of
kind
this
is
it
it
and
Believing,
well to avoid so
racy,
sound
is
philological accu-
rules.
word
is
completely disguised by
easy and on every
it is
have accord-
in these cases
able.
be called
is
corresponding English
it
not so indispens-
wherever
is
letter,
occurs,
for the
I
Greek K.
to
the Greek
Kimon, but
Critias
and
Thus,
Pericles.
The
EDITORS PREFACE.
Vll
The
sibilation
is
false
an idea of
Secondly,
Nikaea, ./Egaean.
thinking
it
is
it
have gener-
Phalerum, not
in this respect.
its details,
and edited
for
an
first
references
to
have thought
it
ancient writers in
support or illustration of
of chronology.
accepted facts
in
Biblical or
modern
authors.
Greek
history, while
Ranke acknowledges
keeping
his obligations
full.
The
German
an
who wish
to
it
in
the
which occur in the text, have been given as they stand in the
English Authorised Version, and therefore
differ slightly
here
to this volume,
and
vm
EDITORS PREFACE.
ance,
my
obligations to
my
wife.
In conclusion,
German
it
edition, already
century of our
era,
The
down to
own
day, and
when
finished
It
it
will
it
be continued.
G.
W. PROTHERO.
PREFACE.
History cannot
writing,
which
is
The
earth had
arisen
History
is
historian
limited
unknown.
still
by the means
a com-
become habitable
is
at her
civilisation
had
The province
command, and
of
the
From
this
primeval world
it
still
were, of History.
we
monuments of
pass to the
excited the admiration and defied the intelligence of successive generations, but
we have
In our
own day
monarchs of
their
day caused
their deeds to
be inscribed.
PREFACE.
Archaeological investigation
is
new
fact
brought to light
is
become almost
the
identical conceptions.
These monuments of
the
past
relics,
unfortu-
Around
lifetime.
learning as minute as
it is
itself
Lastly, a
upon
all
who
as
studies.
its
come
intelligible
domain
is
is
boundless.
Universal History, as
make a
The
i-e-
character
search.
to
scientific synopsis
scientific
all
we understand
As
PREFACE.
XI
Through
civilisation.
it
the
title
of a
'
Universal
different
History,'
which,
to
latter
was impossible
it
of individual
a display
to remain
nations.
nection of things
of national
scale,
industry.
is
not what
histories,
we mean
for in such a
liable to
is
similar
collection
by Universal History,
of
be obscured.
To
recognise this
all
the
task
nations
together
and
takes.
control
their
Universal
destinies,
is
History under-
exists a glance
is
enough
to
show.
The
first
we
secrets
its
development
is
the
is
forthcoming.
Its
and
society.
political
life,
From time
with
all
that
embraces both
fundamental
is
in
re-
law and
all
movement
be regarded
in
civilisation
is
has sprung.
of Universal History.
The
in that
the
nations can
of the mutual
XU
PREFACE.
action
their
appearance
their successive
gressive community.
name we choose
it,
To
development.
to
the range of
forecast
its
its
The
results.
is
fruit-
infinite
which
tion
in
each of them
rate peculiarities
whom
it
comes
their original
it
These
in contact.
justification
peculiarities, again,
have
vitality.
But
historical
rest
It arises also
on the tendency
from impulses of a
engaged
in conflict with
soil
conflict, affecting as
it
does
all
It is
the
in
domain of
for
resist
culture, that
In their unceasing
by
same
Universal
History would
and speculation
if
it
ground alone.
this
time
and through
little
can
it
afford to clin? to
The
history
life,
a general
historical
PREFACE.
Xlll_
In the conflict
same
aroused, for
is
themselves alone.
much
passed.
We
any
life
more prominent
rate the
nations.
may on no
it
is
only the
the
title
of history at
all.
Critical
it
less
now
was not
necessary to
to
human
the
material and
make
still
more
heritage,
race has
won
social
in its religious
for
came
to the con-
We
itself
the attempt.
My
it
Such
point of view
a sort of heirloom in
advance which
development.
it
One
and
art,
XIV
PREFACE.
under which they were produced, yet represent what is common to all mankind. With this possession are inseparably
on
this tradition
to another,
and
it
One
may
institutions,
generation hands
me
and
This
is
the
CONTENTS.
THE OLDEST HISTORICAL GROUP OF NATIONS
AND THE GREEKS.
I.
29
III.
61
IV.
II.
V.
VI.
ANCIENT HELLAS
THE ENCOUNTER
BETWEEN
PERSIAN EMPIRE
Vn
THE
AND
.......
GREEKS
ITS
THE
155
LEADERS
196
Kimon
196
1.
2.
The Administration
3.
230
4.
Alkibiades
244
5.
.....
.......
of Pericles
End
of the Peloponnesian
War
211
267
ANCIENT EGYPT.
vanquished the
latter in its
own home.
two
religions
all
itself in
From
the very
first this
reli-
Egypt.
The Egyptian
we
lack
the
means of
investigating.
an epoch which
In inquiring into
its
upon the
is
land near
its
called Egypt.
by
Everything
rests
capable of cultivation, and by its alluvial deposits has gradually converted the bay into which it originally fell into
one of
the richest plains in the world.
RELIGION.
that there
it,
fertilised
partially
They
occur,
But, isolated
it
is
may be
established which,
publican forms.
gathered in
cities,
assumes
re-
dependent
different provinces,
nature.
To
Amon met
itself
with a refusal.
only through
its
ANCIENT EGYPT.
God
He
is riot,
'
summoned
he
;
his
There
course.
m
are,
however, opposing elements which exert themselves to disturb the order introduced into the universe by the deity.
The deity is further identified with the Nile, the chief sup-
life,
no
less
who
is
by the gods.
Religious
The Egyptians,
in
this
and so
so scientific
rivalling
in relation to
it
world followed
within the
suit,
and
Roman
adopted
empire.
their
The
it
was
in universal use.
the calendar
may
established by God, he is
himself of the lineage of God, and returns to God when he
dies.
Never were there rulers who made it more their con-
MONARCHY.
They stand
solitude.
The
all
In spite of
all
we
have, as one of
the
at length
sepulchral
It is
how
great
monument
tions of the
to be erected.
by trap doors of
entirely carved out of the rock, with the exception of the roof,
granite outside.
In the very
found the sarcophagus, which in the
without any inscription. The name of
is
is
was given
The amount
in
an inscription on a slab of
is as remark-
of force employed
These
and this alone. Tradition
agreed whether they were erected in complete
was
not
ANCIENT EGYPT.
them ; the
the Egyptian gods or in defiance of
the gods,
of
of the builders are called arrogant enemies
nation
by
builder their servant and the friend of the
harmony with
first
the last
whom
we
names
to
We
which
is
made
significant
or,
We are
as it also appears on the monuments, Nitagrit.
Herodotus
was
told,
which
legend
heroic
familiar with the
was exalted to be queen by the magnates
of the land, who had slain her husband and how she avenged
his murder upon them, inviting those implicated in the crime
into a subterranean hall, into which she brought a canal from
But this action made
the river, so that they were destroyed.
how
that Nitocris
life
Egyptian kings
do not venture to
fix
else
a time
its
train.
to bring the most intricate complicaYet the unity of Egypt was maintained.
fail
series,
'
I must not be misunderstood.
I yield to none in my admiration for the
industry and attention which antiquaries have devoted to the chronological
order
of the kings ; but it can form no part of my design to follow them
into these
regions.
THE PYRAMIDS.
hydraulic engineering the aim of which exactly includes and expresses the principle which gives the land of the Nile
unity-
its
Herodotus had seen and admired the Lake Moeris the name
of the King Moeris, to whom he attributed it, rests upon a
misconception. But the work, magnificent in its very ruins,
still exists.
It is not a natural lake, but an excavated reservoir, with enormous dykes about fifty feet in width, and it was
;
designed,
when
them
for times
when
was
of the constructor,
In the water
which perpetuated the
its fertility.
memory
in
Amenemhat
III
for to regulate
It
in close
expressly on account of
it,
if
not
it
of the kings.
Much
instruction
may
we
discover the
names
sepulchral chambers,
for a
indi-
Chnumhotep
own
him by the
waters, fields,
king,
extend
in heroic
In the water
It is
We
we can
and
fish
on the bank
distinguish an ichneumon,
I,epsius
Cf. Lepsius,
ANCIENT EGYPT.
other side
is
we
see
him holding
in his
Still
They belong,
spear.
Amu.
day
in
as the
inscription says, to
the tribe
cession four
tall
spicuous place
and carefully dressed women occupy a contheir luxuriant hair falls over their shoulders,
appear to be
allies offering
There
homage
is
We
see clearly
tative forms
how
reproducing
are,
life in
imi-
in
PANTHEISM.
advanced
kind.
Colossal
Memnon
to
which
It is
dawn of
artistic
life in
his ram's
those
who
are offering
their hands.
It
is
him
which are named beside him have yet the same attributes
These attributes imply that they owe their existence
only to themselves and are the rulers of the world. The
godhead, which, as we have already mentioned, would not
reveal itself in its own form, appears also with the head of a
falcon, and even in the form of a beetle, and in a thousand
other shapes. The animal-worship of the Egyptians rests
upon a presumption that the deity is in the habit of assuming certain animal forms. This did indeed degenerate into
a brutish idolatry, but it was never forgotten that all was
symbolical, and worship was always given to the god conThe Egyptian conceptions
cealed under an external form.
may, in spite of instances of degeneracy, always be styled a
religion, and form a pantheism embracing the whole phenomenal world and recurring even in man. Life was not
as his.
ended
in
source.
himself from
local
associations.
The
soul of the
show
its
pure
is
individuality,
is
worthy of
political
mentioned says
in
praise of
King Amenemhat
II
that he
'
ANCIENT EGYPT.
lO
one town
of
has quelled an insurrection, 'taken possession
town and its
each
after another, gathered information about
boundary
their
up
territories as far as the next town, set
inscripsame
the
In
stones and assessed their tributes.'
hereditary
the
as
tion nothing is so strongly emphasised
My
and princes of the districts.
possession
of
the
to
succeeded
mother,' says Chnumhotep,
'
'
is,
of the dead,
'
'
and
their homes,
He
the
year
of the
feast
of the
new
year,
fea.st
of
year, as well as a
whole
which
re-
They were
still.
'
tribes of
work abounding
in
THUTMOSIS
I.
I I
tions they
whom
of
turies
Hyksos has
the
that
The
adored.
From
was no
struggle
religious than
less
we
a fragmentary papyrus
gather
political.
a message
that
and that the latter declared he could not permit any other
god to be worshipped in the land save Amon Ra. Out of
this twofold opposition arose a war, through which Egypt
gradually relieved herself from an oppressive and alien
rule.
Taken by itself, this event was not one of universal importEgypt simply resumed her former condition. But
ance
to national
They had now but one king, who was entitled King of the Upper and Lower Country.
They had
everywhere expelled the enemy. They now entered into
commercial relations with the Arabians. They felt themconsciousness.
selves powerful in
arms and
Hence
it
in the
Something
places
like this
tries
previously
It
'
to
wash
usual success.
it,
his heart.'
times and
was attended with unall
unknown
to
her,
influence
history.
Thutmosis
and
its
revolutions
belongs to that
long-continued
in
the
brilliant
world's
series
of
ANCIENT EGYPT.
12
His
Pharaohs which is reckoned as the eighteenth dynasty.
under
expeditions were especially directed against Ruten,
Syria.
and
Palestine
understand
which name we are to
The
progress of the
movement
Thutmosis
resumed in
obscure regions is
the elder son of Thutmosis
the thread
is
II,
his
documentary evidence in
It was made to Punt,
the land of balm, the land from which the Egyptians derived
their origin, and which now submitted to the double crown.
The vessels returned laden with rich and rare products from
first
is
that region.
This information
is
The
stone nar-
be
rejected.
accordingly the
first
To
undertaking preceded
by many
centuries
south,
Her
the voyages of
the
re-
was enabled to
enter upon a great struggle, the most important of all that
Egypt had to undergo. This was the war with the Retennu,
as the Egyptians called the Semitic nations to the east and
We
may be permitted to repeat the accounts which are found in the inscriptions, coloured though
they are by partiality. The first maritime expedition finds
its counterpart in the first systematic war by land which
north of Egypt.
gives us a
THUTMOSIS
III.
13
They
protecting him.
field,
and even
that
is, life,
which had as
forfeited
contain
it
were been
The monuments
said,
had
now
list
carried away.
Amongst
as
it
is
The
character of
Jerome identifies the Campus Megiddo with the Campus Magnus Legionis
Onomasticum urbium et locorum S. Scripturae,' in Ugolini, Thesaurus Antig.
Campus Magnus alio nomine in scriptura etiam dictus campus
Sacrar. vol. v. p. ex.
Legio, however, an old Roman locality,
Esdrelon sive campus Megiddo ').
appears in the later name, El-Ledjfln, as Reland has already demonstrated
(' Palaestina e monumentis veteribus illustrata,' in Ugolini, Thesaurus, &c. vol. v.
"
('
'
p.
dcccxxxiv).
ANCIENT EGYPT.
14
away
carried
three
name
of Amenemhotep
II (son of
The preponderance
established
say the
latter,
'
whole earth
no enemy
in
'
Grant
all telling
thy time.
The
rests in peace.'
interrupted.
is
Beyond
It
of balance between
is
SETHOS
but otherwise independent.
15
1,
Sethos
is
Canaan.
which we encounter again in
Schasu and the Phoenician peoples who, though not united
among themselves, are in alliance with them, are conquered.
Then Sethos turns his arms against Kadesh. The inscriptions
describe him not only as very brave and eager for the fight,
His joy is to take up the fight,
but even as bloodthirsty..
and his bliss is to rush into the battle. His heart is only
appeased at the sight of the streams of blood, when he smites
down the heads of his enemies.' His two-horse chariot was
called
Great in Victory.' He directs his march against
Kadesh, where he finds the herds of cattle grazing before the
After
gates the town cannot resist his unexpected attack.
this he is for the first time forced to fight a pitched battle.
The Cheta, a beardless, bright-complexioned people, make a
into the district of
'
'
conquered.
like
Thou
'
Men
live
of thee.'
we
Lebanon
Thebes, and likewise for the lofty masts set up by King Seti
at the
temple of
boast that
'
Amon
he has
in the
same
city.
The
inscriptions
beginning of the
and at the furthest borders of the riverland Nahawhich is encompassed by the Great Sea.'
On his
world,
rain,
pomp and
'
May
is
thy borders.'
Cheta,
Amon.
'
The
The
spoil
ANCIENT EGYPT.
handmaids
which knew not Egypt appear as servants and
the god Amon.
of
'
As
express
is
open rebellion.
was compelled in
Rameses
in
II
dead,
we
the Egyptians
or, as
find the
conquered nations
we are told,
who had crossed a
insufficient information
ceived,
They surround
and
left
j'et
me
was
alone, for
my
Then
in the lurch.
warriors and
did the
my
charioteers had
King of Cheta
turn his
more circumstantial
pass over, since
it
is
the heroic
According
to this
poem
the King
tris).
'
RAMESES
17
II.
of Cheta
of march.
portion
of the
Egyptian troops is already defeated. The king, who thereupon throws himself into the fight in another direction, sees
Where
himself encompassed by 2,500 two-horse chariots.
he exclaims in his distress.
art thou, my father Amon
'
.''
'
The god
is
reminded of
all
It
is I,
in
Yea,
am worth more
I am the lord
one place.
Woe
The enemy exclaims, Yonder is no man
He who is amongst us is Sutech. The glorious Baal
woe
The king, however, blames the cowardice
is in all his limbs.'
their rear.
'
was alone
fighting them,
and have
'
'
'
peace.
;
thou
art Sutech the glorious, the son of Nut, Baal in his time.
Because thou art the son of Amon, out of whose loins thou
hast sprung, Jie hath altogether given the nations over unto
The people of Egypt and the people of Cheta shall
thee.
%<
By
ANCIENT EGYPT.
the king
leaders of his army, the charioteers and body-guard,
by the
received
is
accedes to this prayer. On his return he
May the
god Amon himself with ardent congratulations.
many,
infinitely
gods grant thee jubilees every thirty years,
father
Turn,
even for ever and ever upon the throne of thy
and may all lands be under thy feet.'
In the compact then concluded the King of Cheta appears
no longer, as in the notices of the war itself, as the miserable,'
'
'
but as the
'
Not only
great king.'
is
The compact
is
at the
among them.
commandments contained
The men,
'
He who
as
shall
in the silver
it
were,
observe
table of the
gods of the land of Egypt shall surely give him his reward
and maintain his life for him and for his servants, and for
them who are with him and his servants.'
If the monuments up to this point have presented to us
nothing but barren lists of names, it seems indisputable that
here they set before our eyes a genuine fragment of ancient
Egyptian history in its connection with Canaan. The narra;
tive
is
with religious
and poetic
ideas,
but
it
contains
facts;
We
part.
Until
known
We
RAMESES
latter is to
19
11.
kings, such as
thians,
an attempt
failed.
epoch.
Baal, however,
The
religion of
first
be a colony of Egyptians.
It
in
Babylon and
in
Egypt, renders
ANCIENT EGYPT.
20
Amongst
easy the observation of the heavenly bodies.
results
elsewhere
which
advantages it removes the difficulty
water,
the
the
upon
from the pressure of the atmosphere
other
To
time.
this is
is
employed
in the
measurement
of
many
and measures. The duodecimal system in liquid measures, which is found elsewhere,
appears to be derived from the Babylonians. The division
of day and night into twelve hours is to be traced, according
of daily
to
all
life,
especially in weights
had two
The
religion of Baal
Baal is the sun, Astarte the moon, and the planets combine
with these two to form a single system. It is indisputable
that all this is closely dependent on the observation of the
heavenly bodies, and contains a principle of a cosmogonic if
not of a theogonic character.
The powers
terrestrial
however,
is
made between
all.
distinc-
Thus the
superstition
the Phoenicians
of
BAAL-WORSHIP.
With
however, the popular conceptions have veryThese religions were at the same time idolatries,
and such is the form they assume to the outer world. It may
no doubt be true that Baal was not thought of without reference to a Supreme Being presiding over all things.
It is
little
this,
to do.
possible too that the circle of the stars signifies their rotation,
which
may have
itself
come
Baal,
priests
worship of the
Baal
as such, formidable
is
at the
and de-
him.
offered
Thus the
in the
into prominence.
But
Moloch,
requires
ment, creatures
who
victims in the
still
first
name
human
There can be no doubt that in the expresto pass through the fire to Moloch
is implied the
beings included.
sion
'
'
is
we
are
is
things.
Nevertheless this does not alter the fact that the wor-
ship of
Moloch degenerated
it, and
never allowed the
and mastery over his own fate to
develop itself
Learned investigations render it doubtful
whether Astarte, the goddess who is seen with her spear in
her hand and with the attribute of her star, is to be identified
with those^ deities whose rites were celebrated amidst sexual
excesses
whether the Venus Urania who is associated with
the cultus of Astarte was an entirely sensual divinity, an
opinion which the balance of evidence supports, or in reality
quite exempt from such taint.
Even in Babylon, and still
more at Ascalon, the worship of the gods was combined with
customs revolting to every feeling of morality, and deeply
The frenzied and
degrading to the nature of woman.
this
conception of the
service
pos-
which
ANCIENT EGYPT.
22
is
that
it
The
The
is
not merely a
JEHOVAH,
23
equal.
man
is
earth.
This
is
air,
and
all
beasts which
is
The
creation
is
dominant
in the world.
which gives to
beyond doubt an in-
It is this opposition
its
principal
value.
the
by purchase,
for a sepulchre.
Abraham
receives, as
He
ANCIENT EGYPT.
24
Canaan, before
it
recognised.
and, like
Abraham
tribes of
himself, a shepherd-
Though dwelling
in the
among the
With
intruders.
sents
native inhabitants of
this,
however,
is
associated another
trait,
Abraham gives
God, who has
given
Abraham
the victory.
even
Abraham
is
tempted
to
give in his adherence to this system of worship, and, as a necessary consequence, to sacrifice his son.
as to prepare to conform to this uSage,
God
The
prevents
He
when
has gone so
far
ABRAHAM.
25
to a high station.
lin
the
Egyptian
to
The whole
inscriptions.
tribe
found a
and
its
his sons
they could
call
it
After a long
flocks.
all
all
who
its
authority.
It
was
of Israel.
ject
were related to
EuseSinai.
on
his own, and pastured with them
and
desert,
in
the
bius says that he meditated philosophy
expeman
many have felt that wonderful exaltation which
riences when he finds himself in a wild and lonely region
in the
tribes
his flocks
receives the
'
am
that
phantom
to
in the
sublime words,
ANCIENT EGYPT.
26
God
their
was
in
in
refused,
and
host
He
The permission
The hymn of praise
Him.
'
is
his
are
his
God who
says of Himself,
'
The whole
earth
is
mine,' pur-
and
to
fashion
it
into a
kingdom of
From
priests.
The
>
Robinson's Palestine, i. 143. In Ebers, Durch Cosen zum Sinai,
p. 389 ff.,
the reader will find that several other hypotheses
have been formed as to the
locality of the giving of (he Law.
I give the preference to that of the enterprising
American, whose sober judgment is unbiassed by preconceived
opinions
MOSES.
27
make unto
of anything that
beneath, or that
not
bow down
in
is
the earth
is in
is in
thou shalt
would be
more sharply the contrast with Egypt,
where the worship of numerous deities prevailed, each of
which was nevertheless intended to be an image of divine
It
impossible to express
power.
which
it
accident in the
mode
of
its
all
conception.
made between
sabbath, which
religion,
no
was substituted
civil institutions.
for the
is
distinction could be
innumerable
The
festivals
ing
is
by the simplest
attached to the
civil
commandment
while
life
enactments.
to
life.
A bless-
honour parents as
Marriage is held
inviolable.
life
constitution
is
security for
life
and property.
The Mosaic
polity involves
marked.
No more noble
inauguration of the
first
principles of
ANCIENT EGYPT.
28
Egypt
in human society could have been conceived.
receives additional importance from the fact that her tyranny
conduct
developed
in the
human
No
in
The
words, in
monotheism.
society which
is
On
alien to every
this
first
solid foundation
nature worship
principle
is
abuse of power.
in
built a
for
other
civil
29
CHAPTER
II.
We
ISRAEL.
ing side
by
side
the
local religion of
and the
the
Egyptians, the
intellectual
Godhead
of Jehovah.
nised
to
regret
Egypt
It
was
his
achievement
from Egypt,
developed after a series of years, long indeed, but not too long
for such a result, into a genuine military power, well inured
Israelites
Pharaohs,
who
failed,
In the
endeavour to picture to ourselves this struggle we are embarrassed rather than aided by the religious colouring of
the
narrative.
the
Creator of the
world,
ISRAEL.
THE TRIBES OF
30
of Jehovah. The
is represented as the war
seer on the
aged
The
miracles.
with
interwoven
tradition is
bless Israel,
to
will,
his
against
compelled,
is
enemy's side
instead of cursing him the Israelites cross the Jordan dry-
war
of the Israelites
shod
fall
dis-
that
des-
tined for Jehovah has been kept back and buried by one who
has broken his oath. The crime is terribly avenged upon
the culprit and his whole house, and thereupon one victory
the host.
Himself,
effaced.
Besides
purely
business
to
it is
which the
to explain events
that the
the
its
human
Book
It is
of the land
condition
historical
by human
inquirer,
motives,
is
especially to be noticed
of Canaan as depicted
ments respecting
it
the
in
whose
bound
Egyptian
inscriptions.
in
state-
The
tribes,
neces-
who, though formerly unable to maintain his posiamongst them, now returned in a later generation to
Israel,
tion
had developed
warriors,
into a brave
united and
The
Israelitish
tribes
of
CONQUEST OF MOAB.
strong
The immediate
Moses
in the division
the latter of
whom
claimed a nearer
relationship to
tribal
Hebrews than the former. The Amorite domain consisted of the two petty kingdoms of Heshbon and Bashan.
In the language of an ancient lyric poem, fire had gone
forth from Heshbon and had wasted Moab
in other words,
Moab had been embroiled in a war with the Amorites, in
which he had been defeated. In this contest Moses interThe King of Heshbon, who marched with his whole
fered.
people to encounter him, suffered a defeat.
Og, King of
Bashan, bestirred himself too late he also was conquered.
the
'
'
tradition
forces
found
in
owed
slings.
their
The
superiority
victory
over their
was followed
THE TRIBES OF
32
inspires
ISRAEL.
undertaking
they shall
It is
obtain
possession
But
it
was not
his
it
It was,
The
Israelites
as the Egypless
mercy.
rear,
CONQUEST OF CANAAN.
33
were inflamed with hatred against the apostates. Sumto their assistance, Joshua advanced by night, and
defeated by a sudden and unexpected attack the main army
rest
moned
of his antagonists.
The
princes
who
'
houghed.
to die to
make room
According to
this
is
decided by two
sudden attacks, one near Gibeon upon the five kings who
had risen to chastise the Gibeonites, the other near Lake
Merom upon the inhabitants who combined to expel Israel
from the country.
In
passage of the
river,
THE
34
-TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
direction
in
in one
another, both
we have
series
The
shipwreck.
suffered
confederation of Canaanitish,
or,
tribes,
The
however, cannot be regarded as acting designedly
in
upon a' portion from which the whole country could be.
subdued and this is the purport of those deep and mysterious words which he is represented as having spoken
before he died.
The partition of the country among the
Israelites was carried out after the victories of Joshua.
Although made by lot, it has an oracular character, as made
before the ark of the covenant at Shiloh.
It cannot be
regarded as a complete occupation. The localities which
the separate tribes occupy are, so to speak, military positions, taken up with the view of carrying out and completing
the conquest according to the scheme laid down beforehand.
The march of the tribes was at the same time arranged
on military principles. The tribe of Levi was near the tabernacle, in the centre
the others were ranged according to
the points of the compass, Judah towards the east, Reuben
;
On
first
Dan
towards
preceded, the
rest
PARTITION OF CANAAN.
followed the
tabernacle,
a single caste,
all
Upon
all
It
alike warriors
had no precedence.
35
by the
ruins of
its
site
buildings.'
of which
The ark
is still
recog-
of the covenant
was
at first entrusted
remained Canaanite.
'
cially
of Dan,
the
hill
not venture.
'
Now
To
iii.
commanded by
extent (Robinson,
is
Seilun, separated
and, although
it
304).
THE TRIBES OF
36
ISRAEL.
Asher extending
of Issachar and Naphtali, with Zebulon and
of Naphtah it is
But
along the western bank of the Jordan.
had two
Zebulon
said, He dwelt, among the Canaanites.'
province
The
of
Canaanitish towns, within its territories.
'
The
Israelites at first
with the conquistas of the Spaniards on the Pyrenean peninsula, isolated districts destined to
future
conquest.
them
conquered
A powerful
by
Israel,
prince
the
made
districts
his
some
time.
five cities,
On
latter.
occupied by the
the sea-coast
districts
we
and populations
for
its
own
Israelites
'
THE JUDGES.
2,^
had
petuated,
and was
dangerous
Against
it
rival
often, as the
to the
them firm
Israel
professed.
a term explained to
leaders
who kept
mean
'
champions of national
right.'
Book of Judges,
among them are portrayed
clearly
marked lineaments.
We
by
raised
foreign
At one time
powers.
whose
princes
bondage
at another,
ties
Then
come forward
traditional
its
account, always
by
women,
force or stratagem.
The
never refuses
perfectly honest,
by actions which
Sometimes we have men
imperilled
by piercing
his temples.
We
employ any
existence and
nationality, ready to
its
religion.
The
decided in the
same
violent spirit.
tribe.
The whole
and
nation
is
chastised
rises.
strife,
by the
Whilst race
ruin of
is
thus
con-
ISRAEL.
THE TRIBES OF
38
The
spicuous.
of these
first
is
Deborah,
inhabitants
that
until
I,
At
Israel.'
her
gathered together on
tribes
the Israelites
The song
Praise ye the
Lord
for
Another no
of Manasseh.
first
It is a
the
rank.
The
when
grand mystic
Gideon, of the
tribe
east
its
At the
Of the
sound
whole
enemy
into confusion
and causes
his rout.
Upon
this the
who
sooner
are
displeased
they seize
all
that
summoned
once more smite
the Midianites at the rock Oreb, and slay their leaders, Oreb
and Zeeb. Gideon crosses the Jordan, and takes prisoner
'
THE JUDGES.
39"
nicious
and
offer
his posterity.
'
cunning.
The name
of the woman
Delilah,
signifies
traitress.
are concentrated.
many
'
In substance
it
may
consecrated to God.
situation
were compelled
the covenant,
to
who
laid violent
it,
40
if
ever,
and
religious spirit
in
God even
who
recalled
He
them
to the con-
removing the
emblems of Baal and Astarte from the heights and in paving
The struggle which
the way for renewed faith in Jehovah.
now began was preceded by fasts and religious services. The
Israelites succeeded so far as to be able to raise a trophy
sciousness of religious feeling.
succeeded
in
at
base of operations
Gilgal,
the
in
conquest.
still
for the
in the hands
of the enemy, and this they could not hope to recover under
the leadership of the prophet.
It
ployed by
all
their neighbours.
They demanded
a king
King over His people. The neighbouring kings were for the most part tribal chieftains, who
boasted a divine origin an idea which could find no place in
that Jehovah should be
Israel.
In particular it was
difficult to
determine the
relations
between the prophet, through whom the Divine Will was especially revealed, and the king, to whom an independent authority over all, without exception, must of necessity be conceded.
How much
importance was attached to this event is clear from the reprewho here exaggerates the miraculous element which he
elsewhere strives to minimise.
According to him (Anliqiiit. vi. 2, 2) Jehovah
encounters the enemy with an earthquake, so that he does not know where to
set his foot, and then with thunder and lightning, which complete
his confusion.
'
sentation of Josephus,
It is
Josephus himself.
THE MONARCHY.
is one of the highest importance as affectingembodiments of monarchical power in later times. The
spontaneous action of a free community and the will of God
as proclaimed by the prophet were now to be associated with
a third and independent factor, a royal power which could
claim no hereditary title.
The Israelites demanded a king,
not only to go before them and fight their battles, but also to
judge them. They no longer looked for their preservation to
the occasional efforts of the prophetic order and the ephemeral
existence of heroic leaders.
On the other hand, it was doubtThe
ful what prerogatives should be assigned to a king.
argument by which Samuel, as the narrative records, seeks
This question
all
whether
service,
employing
in
their sons
is
vyill
life
and daughters
in his
taking the best part of the land for himself, and regarding
as his
bondsmen.
may be
that
all
upon
their
own
lost
Mosaic constitution.
is
people
who
selects
new
He
dignity in Israel.
insist
Neverthe-
less
to enjoy the
all
life
it
is
man who
he
is
retire,
that he
might declare to him the word of God, and pours the vial
of oil upon his head with the words, Behold, Jehovah hath
anointed thee to be captain over His inheritance.' The language is remarkable, as implying that the property of Jehovah
'
Him.
His people
is
reserved to
It
actual
is
at the
ISRAEL.
THE TRIBES OF
42
Many
the proceeding had but a doubtful result.
family
of the
smallest
the
from
sprung
man
young
despised a
them
no
give
real
could
who
one
as
Israel,
tribe
of
smallest
At
first
In order to
assistance.
make
It
was clear
that, if
no one
condition.
by the prophet
was engaged, as
when he
learnt the
The
of
pressive
truth.
sends the portions to the twelve tribes with the threat, Who'
We
ent danger
is
not in
itself
shall
to be supported
the
new
ruler
Jehovah
is
in the old
camp
at Gilgal,
who
are found in
is
it
down
A
we
good
fortune,
new and
recognise not so
much
in
which
The
earlier
43
be preceded by the
sacrifice,
is
to
the
Philistines
he possesses the
prophet.
spirit
Amalek
asses.
The
than the
less
opposed the
Ammonites of kindred
latter
guidance of Jehovah.
of this opposition
some
is
The war
still
now
is
fresh in the
minds of the
to be punished
by complete
memory
Israelites,
annihila-
He
good and useful part of the plunder which has been obtained,
takes it with him on his homeward march. 'What meaneth,'
says Samuel, this bleating of the sheep in mine ears, and the
'
king.'
He hews
hear
in Gilgal.
From
that
own
day he sees
ment and not to destroy but to dispose of the booty, the prophet,
holding firmly
the
new
by the
THE
44
TRIBJiS
OF ISRAEL.
On
whom
to encounter,
in spite of his
the faithful, turns for aid to the powers of darkness and seeks
witchcraft.
Saul
is
the
first
any
service, or, in
with bows,
who
Philistines
were
'
men armed
the
the
DEATH OF SAUL.
Israelites
diiificult
first
45
and
In
from the
the
resulting
situation
fact
that
Philistines
against him,
spection
In
Jonathan
'
As
is
is
well
chapter of the
conspicuous
known
first
there
and the
is
first
in
at
it.
this point,
THE TRIBES OF
46
ISRAEL.
And
but in
Saul
The
conflict
his
the
Saul,
Ishbosheth
won
rely upon
who
con-
He had
place,
is
said
'the elders
principal motive
in
to
him,'
Their
and
thus
ACCESSION OF DAVID.
47
This seat
as Jebus.
is
Jerusalem
ant of David's
achievements.
It
of
sion in
fortress
fiercely assaulted
became
them.
their
The
rustling in
Gaza.
The
Philistine idols
fell
his
own
frontiers as far as
It was the
and expeditions who
obtained for
was
firm,
Of any
part taken
by the
knows nothing.
David
him.self offered
the
'
THE
48
TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
threatens
judgments
whom
fore-ordained successor
The
Philistines
had
hitherto been
Israelites
One
prowess
their
characteristic.
The Egyptians
in
a hand
to
had
it.
These men
lions.
Thus grew up
WARS OF DAVID.
This race, as soon as
it
fear
49
itself into
its
its
We
recognise the
David when we read that he declined to refresh himself with a draught of water, which his mightymen had fetched him at great personal risk from a well, but
disposition of
poured
it
but
it
was no
Ammon
and
their
fire.
Mean-
and jewelled
crown of Ammon upon his own head. He was not disposed to incur the guilt of compassion, in showing which
Saul had disobeyed the prophet and brought on his own
ruin.
Perhaps the most marked distinction between Saul
and David is, that whilst Saul endeavoured to sever himself
from the
strict rules
first
conquest.
Thus
in
It is
revolution
confederation of tribes,
tuary, disconnected
to
nations.
quietly
who
50
the earliest times
by Damascus, an
oasis
which the
skill of
It was
its inhabitants had converted into a kind of paradise.
Western
Asia, where
a central point for the caravan traffic of
traffic to the
furthest
religious
interest as
that drew
him
in
this direction.
gain a
commanding
position in
Damascus may
At
be
Israel.
it
Damascus.
bring a considerable
juncture
force
into
the
The
field.
From
he experienced much
own kingdom
him first arose.
within his
sition to
hostility.
Nevertheless
his
inevitr
it
was
nation
ABSALOM.
o create an empire
by conquest.
tribes.
judge to
whom
to
own
their
refer
disputes.
Now,
!iowever,
Dlished.
The Gibborim
and
:he
ilso
-unners
indicate that
;ommands
:omplaints,
for
their
which those
responsible.
not
was
it
The
carried out.
come over
to David's
side
until
some time
forgotten their
who
did
after the
own
king,
But the tribe of Judah also, upon whose support David's power rested, was displeased, so much so that
Absalom, the most influential of the king's sons, could
discontent.
sntertain the
if
and
of retiring
at length gathered
his
men
of war.
Absalom
THE TRIBES OF
52
occupied the
city,
ISRAEL.
and yielding to
evil
guidance
set
foot
within his father's harem, intending by this act an assumplet the opportion of the royal dignity on the other hand he
tunity slip of pursuing his father with the superior forces
;
it
had extensive
results in the
succeeding epoch.
was
at their head.
who thought
it their own
own
from
army,
destruction.
They valued him highly, and
wished to spare him his son, however, found no mercy
with them. To the deep grief of his father, Absalom was
slain by Joab.
The result, however, did but lead to new perplexities.
By this victory David became once more king
It was his own wish to conof the combined kingdom.
;
won
preference
they too
could
claim
share
in
of
at
the
ADONIJAH.
53
delivered
up
to
them
still
kingdom a centre
had
shown a bold front to the enemies of the country, and had
finally subdued a wealthy region beyond the scene of all
In short, the power which had given the
these complications.
prominence.
made
preparations to assure
The king
had connived at his taking several preliminary steps to this
end, and at length Adonijah invited his friends to a banquet
designed at the same time to inaugurate the succession.
He
had on his side the grandees of the realm, Joab, the commander-in-chief, and Abiathar, one of the two high priests,
the representative of the second line in the Aaronic succession,
that of Ithamar, which had displaced the elder branch.
He
was joined also by the king's other sons, with the exception
himself of the regal power in his father's lifetime.
captain, Benaiah,
of
Solomon.
lacked,
the
support of a prophet.
At an
earlier
period
54
him
into the
by
thi
thn
it
secured complete
<
follows.
'.
gular manner.
He
position to
full
its
commencement
extent.
of his
It
ACCESSION OF SOLOMON.
55
Aramaic
chieftain,
Solomon's opponents.
but
it is
Solomon
neighbours.
He
allied
by
marriage with
himself in
who even
resigned to
was
He
the
Pharaoh of the
last
him
several sta-
in
a position to
To him
also belongs,
it
would appear, the idea that King David himself, who had
mounted to power through war and bloodshed, was not to
build the
his son.
The
ISRAEL.
THE TRIBES OF
56
which the prophetic office had so largely conhad first to be won. The task of building the
Temple harmonised with the kingdom of peace which Solo-
victories to
tributed
mon
established.
The Temple
is
monument
of the com-
bination which was effected in Judah between the hereditarymonarchy and the religious idea. The huge blocks of stone
which Solomon brought from a distance to form a firm foundation are supposed to be still distinguishable. Timber was
obtained from the cedar forests, with the assistance of the
skilful artificers of Tyre.
In the Temple the principal component parts of the tabernacle namely, the holy place, or the
cella,
holies, the
sanctuary
reappeared, but
The holy
than the
cella.
presence of Jehovah.
holies,
pillars
like the
Two
obelisks
stately
before the
distinguished
priests
Many of the Israelites took part in the government, and the rest enjoyed peaceful days, each man under
population.
his
own
vine
and
fig
tree.
Solomon's administration of
In him are combined
all
ages,
his
REIGN OF SOLOMON.
57
when we
Queen of Sheba, a region of Arabia Felix,
distinguished by its rare products and its commercial prosperity, made a voyage to visit the King Solomon of
whom she had heard by universal report yet the story rests
upon historical evidence. She laid before him questions
which in her own mind pressed in vain for solution. Solomon was able to satisfy her on every point. Then she
was shown the splendid and decorous arrangements of his
court, and the sacrifices which he offered to his God.
She
exclaimed that, much as she had heard of Solomon, it was
but the half of that which she now saw with her own eyes.
She pronounced the people happy who possessed such a
king, and praised Jehovah for having chosen him to be king
sounds almost like an Eastern tale of later times
read that the
over Israel.
in the sober
was
which
the development of the religion of Jehovah had hitherto been
strictly confined.
His close alliance with neighbouring
rulers, his marriage with a daughter of the Pharaoh, were
incompatible with that religion. Moreover the harem which
national conceptions.
ill
lines to
but the
the
fire
ment
but
it
main-
principle
of hereditary
convictions
for the
The
THE TRIBES OF
58
man
tribe,
ISRAEL.
as his successor
for to
who belonged
to
only upon the condition that he did not walk after any other
gods.
This condition he did not fulful.
The tumultuary spirit which had been excited on the
decisive victories of
Upon
The
unexpect-
it
by which
in
they
encircled the
this
with the
building.
the acquiescence,
if
as
59
is,
rods of knotted
wound
wood
furnished with
'
'
his
The
ISRAEL.
THE TRIBES OF
6o
breach, however, which had manifested itself at Sychem remained unhealed. The leader of the insurrection, Jeroboam,
now came forward as king of the ten tribes. If the Israelites
own security.
High merit must be attributed
position but
its
imperilled their
to the
steps
They
itself to
we may
by which a people,
constitution,
if
assailed
on
all
sides,
form,
skill
changes
and
The
the
its
subjects
natural
dered, quite
may
see
intelligible.
its
the Papacy.
So
Emperor
confronting
two kings, the warlike and impetuous David, the wise and peaceful Solomon, are prototypes
for all succeeding centuries.
In Rehoboam and Jeroboam,
again, appears the feud between central power and proalso the
Yet these characters have not been devised as protothey wear every appearance of historical reality, and
are at once a delightful and a profitable study.
times.
types
6i
CHAPTER III.
TYRE AND ASSUR.
The
we recognise in the
Book of books makes the
nations
all
graphical
Samuel.
It
is
quite in
is
religious idea of
no trace of contempt
Judaism
for what
In one direction
probably through the sea voyages of the Egyptians, such as those which are depicted on the monuments.
In the other direction, through the voyages of the PhoeniIsraelites,
'
We
need
not
concern
(Dillmann,
Genesis, p.
extreme antiquity.
list
174).
Even
62
the Black Sea, of the islands of the Mediterranean, and perhaps also of Gaul and Spain, signified by Rodanim and
Tarshish
really
acquainted with
within these extreme limits.
all
They were
which from
early
times maritime
was the
settlements
were
esta-
Of all
blished.
these Sidon
oldest,
found.
COMMERCE.
gulf,
63
Gradually the
as smitten
by the
'
Rosellini,
Monumenti
political
power of Judah.
Amongst
be distinguished Mahanaim,
Eamah (Brugsch, Geschichte Mgypiens, p. 661
Jerusalem is not mentioned.
inscription
are
to
This
the towns
Yet the
named
in the
As
far as
can
be seen,
64
religion.
One of the most powerful of the kings over the ten tribes,
Ahab, the eighth in the series, whose date is about the year
900, had married Jezebel, the daughter of the Tyrian king
Ethbaal (Ithobaal), who had previously been priest of Astarte.
These were the days in which the rites of Tyre were spreading and establishing themselves through her commercial
colonies in
all
The daughter
of the king,
theophoreti, or priests
Before these
it
seemed as
if
way.
Ahab
temple to Baal
hundred
built a
priests
them a scanty
faithful
subsistence.
One
plain.
to flee,
he constantly
on
'
'
'
'
65
On
Elijah
was
He
victorious.
repaired a ruined altar of Jehovah, and fitted it for a sacriaround it he placed twelve stones, representing the
fice
;
called
the
literal
On
Kishon.
produced a
befallen
nothing remained for him but a new flight into the wilderness.
We
religion
find
him
in
Mount Horeb,
to the world.
Thence
ment of
hair
and leathern
girdle, passes
unassailable.
darkness
effects in
her person.
all its
pre-
66
lived.
to
and,
larger, she
window by
near.
torious
in
walls.
Jehu
drove
of
his challenge
At
prophets.
Elijah
vic-
triumphed
Joash,
who owed
up the boy
secretly
till
a descendant of that
mother
King Ahaziah,
in his
brought
name.
Jehoiada was
set
captains of the
claiming, Treason
treason
fled for refuge to the palace.
There at the door she was slain for in the sacred precincts
.they had been unwilling to lay hands upon her, remembering that she too was a king's daughter.
Later writers have
said that she had attempted the murder of the boy, and such
would undoubtedly have been the result had she remained in
'
'
power.
On
RISE OF ASSYRIA.
in
As
her stead.
priest
now
ruled
67
The temple
Judah.
in
gods
slain,
To
worship
Jehovah was
due.
If
impeded,
turn unreceived
religion, I affirm
as the statement
may
be, that
The
ancient
world had
many
a story to repeat of an
it
was
'
History discovers
cannot dwell.
the
in
instance not
first
of primitive
existing
organisation,
each with
side,
its
own
independently side by
The
peculiarities.
principal
fact
less
deciphered,
is
that
in
the epoch
ninth centuries
of tribes,
is
kingdom of
to be assigned
there were
in
Israel into
still
many
power of
Egypt, but
two groups
small inde-
securely established.
Wherever we look we
accumulated treasures.
fortified,
find
monarchical
national forces,
and
are of Semitic
68
origin.
great religious
manner
in a
came into prominence not one of these kingdoms achieved a decided preponderance of power. They
Until Assur
were
all
engaged
in
we
gap
in
universal
monuments
lately discovered
history which
antiquity
we
was always
still
lack,
it
fills
sensibly
is
up a
felt.
true, solid
and trustworthy information, and all our knowledge is fragmentary and uncertain but upon the period from the division of the Jewish kingdom till the rise of the Persians we
possess historical testimony of the most welcome description.
Never were there princes more ambitious to live to pos;
terity
The
pronounced upon all who should injure this record. Nevertheless they remained utterly forgotten for two thousand years,
till they were brought to light again by the science of Europe.
It is with keen interest that we undertake a recapitulation of
the contents of these inscriptions, as far as they are ascertained, always with the proviso that they await further study
ASSUR-NASIR-HABAL.
branch of the
human
69
first
to
make
of
inroads into Assur, but they are always defeated in the end,
and Assur still remains in the ascendant. Then follow compacts, marriage alliances, and after an interval fresh dissensions
It
in
the
first
Assyrian king
comes on the
scene.
He was
not
Then
which
follows a hazardous
is
to be found
rises.
separate chieftains.
many
of their people.
of a conqueror
who
He
He
takes
mountains, and
utmost
severity.
whom
'
70
God
the
He
of the Flood.'
erects
Mongolian Khans
of
dwell
beside
the Euphrates
the
We
here see exhibited the whole plan and progress of the war. The
enemy
pitched battle
first
succeeds in
is
indecisive.
federates
fall
The names
But
it is
all the movements and conbetween race and race which had hitherto affected the
in
the
principal
reaches the
localities.
Then he
crosses
Lebanon,
ASSUR-NASIR-HABAL.
a lasting connection
quest.
the retrograde
is to be connected with
advance of the Assyrians, extending to the Phoenician
towns. The divinities of Tyre could not be expected to
subdue Israel while they were experiencing a great loss of
'
this
prestige in their
own home.
B.C.,
of immeasurable importance
country
hill
ceeded
mountain
power
fringe of the
when
itself,
a superior
The
an event
is
in
was on the
first
of
situation
King David to our mind. If the Israelites had sucin keeping Damascus and concluding a close alliance
it
to drive
after
freeing
itself
ing resistance.
'
Assur-nasir-habal's date
we must make
it
is
fixed at 882-857.
its
To determine the
commencement
is
fixed
reign of Jehu
98 years
after
He
962
is
said to
that
is, till
836.
This so
far agrees
falls in
with the
results of Ass)n-iological
Jehu
reigned 28 years
72
One
who pushed
still
of his inscriptions
that
in
his
sixth
of
whom
it
is
affirmed in the
Hebrew
tradition that he
it is
war
chariots, but
He
is
admirably
Salmanassar con-
This
may
be
among
his tributaries.
On
saying,
The
'
stiver,
tribute.
Salmanassar
cups of gold,
is
I received.'
TIGLATH-PILESER.
73
immediate
future.'
itself in
fell
kingdom
With
We
who took
sanctuary
whom
one of
left Israel
land.
may
in places
recognised by
was an event of no
It
call, if
are told
not the
little
im-
at
any
first,
all
in his
of his
'
own
Just as
we come
we encounter an
to
whom
in the
the
name
An
upon
Israel
name
which inserts in
persion of
its
the tribes,
been
filled
we can hardly
identify
inscription to
Alten Orients,
p.
Ii8).
74
with Tiglath-Pilesei", to
thus soon afterwards his
whom
subject princes.'
Thus about the middle of the eighth century the independence of both parts of the old Israehtish kingdom came
This was not so much the result of great
virtually to an end.
from without as of differences arising between and
kingdoms.
As soon as Hosea, the king
established by Assyria in Samaria, ventured to refuse the
tribute to Salmanassar, the fourth of the name, he was taken
efforts
prisoner by
him.
Salmanassar
was preparing
to
in Phoenicia,
besiege
he was
forces.''
'
Assur
the
destroyer of the
way with
in
Sargon
is
kingdom of Samaria.
He
and Assyrians
nians
in
making
it
possible to settle
It
is
Arme-
a striking
fact
We
dition of
'
SARGON.
75
Then an
priests.
broke out
intestine struggle
soil,
in
was
new
in
it.
ot
the
all
know
in
allies.
in a position to assist
attacked, brought
over to his side one of the masters of Egypt for the time being,
who
figures
under the
Siltan (Sultan).
Sargon narrates
Gaza and Egypt came against him,
title
field
He
Gaza
Hanno of Gaza
fell
dealt with
as
one of the
a
in
prince
chief cities
who had
Even
Western Asia.
striven
their
to
Pentapolis,
rouse
all
the Philis-
In Ashdod,
him.
there
his
lived
neighbours
pay
his tribute.
fish
god, in whose
He
tells
76
Ashdod, and
the
treated
inhabitants
like
the
Assyrians
up by the Egyptian rulers. Sargon's authority extended even to Arabia the inscriptions mention a king of
Saba from whom Sargon exacted tribute. The inscriptions are
delivered
We
incessant struggles in
known
once a close ally, then often subjugated, and now again hostile.
king established there by Salmanassar was overthrown
by a native chieftain and potentate, Merodach-Baladan (Marduk-bal-iddin).
Sargon was at first obliged to allow him to
remain ruler of South and North Chaldaea. Soon afterwards the
was renewed. Merodach-Baladan invoked the assisttribes of Arabs, whilst at the same time he
formed a league with the king of Elam, and took up a strong
position in the rear of a canal which branched from the
Euphrates.'
Sargon, however, vanquished him and compelled
struggle
ance of
'
give
nomad
matter.
The
SENNACFIERIB.
him
to take to flight.
sceptre,
and throne,
The golden
fell
into the
77
in
In the
Egypt rendered
Egypt was carried on by
dynasty of Sargon during the seventh century. The
the
The war
against
support of Ethiopia.
it is related how countwith war chariots, horsemen, and archers, in conjunction with the Egyptians, pushed forward to attack the
In an inscription of Sennacherib
less troops,
At Altaku ^
'
service of the
'
We may regard
this
as
Western Asia.
now subdued.
life.
Its
German
translation
'
Schrader, Keilinschriften
und
78
religion was not rooted in the soil, like that of Egypt, nor
based on the observation of the sky and stars, like that of
Babylon. It was a warlike confederacy of Semitic origin,
pay
chastisement.
its
purity.
rites,
and
It is necessary
comprehend and
to
and
cities,
of Assur.
He
is
that
all
other countries
there
them
is
the
God who
ESARHADDON.
79
He revealed Himself at
all
was regarded as
the
same time in
upon earth
creatures
come when
all
places of Jerusalem.
God
but, at tlie
destruction, there
its
walls
king of Judah
is
its
nobles, destroyed
He
mentions
made
subject to him.
Even
From
the
the
remotest regions, probably even from Arabia, the whole of
by
But by
his sword.
that
'
to 66S.
8o
We
had
On
measure carried
in a great
banipal.
An
out,
reaches
force against him, but with the help of the gods his lords
Assurbanipal puts
it
the rout.
to
Taraco himself
is
now
The
One
at the
same time
is
brought out
in strong
is
He
lays stress
upon the
habitation in that
city.
we know,
have made
their
religion.
ASSURBANIPAL.
consequences.
although, as
The
it is
subject
They turned
In the inscription
the
it is
related that
subject kings,
brought to Nineveh
advisable to punish
Some
them
after the
manner of his
it
predecessors.
same
time, however,
'
the inscription,
succeeded in
unable to
'
make any
opposition to
King Assurbanipal.
The
also against
but, without
82
so.
and
it
The
is
an important one
and
he does not
drawn from
conclusion to be
we
is
his in-
completely subdued,
at last
The
hostile king
him the
slain,
is
cause.
the tributes, but that his action was opposed by his own
brother,
whom
Babylon.
expended the
of his design.
is
Tammaritu,
83
He
is
who go
Thereupon
The gods
fire
into the
fall
who have
power
bow
Even
the Arabs,
Egypt
his
in
of the Nile.
is,
is
next revealed
in the
and perhaps the last time in a dominion which extended far beyond their own frontiers, and gave them indisputably the first rank among the powers of the world.
Nor
must it be forgotten that the Phoenician colonies, Carthage and the distant Tartessus, although they maintained
their independence, carried into the west of Europe the community of interest which belongs to a common origin, whilst
access to the east of Asia was opened by way of Media.
Arabia also, without entirely succumbing to Assyria, was
the
first
affected
by her
influence.
is
the
first
in
in the transportation of
84
corresponding success.
In their
nations.
to the
soil
local
ceased to exist.
in the
On
itself.
that stage
felt
civilisation
but
about
'
idil-ili.
all
Ctesias of the
fall
a legend.
Eusebius,
in
is
FALL OF NINEVEH.
85
Xenophon was
city
of,
who
we
We
shall return shortly to the combinawhich brought about the fall of the
Assyrian empire and the rise of that of the Medes, events on
which the progress of universal history depends.
At present we must confine ourselves to the Babylonians,
who, being delivered by the fall of Nineveh from the tyranny
of the Assyrians, continued on their own account the part
played by Assur in Western Asia.
Here they were supreme.
Nebuchadnezzar, relying upon his hereditary title and the
support of the priestly caste, may be regarded as the principal
tion of circumstances
To him
is
Assyrian king sent out his generals to meet an advancing enemy, and that one
subject that
lost sight of
Median
history.
it.
And he undoubtedly
Now
gives us the
of this information the account
who had
fallen in the
knows nothing.
86
Chaldso-Babylonian empire. But he experienced opposition on the side of Egypt. Among those
subject kings whom the Assyrians had established in Egypt
the descendants of the first Necho assumed, after the fall
of Nineveh, the position of independent sovereigns. Even
in the lifetime of Assurbanipal, Psammetichus, the son of
founder of the
The
unmistakably manifested
in
through
the
His
efforts,
by
brought about a universal tendency in the direction of commerce and culture. The viceregal authority over Philistia
being at the same time entrusted to him, he turned
his
The
unhappy
necessity of
making
their
The
situation
We
can understand
how
it is
for the
kingdom of Judah.
in
we might
exacting
Menahem had
money from
in their enterprises.
failed.
Near Carchemish Necho was conquered by young Nebuchadnezzar, so that the preponderance of power was transferred
NEBUCHADNEZZAR.
87
Josephus
'^
relates that
Necho
made an attempt
to relieve Jerusalem,
and
it
is
indisputable
He
established a
to maintain the
their prophecies
and forms an
them both,
hope of
Hereupon Nebuchadrejects
C. Muller, Fragmenta Hist. Grac. ii. p. 506, n. 14). The monarchy was, according to this, a kind of property of the priesthood, and the principal person amongst
the Chaldaeans resigned it, so to speak, to Nebuchadnezzar.
As far as the essential fact is
concerned
it
makes no
be
exactly harmonised.
if
^ Joseph. Antiq. a. 7, 2,
I follow by preference the account in Josephus, who,
appearances are not altogether deceptive, had access here to special sources
of information.
is
Jeremiah
(Hi.
given as 10,000,
in
number
88
The king
Jerusalem.
city
The
same
time.
city
is
visited
Under
Jericho, however, he
trial,
at the
Near
brought to a formal
and
is
overtaken
he
in
allowed to behold
to Babylon.
he
is
This
is
is
then
month afterwards
the
mon had
is
ilight.
Temple and
the royal
Solo-
Upon
this followed
The
The
conflicting influences of
newing
in favour
of Babylon.
knowledged
power
89
of Babylon,
we
circumstance, however,
this
a reaction
for
it
was
belonged to the early days of Israel had struck the deepest roots,
deriving strength and consistency in the last epoch, especially
idolatries.
integrity
their
despoiled of
all
how
It
was
in misfortune
The
unmistakably.
their leaders
in
memory
to
and imparted
to
obtained.
'
The
destruction of the
Temple
placed in the
That
this supposition is
Book
of Kings
As Nebuchadnezzar, according
(2.
xxv. 8),
Nebuchad-
ascended the
place the destruction in the year
in accordance with the calculation of thirty-seven
is
(lii.
we must
90
Egyptian influence
The cuneiform
in
torical
'
'
and
tiles
the annihilation of
Western Asia.
copper.'
to restore the
He
feels
Temple of
it
the Seven
Lamps
'
Nebuchadnezzar.
His history became the subject of legend.
account
and ate
in
The
human
Jewish
society
grass.
relates that
positively affirmed.
it
It is
of Tyre was at this time most flourishan event like this had succeeded such pro-
a hieroglyphic inscription
tine of the time
of
If
known
of the Pharaoh
rejected.
But
in
Hophra
'
this
and
sq.
dgyptischc Sprache
und Alterthumskunde,
1878, p.
91
CHAPTER
IV.
NOW
return
to
the
known
may
be regarded as one.
They
are
of being
made
clearer
by a general
survey.
its
still
under
ultimate scope
local
forms
a literature
by which the primary elements of all tradition have been collected in one incomparable work, and at the same time contemporary occurrences, although recorded only from a single
point of view, have been preserved to posterity
and an
artistic development which, devoted to the service of religion,
created monuments of such magnitude and intrinsic importance that they have always been the admiration of
posterity and have roused them to emulation.
This world,
containing as it did the groundwork of all human civilisation, fell under the Assyrian monarchy in the natural course
;
92
general
develop-
ment.
we seek
we
shall find
it
in the
The
reappeared.
It
is
quite
Still less
it
tomed
to be
Egypt would
seriously submit to
own independence,
little
least of all
remain,
problems.
recognise
Yet
as
far
as
and the
can discover,
movement
effect of their
still
unsolved
account we can
;
it
arose from
93
as heretofore,
considerable period
elements
effecting
they ruled
marked
supreme.
we
The
conflicting
nomadic nations
an inroad into regions which are already what may
are
clearly
find
districts, that
is,
with a
population, in
Lydians.
The
Scythians,
taking
another
direction,
en-
growing into a
The
Assyria.
Median king,
with
war
in
engaged
state and
by
them but.
overthrown
was
(Uvakshatara),
Kyaxares
countered
the
opposition
of Media, then
94
quietly
he con-
by a natural phenomenon which both sides interpreted as an intimation from the gods counselling them to
peace this was the eclipse of the sun which took place on
interrupted
their
common
princes, Alyattes
preliminary to further
defence
against
barbarians.
Some
abandon Asia.
Nineveh could now make no further opposition to the
rebellious Medes, strengthened as they were by the success of
That city fell into their
their resistance to the Scythians.
hands about the year 606. Whether the Babylonians lent
them any assistance is, as we have already mentioned, very
doubtful but there is no doubt that they were allies of
Kyaxares. The enterprises in Western Asia which we have
mentioned could not have otherwise taken place. In Upper
Asia, on the other hand, the Medes were supreme, and, after
the brief interval of the Scythian inroad, they assumed the
;
RISE OF
THE MEDES.
95
Henry
If,
however,
we
the Semitic
tially to
was so extensive
that
it
Medo-Persian
and
well as the
different nationality
partially subjugated
races,
who belonged
religion,
by Assyria.
were
all
again to a
disturbed
and
Persians
tive philology,
nations,
came
of
the
primeval
who
of mankind.
races
The
inroad of the
came
are
of
Lydians,
nised.
world, as
We
among whom
It is
its
96
and we
figure as victorious,
may at least with certainty infer from this that till the last
quarter of the seventh century no independent power had
established itself in these regions.
As
formed by
first
how
this
power was
was succeeded by
Persians,
we
possess
The
Median kingdom
is
no more
The most
justice.
just
man was
was
built for
in
which
people of
Israel
fact, built as
will believe in
that
it
proves
is
No
Media premised
one
All
other
names.
On
again
the subject
of
and extended
legendary
in
Western Asia is
which cannot
narratives,
CYRUS.
97
nearly related to
fii^iiro.
Of
tlie
which imperilled
tlie
myth
by a
is
a she-wolf
national
stamp
member
was suckled
empire was h\-
bitch,
is
Roman
also impressed
upon the
First of
of their position.
by a splendid entertainment, he
power which are within
their reach.
Disgust at the first stimulates them to an eager
endeavour to achieve the second. On the other hand it
may be regarded as an originally Median tradition that it
was the alliance of Median kings with the young Persian,
who claimed the throne by hereditary right, which brought
about the defeat of the king of Media and the transference
of his power to Cyrus.
According to this view, Cyrus, in
are content to live
introduces
them
then,
to the sweets of
the closest alliance with the Medes, although himself of a different "nationality
narchy
and
in the place
religion,
of the Assyrian.
conquest of Babylon.
The legend
He
then proceeds
example, of a river
360 canals, with an exploit which verges on the incredible,
the seizure of the defences which the Babylonians had erected
into
for
their capital
the Euphrates.
are
combined
in
98
The
religion of Jehovah.
monotheism, puts
now counterbalanced by
a community immediately
by the king himself and unreservedly devoted to
him, which secures for him the possession of Western Asia.
Then Cyrus turns his arms against those enemies who had
Canaan
is
established
It
its
foundations, espe-
make
stock, to
dotus.
We
the
dare
It is
in
the main fact that the great conqueror did not return from
Legend invents no
this campaign.'
characters
it
and enhances
facts
the
success or failure
their
and describes no
principal
enterprises
by embellishments
The Scythians remained unsubdued, but at the same time desisted from further inroads into
the Persian empire.
need only pay attention to the
of a corresponding colour.
We
main
facts,
The death
'
earlier,
i.
Eusebius
e.
538.
(ap.
of Cyrus
Solinus
falls in
(c.
Hieron.) in the
first
i.e.
549
B.C.
Hero-
makes Cyrus
dotus
(1.
214)
the Chronography).
(ap.
Miiller,
Justin,
i.
8, 14).
CAMBYSES.
duced into the monarchy a
trait
99
which distinguishes
it
from
despotism.
maritime supremacy.
He
assist-
approach by way of
the desert, as an Assyrian and perhaps also a Babylonian
king, in antagonism to the Greeks, upon whom the Pharaohs of that time placed more reliance than on the power
We can scarcely repeat what the
of their own kingdom.
Greek legend, as given by Herodotus, tells us of Cambyses
This story represents him as a despiser of the Egyptian
religion, and makes him give the god Apis, on his reappear-
made
But we
wound
his
in the
shank, of which
monument on
which he is represented making supplication to Apis,' and
an inscription belonging to a high official who was his contemporary affirms circumstantially that the king spared the
Egyptian worship, and even promoted its interests. According to this we should have to regard him as an opponent of
innovations attempted by the Assyrian kings in Egypt, as his
father had been of those in Judaea.
The account of his enterprises against the long-lived
Ethiopians and the Ammonians rests upon a better historic
the animal dies.
foundation.
find
The monuments
an Egyptian
made
Persian domination.
at,
credit,
the death of
Egypt.
lOO
employed
in
The sequence
of the events
is
to us in a legendary form.
The main
fact is that in
its ruins,
It is
strict
Power had
fallen
city.
Assyria
if
empire, although
it is
it
the acces-
the east.
revolts
further
the
tenance
natural
difficulties
supreme power over all these distinct probecomes obvious at once what consequences were
involved by the sudden collapse of the dominant family,
which had only just risen to power. This family was a
vinces,
it
of
DEATH OF CAMBYSES.
branch, the elder branch, of the
lOI
The event
AchEmenidae.
which brought prominently forward the great question connected with it was the crime of Cambyses, who with the
was explained
in
It
cannot be maintained.
Happily we have a Persian inscription,
to the world,
though otherwise
resembling them in form, from which we derive better information as to the course of events.
It is the first document in
Persian history which
name
makes us
feel that
ground.
of the king.
From
this inscription
we
is
we
Cam-
soon as
it
'
if
were attached.
It
'
which they
has been doubted whether by the army is
I02
power of the Achsemenidse depended upon the relationship existing between the ruling family of the Persians
and that of the Medes, a consideration of no light importance.
Although it has not seldom happened that nations which
have been conquered have tried to find a kind of consolation
for the
new
common
it
an
unions of
that
analogous
bit-
The
excluded from
other hand
all
the
Medes,
in like
On
the
to
'
The passage in the inscription at Bisitun which refers to the death of
Cambyses has been very variously translated. In Benfey the translation runs,
Cambubiya died of excessive rage.
Others suppose that he killed himself, but
'
think this
'
may be
it
is
not said
death of himself.'
IO3
ACCESSION OF DARIUS.
claim
This
as well.
is
much
truth.
horse, and the other pleasant histories with which they beguile
the hearer or reader that we must hesitate to repeat after them
and so also with the disquisitions on the best form of polity,
which are said to have preceded the elevation of the new king
;
to the throne.
there
'
of an usurper.
The
'
first
who immediately
Darius Hystaspis
falls in
I04
Darius attributes
much
who
What
Auramazda,
support religion
may
out in
all
Of all
I05
faithful
my
In
opinion this
is
in itself untenable,
defeated them.
from Ragha.
victorious battle.
'
Then,' says
Darius,
'
the
in a
province was
mine.'
An
Bactria.
I06
both over
Median and
its
its
Persian antagonists.
But the
We may
their advantage.
more
amount of
details
forces
The former
devote
ing the
final results.
more through
Another
difference
is
who
resisted.
and
in attaining this
as
we
see,
The
IO7
refuses
says,
When
be
his
sion that
they
fell
to
meaning seems to be much the same as that of the declaration made, as we have seen, by Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal
that all their victories were to be ascribed to the god Assur.
the
Yet
of
which
unmistakable
is
for
Assyrians subjugation
by
supreme
will.
he
is
whom
the
This premises
sentative.
Thus far he is the true king, and is recognised as
such by Auramazda. This is the purport of the admonition
addressed by Darius to his successors upon the throne to
all
traitor
falsehood, never to
for this
sider
it,
of that religion,
much
is
converted in the
whilst,
in the
Angro-mainyus.
108
two
religions
appear
in
consists in
If
dualism.
its
we keep
districts
limits of Persia
and
Zend-Avesta
will
them, autochthonic.
man.
its
Auramazda
is
may
term
'
'
Ragha
To
all this
also Taberistan
and India.
in
Media, probably
work Ahriman,
full
and
this
is
very remarkable
intellectual
and moral
lust,
its
train,
and murder.
It
Zoroaster
is
is,
unknown.
THE PERSIAN
IO9
RELIGION.
The
principal god,
In
it is
evil.
What
nature
is
the service of
Ahuramazda
Every-
waged
sacrifice
gift.
'
'
was inspired.
In
this,
perhaps,
we ought
religion
to recognise the
is
all
third
in
succeeds in producing
and fruit-bearing
trees,
is
upon the
agriculture of Iran.
In
no
Darius belonged.
the Supreme God,
monarch,
is
at
The
yet acknowledged
is
by Him
as the rightful
opposition to evil
will
organised in this
is
good
all
in
of Auramazda.
spirit,
and the
king,
entertained
if the
dualistic religion
it
is
Mesopotamia.
If,
it
religious zeal.
religion,
all
nations the
was impossible
for
The
them
Persian
was
monarchy
empire, which
first
it
in
marks the
as a
under Darius.
The
it
fact that
The
forti-
Khan
led to a
Yima, the Gemsdfld of the later Persians, appears in the Zend-Avesta as the
life and of agriculture.
He regulates the earth, introducing the
best trees and nutritive vegetation into different districts, bringing thither water
supplies and establishing dwellings in them (Lassen, Indische Altsrthumskunde,
i. p. 518).
If other nations worshipped the powers of nature, the Persian religion
bound men to subjugate evil in the natural world.
'
founder of orderly
GOVERNMENT OF DARIUS.
I I I
of the
Assyrians
The
districts
divided
by Darius
if
hostile.
included within
into satrapies,
eminence.
With
who
imme-
The
12
and the closer connexion into which it was brought with the
impetus. In
East gave to its trade and industry a new
of
the Achaesatraps
by
governed
was
which
Cappadocia,
were
kings of
days
later
in
descendants
whose
menid line,
limited
monand
governments
sacerdotal
iind
Pontus, we
Paphlagonia
In
we
Persia.
of
independent
almost
archies
find
the
whose
rulers
of
'
ence was
'
possessed
Elam
the empire.
Here,
in
we may
say,
the
centre
of
Lilies,
visit
Persepolis unmolested.
number of
To
the
rebellious mountain
PERSEPOLIS.
more tempting
Hyrcanians were
in
regions,
They seem,
forests.
Asiatic culture.
satrapy
we
as
infer
their
of excellent warriors.
On
Oxus was
to
this
name
series of
memory
of the
home
of the
itself,
the
by
dour,
of which,
the ruins
terrace, the
entrance to which
is
and Persians, to
whom
in their respective
costumes
some are
completely clothed in furs, others only girded round the loins
;
An image
Persian.
of the king
it
I
114
and
On
the second
ter-
his
hand before
his
mouth, that
his
may
on the building
scriptions, which,
itself
and on the
sepulchres,
On
tion,
'
may
be read the
inscrip-
It is
above
all
attributed
is
On
who
is
celebrated and
invoked.
In the
all
first
countries,
is
at once
of Persia, which
'
What
is
It
clear,
first
this that
introduced at a
however,
that'
is
later
Ormuzd
From him
is
derived
dominion, the
The second
The king
describes himself as
'
great
army
that he
may
I I
If the
Auramazda may protect the Persian army.
army is protected, the Persian fortune will endure unThese are no exaggerated
interrupted to the remotest time.'
phrases, like those of the Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions, which may, notwithstanding, have served as a model
prays that
'
Persian
'
We
progressive sequence.
First
we
stated
who
in
is
On
the world.
the
became
it
so,
and what
is
is
next
fire
flaming before
whilst above
him
him and
his right
hand
raised in prayer,
'
'
the deepest
It is
the pure
essence of the spiritual creature, from which it is inseparable yet distinct, created by Ormuzd for the express
purpose
of contending against
Ahriman, and therefore by nature comThe king has his bow in his left hand, just as among
the Assyrians the god who decides the battle appears
with
bent bow.
The strong bow, with skill to bend it, is the
bative.2
symbol of strength.
Spiegel [Keilinschriften, p. 47), to whose translation I adhere,
although
Oppert and Menant divergent renderings are found.
Russian press has
the merit of having published the ancient Persian cuneiform
inscriptions with the
addition of facsimiles, and accompanied by a Latin translation
and various
welcome annotations.
This is the work of Cajetan Kossowicz, Inscriptiones
'
in
Palaofersica
the
to
be
Il6
were governed by the king. The list is more complete than the former one, a fact which of itself would point
in it the Medes figure most prominently, and
to a later date
Persia,
'
'
;
my law
they bring
me
tribute.
hair.'
What
'
I rule
I order,
obeyed.'
Auramazda delivered over
when he saw them in uproar,^ and
granted rne dominion over them. By the grace of Auramazda
I have brought them to order again.' Then he again lays stress
upon the valour of the Persians, through which so much has
If thou askest how many were the countries
been achieved.
which King Darius governed, look at the picture of those who
bear my throne, that thou mayest know thern. Then wilt
thou know that the spear of the Persian warrior hath advanced
that they do
me
to
is
'
these countries
'
far,
Persia.'
The
that
is
which,
all
it
is
represented, the
state
of things to
to put an
We
cannot exactly
an exaggeration for
was always, especially in the western regions, an internal struggle, in which
the Persians interfered and with their superior forces decided
the issue.
It was in this way that the whole edifice of their
power was raised. The idea of order, of goodness, and of
truth is everywhere predominant.
Persians.
call this
We may
mind the
we only proposed
to recall to
up
to the
Such a condition
is
'
It
is
to
figure in history.
whom
all
and
is
in
date
to
these
times,
In ^schylus,
and
an enemy,
felicity.
The Book
which
all
Heroes of
views of the East have
of the
Iran, the
poem
for centuries
of Firdusi,
by
been regulated,
is
and the Bactrians, the three races which compose the ancient
Iran.
kingdom
falls to
the gentlest
we may
trace
of a
monarch
with power.
his opinion
he
is
one
who combines
power might be
far better
ii8
CHAPTER
V.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
> In
we have
proper
>
It
all
is
in all directions
by
gulfs
and
it
GEOCJRAPHY OF GREECE.
I 1
richer
extent of
its
The
compass.
is
part of
points of the
its
all
encircled
moderate
by
circuit,
The whole
region,
islands, which,
free
movement
In
of peoples
their
all
their
mutual
relations.
make
history,
for
who
reigned in
telligence.
It
may be
who
it
is
to
influences
core.
Even
in
opposition to the
ANCIENT HELLAS.
I20
of the monsters who make the country insecure and uninhabitable, the invulnerable lion in the ravine, the nine-headed
hydra of the marsh ; he is to the Greeks the symbol of human
energy, divine in
making
its
its
way
origin but
its
condemned
He
necessary task.
and
trouble
human form
against monsters in
to service, and
toil
says, the
most righteous of
of a
life
according to law.
who
persecutes
he
is,
as an ancient writer
murderers
all
he
is
the pioneer
Youth
to his
embrace.
even
into
powers of destruction.
But
at a very
a rational
The
legend of
may
doned
in
Greece, as
milder character.
it
rites.
was
in Palestine,
Instead of killing
but
human
it
assumed a
it was
beings,
GREEK MYTHOLOGY.
which
might make
of
intelligent,
may
perhaps be
We
much concerned
are not so
to discover
way
From
in
its
ascendency.
that
'
is
not
known
vii.
either to
Homer
or
Hesiod
it
appears
first
in.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
122
From
we
find unmistakable
traces in a fragment of
certain notices in
and
prehistoric
Ilium
is
union of
takes
It
is
all
whom
is
but
it
poem
'
itself
imagination
took
its
its
rise,
impulse had
faintest echoes.
The German
description of a crisis in
its
HOMER.
123
and
earlier stages.
Agamemnon and
the
to
in
its
historical, or in
life
in a
events
of
what
actual
complete form,
Hector,
Whether
Menelaus
relations these
history,
are
names
questions
we
By
as archives, so to speak,
form of a poem,
their
all later
The headship
is
readers
history depends.
among
as
among
rather be
who
is
neither
He may
memory of my
the Assyrians.
chieftains
who
The
is
than the
rest,
no unlimited power.
In peace he enjoys the revenues of the
Temenos, or the
1.
'
I had already written this long before I was acquainted with the essays of
Miillenhoff (Deutsche Alterthumskunde, i. p. 13 sq.), which agree in some points
with the view I take.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
124
him
the booty
is
The
presented to him.
it
The
'
A Zeus-nourished
is
people
fight
in war,
counsel
they
sit
they
is
it
who
give
The
people.
chiefs
assembly, and in
As
part.
'
most distinguished
elders.'
They
too are
the
Though
the
is
rest,
sacrifice.
They
assist the
by preference
If a matter
is
deliberated
required to
restoration.
ship.
'
They
friends, heroes,
are quietly
summoned
to the
As
They
are
a rule they
We
HOMER.
125
says,
'
So
trial is
also
it is
'
are differentiated
are not
The poem
is
horse to
who
man
who
gives to every
man after
his
who is
the best
Achilles,
meed
his
it
who
the handsomest,
who
notes
it
rides the
is
next best
The
gentle
life
yet
'
full
'
mother,
for the
'
dear,'
beloved
'
venerable
'
grown are
called
The
'
parents generally,
for
'
The
the modest.'
lonely
man who,
far
solitary life
is
others
echoes as they
are full
the
work which
fell
the trees
man work
till
the
another
the hunter
whole of
life,
white-toothed
of the
who
and
moun-
the reapers,
all
the
and
all
p.
27,
i.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
126
its
shortcomings,
is
set before
poem from
distinguishes the
reader's attention.
our eyes.
all others,
So circumstantial
This
it
and which
is
which
is
rivets the
all
races also give to the Divine Being, but who, in the circle
counterpart elsewhere.
the
worshippers.'
is
Gerhard
(iiber die
THE DORIANS.
2 7
war, the
incessantly
of a poetic age.
districts
and nowhere
'
else.
turn
now
to history proper.
in absolute
Homer,
are
exhibited
in
Greece.
in
a lucid
the main,
like
people in
title,
and the
advantage
in the
the Israelites
order to
allies
establish
its
real
or
we have an example
presumed
their
own
In the history of
of the conquest of a
who founded
all
In Greece, on
we encounter the
In the
'
ANCIENT HELLAS.
128
who
there are
so designated
I do not know whether we can leave this circumstance out of account it clearly implies that the Dorians
were taking in hand a cause which was not originally their
own.
Again, this comparison with the Israelites throws a certain
themselves.
amount of
The
upon the
political
constitution
tribal
alities
blished
The
state esta-
The Dorians
elements,
If
of the Dorians,
outstretched spears.
three
side
by
side.
it
the
son-in-law of
again,
it
Temenus
occupied
.^gina
a single
was combined by
community. Corinth
LAKEDvEMON.
captured, not from the side of
Argos
129
like the
neighbouring
of earth.
of
They
kingdom
from
The legendary
dent and variety.
of
the
history
We
Messenians
is
of this conquest
of inci-
full
human
sacrifice
so that
here again
view.
we have
is
this rite
the
in
country to Lakedsemon.
whose destiny
common
it was frequently
concerns of Greece,
From
the very
first
ANCIENT HELLAS.
130
this constitution
its
of
an aristocratic com-
The
To
quarrels
end by
man
privileged
by
divine
these
authority put an
legislation.
then he
he
is
The
pursued by Argos.
Having succeeded
Lakedsemon was
in possessing
that
Pheidon.
ot
of his
money can be
distinguished
among
in
adopting in Tausanias,
vi. 22, 2,
ARGOS.
Pheidon
to render
He
the Peloponnesus.
him supreme
in
interfered arbitrarily in
the
the
of which we see an
between
the
emigrants and those
effort
had
retained
inhabitants
who
their independence.
native
his
behaviour
as
an outrage inflicted
Herodotus designates
by him upon all the Hellenes. But even in his own lifetime
Olympian games,
in
the foundation
after a settlement
games
Pheidon
is
said to
is
slain in a
A personage such as
import
to
extent
{thalassokratid)
made
in
Dorian.
also,
Crete,
Dorian hands.
maritime
expeditions.
colonies
may
be regarded as the
their
own
It is the
p.
656.
all
Olympiad
cf.
tth
Edn
ANCIENT HELLAS.
132
manner
in
as stated in the
first
among
themselves.
Half-
sacrifice.
COLONIES.
133
most part on the coasts of the Black Sea, whose shores were
The Phoenicians
thus drawn into the circle of Greek life.
everywhere withdrew before these influences, or else became
tropolis
Mytilene
is
vivid
It
civilisation.
form
who kept up
is
The
sea,'
of Crete
vention
when
it
is
In another
town is assigned
the honour of having founded Chalkedon and of having been
the first to recognise the advantages of Byzantium as a site
for the empire of the world.
It would be enough to inspire
us with admiration for the Dorian name could we venture
direction
to this
of the south-west
of Asia Minor,
southern Italy.
The
was Corinth.
West
Epidamnus (Dyrrhachium)
is
ANCIENT HELLAS.
134
tradition
it
West
tented to
make
is
all
situated for their purposes, leaving the other parts of the island
to the Greeks,
who
Thus
country, which
east
especially
in this
reaching an
respect.
excellent soldiers
superior
to
The Greeks
their
their
equipment
neighbours.
parts, the
far
were copious
its own.
in
number,
To
attempt
LAKED^MON.
35
would lead us
But
general displays certain characteristics which
too far
Greek
life
in
of local circumstances.
common
The Hellenes
followed
self-centred,
political
community by
regulated in each
them vitality. An example of this is Lakeone of the families of the Heracleidse aimed at a
tyranny, whilst another entered into relations with the native
necessary to give
daemon.
If
we can understand
existed in addition to
it
The
internal
life
in contrast
ANCIENT HELLAS.
136
depended upon the
aristocratic
relations
From
demos.
the
first,
according to a primitive
its
pedient
'
As
who
still
Delphi, which is extant in its original form (Plutarch, Lycurgus, c, 6), is the
most important document ; yet it presents, as is well known, various difficulties,
so that I feel myself bound to support my opinion, where I dissent from others,
by reference to the wording of the oracle. After directions have been given for
holding the assembly at appointed times and at an appointed place, viz. within
the Dorian settlement proper, it is further said of the order of procedure o8tbs
elffcfiepetv Kal lujila'Taa'Sai, which might perhaps mean
propose a motion and
To the last word, however, some assign the signification put
then withdraw.
the question to the vote.' (Cf. Schneider, Greek Lexicon, s.v. a<j>e<rTi)p, and Grote,
Hisi, of Greece, ii. 462, n. 2.)
'Let the power,' it is said, 'rest with the people'
'
'
'
(Sd/ti^
5e Th,v Kvptav ^fiev Kal lepdros, according to the reading of Miiller, Dorians,
ii.
85, n. 3).
bringing them to
trial
remains unexplained.
If the
right of
and we
expressed in the Rhetra mentioned above
might perhaps suppose that when the king and Gerusia, in accordance with the
rule presented by Theopompus, were airoffritT^pej, i.e. declined to accept the
rescl'-'tipns of the popular assembly, the Ephors thereupon came forward from the
midst of the demos to conduct the deliberations, and thus obtained a power
analogous but opposed to that of the kings and the Gerusia. They have an
authority like that of the Council of Ten in Venice ; but their advance to power
For
in
to
rose out of the aristocratic demos, and kept in check the monarchy and the
For the general relations of the parties nothing is more sig-
principal families.
I..
15), the
Xenophon (AoKeSai/ioviwc
In
this the
Ephors
monalty
the king swears to govern according to the laws of the city, whilst
for
CORINTH.
the assembly
137
On
name
the
of the
their
Two
their
ground.
ever,
Ephors.
strict legislation,
its ground.
Elsewhere the antagonism between the elements of which"
the cities and the country districts were respectively comthe city the
undisturbed, rp 8e
TriiAei,
i/iireSopKovi/TOS
will
eKeipov,
ANCIENT HELLAS.
138
by
body guard,
in these families
in
control
people,
was
intolerable.'
whom
In the Ionian
cities,
where the
families
were
far
colonies.
As
in
Laertius
(i.
98),
forty-four years
duration of the tyranny of the Kypselidse, which rather requires forty years).
= 585
B.C.
The
fall
(ap.
Diogen. Laert.
i.
= 9,
i.
Eusebius places
it
in 01. 30, 2
= 659-8
of a hundred years, and observes tois apxo^4vots ixP'^"'^" fierpius Kal iroWa toij
p6fi.ois 4Soi\evop (cf. Curtius, Peloponnesos, ii. p. 485).
O. Miiller (Dorians, i.
p. 164, n. i) places the
676-576
^
B.C.
in 01. 35
126),
who
course).
ATHENS.
in the
139
raised himself
whom
Kyklades, and of
it
again.
it
By
communities the tyrants obtained the means of surrounding themselves with a certain
liberally
we
To
art.
all
of
these Polycrates
opened his
citadel,
and
in
it
find
This
is
who
The
for
He
is
tradition concerning
instance, his
demeanour of a
Solon has
appearance
man
many
fabulous traits
in the
In a very characteristic
him
in
upon a
far
did, in fact,
more
The
we
possess
solid foundation
than
legislation ascribed to
On
the one
hand
it
is
ii.
357.)
ANCIENT HELLAS.
140
cities,
man
on the other
whilst
of
much
it
shows
its
foundations
Its
and circumstances
of
Attica itself
The
were distinguished
in the
emption
purport
back to
mixture
to succeed him.
no one
It is in
last
after this
autonomy of the
native popu-
upon the
all
the greater
There also
under one form or
constitution of Athens.
tions,
to
connected by direct
ties
The
and
In one of the
principes, p.
1580
sq.)
ATHENS.
141
there ensued
cities,
of parties arose,
transgres-
all
who aimed
principal Eupatridse,
of the Acropolis.
is
One
at autocratic power.
of the
asylum
in
with
the
secrets
of
country of
By
its
invited
to
Attica,
to
families could
of these
another
had attempted to
had offended the gods.
its
very foundations.
One
freedom,
maintained themselves in
pared with the
The
inhabitants
Xuthus
is
father of Ion.
'
translation), in
falls,
according to Eusebius
(in
the
Armenian
ANCIENT HELLAS.
142
it
rule,
its
low that
Salamis, which
strength.
it
commands
rank.
If
we could
venture,
in treating of
intelligible to
every one,
we should
are
way
ruin.
To him
is
is
to
go
to
its
gods
and
also
arrangement
ancient times
In
SOLON.
143
bondsmen the poorer members of the community, by assertEvery debtor was acing the legal rights of creditorship.
customed to pledge his person for the discharge of the debt,
and was compelled, himself and his family, to do service in
of payment.
lieu
political injustice.
who a
countrymen,
among
own
ment of freedom. This was the first evil which Solon, when
authority was given him by universal consent, undertook to
He
remove.^
treated as chattels.
No
native Athenian
was henceforth to
into
foreign
parts,
on
account of debt.
steps
first
in
though
dignity,
recognition
action
it
concerned.
in
monetary
of
human
to the country
relations
had operated
upon real property could never be got rid of if private contracts of long standing were to be carried out to the letter.
We shall
not go far
wrong
fact that
'
slaves into
'
ii.
298,)
it
Tyre.
falls in
01. 46, 3
= 594
B.C.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
144
who,
in
silver standard,
But the
being thoroughly conversant with matters of business, insisted that loans upon interest should continue to be
legislator,
We
many
inconceivable that
SOLON.
Solon,
the
in
some
other way.
direct
liad not
if it
145
first
It
we
glance
in
It
affairs.
based
its
It was on this,
power upon the
sentation which
it
Solon sought to
utilise
tion of less
The
investiga-
made
The leading
rank and claims, but they depended for
the attainment of their chief ambition
the exercise, namely,
of the supreme power upon the judgment of the community
families retained their
at large.
It is in this that
the classes
exercise
elsewhere.
character of a
The
constitution
reconciliation.
of
Aristotle, to
Solon
has
whom we
the
are
'
ANCIENT HELLAS.
146
indebted for our knowledge of both these concessions, pronounces them to have been necessary and indispensable, alleging
that without
hostile attitude.'
Demos by
the
into an
interests of
was owing
who had
consisting of those
was
function
their integrity.
its
The
four hundred
Solon
equal proportions.
is
made
as a ship
is
a tossing
sea.
fast
human
life,
His proverb
He was
'
Nothing
Pol.
Arist.
aTToStddvai
rw
ii.
S-fifjLifi
c.
12,
1274,
p.
a.
15
in excess
StiAwi'
changes.
It
is
fiTjie ybip
tq6tov
&v
d drj^os
^ov\os
Demetrius Phalereus
fev cYtj
(in
Kal "ttoX^^ios.
Miiller,
Fragm. Hist. GrcEc. ii. p. Z^^^ fragm. 8), xai STjfxdpxovs ol irepl ^6\uva Kadlaravro
iv TToW^ (TirouSf), 'Iva 01 Kara STJfi.ov Stdwfri Kal \afifidvu(n ret SUaia irap'
a\\'l)\uiv.
Even though the word demarch. which at a later time has rather
reference to political administration,
suppose that
Alterlhilmer,
Sucaa-Tal
i.
p. 49).
Karct
S-fj/jiovs
SOLON.
147
to the people of
That removal
sr/siu-/t///t'ict,
first
said to
in
for the
life
Solon cannot be
in
community
made
he laid
at large,
its
founda-
tions.
The people was invested by him with attributes which
Tiie democratic element
it afterwarils endeavoured to extend.
first
the commonwealtii
it
limited power,
to
its
efforts to
supreme authority
the
the state.
in
mind of a legislator
is
to
restore
tlie
disturbed
tlie
equili-
upon
world reacted
and
possible
first
time
internal
Atlien.s,
salutarj-.
tliat
alTairs
of an
made
is
the
itself felt in
the
important community.
tliis
It
was
tlie
the
we
general intercourse of
the
If
vital step
what
it
claims.
delivered
The poorer
from
tlie
for the
balance of political
ANCIENT HELLAS.
148
home
or sold as slaves
at
It
is
by
effected
a legislator, in
very
life,
organised
it
way to
a great conquest.
still
Solon made
less
:
his ambition
limited
distinct.
That
doubtful
itself in
and
oligarchy had
The
their
Tyranny
To
PEISISTRATUS.
149
cracy
into
The
conflicts
of
the
families,
principal
hushed
for
money
in their
hands
onidse
were
in
who were
in possession of the
perpetual antagonism
the Alcmae-
to
man
popular assemblies.
At
its
head stood
Peisis-
distinguished
it,
Lorenzo de' Medici there was no need for such a stratagem to obtain
him the protection of a similar guard.
In the case of
for
ANCIENT HELLAS.
150
One
the
first
mark
employment of mercenary
this
epoch
Peisistratus,
troops.
is
who
Lygdamus
He
it is
The
Peisistratus
and
would
force.
peaceful
as
little
suffer
profitably
for
it
at his pleasure.
a series
of years to
The
Persians
He won
a foothold in the
colonial
point
work of
'
the Hellenes.
Peisistratus
won
seventeen
is
all
for himself an
PEISISTRATUS.
imperishable
title
to gratitude
by making a
collection of the
The conquest of
their resources,
all
power.
it
word which
No
than his
it
But for
became to the world.
to the oldest of the
The
done
memory of a
be keenly felt how much
was implied in the heavy tax which the despots, in order to
keep up their power, laid upon the land, whilst the people
remained unarmed. The commonalty gradually dissociated
themselves from the house of Peisistratus, to which they had
But public prosperity can never efface the
defective title.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
152
own
lives
as
its
edge,
and the
sacrificed their
In his dread
lest
prise
overthrow of Hippias.
whom
safety in flight,
fell
into the
'
The expulsion of Hippias took place in the twentieth year (Thnk. vi. 59)
before the battle of Marathon (490 B.C.) therefore in 510 B.C.
In the fourth
year before this (Herod, v. 55 ; Thuk. I.e. ) Hipparchus had been slain, i.e. in 514.
ii.
p.
201
sq.
Pol. v. 9, 23
Cf. Clinton,
CLEISTHENES.
joined
and
153
it
cannot be doubted
that the
and the
remaining families.
Messenians,
It
refuge in Athens.
and
In this conflict on
of those of his
own rank. For this object a thorough transDemos was necessary.' The principal step
formation of the
which
to this
end consisted
in their
in
of Sikyon into
who,
in
tribes,
and abolished
their
names.
yet,
it
view.
principle
the
upper hand.
more sup-
ported
This change of the constitution cannot have taken place earlier than 507 B .c.
Schomann, Die Verfassungsgeschich'e Athens, p. 80.
'
Cf.
ANCIENT HELLAS.
154
They
order to stay the innovations at their outset.
old
guilt
the
of
Cleisthenes
brought up once more against
in
retire.
with-
out his assistance to defend with might and main its newly
won privileges, was chiefly aided by the circumstance that the
rest of the
little
engaging
in the
disposed to
Instead of
their union.
This took place upon the plain of Eleusis. To the Peloponnesians themselves the freedom of Athens was indispensable,
if they were not to become completely dependent upon
Sparta.
field
There were
still
Boeotians
and Chalkidians
with Cleisthenes
The
in the
Athenians,
which they had never hitherto displayed, and with the best success. For an excellent weapon,'
each man knows that he is
says Herodotus, is isegoria
their cause with a courage
'
'
life.
Its rise
Greece.
155
CHAPTER
VI.
Towards
colonies
raise
and aptitudes.
We
were
Persian
monarchy.
are speaking
now
of the period
of the Assyrian
The
states
this
time
prominent,
156
came
settled
to the
in conflict
upon the
The
increase.
kings of Lydia, in
whom
It
was from
made no
respect.
had a body
founded
for
for,
according to a frequent
remember
their
fashion.
ingly,
which
it
had been subjected for centuries. We may doubtbetween two kinds of interest, the
RISE OF PERSIA.
immediate
political interest
The
hand.
in
157
Lydia and
in
latter
in
interest,
which
found support
To
all this,
The
an end.
the
to
monarchy put
of the kingdom of Lydia was a loss
however, the
destruction
Greeks which
hospitable capital
it
of the
rise
is
of the Persian
impossible to estimate.
monarch was
who
The
by
the
from
replaced
From
cities.
first
this
attempt at a
through a native to
collection of the
taxes.
the East,
its
West.
of
Greek influence.
intercourse
It is
dominion
and Egypt gave a violent check to
onward movement of Greek life. On the other
hand it
158
seemed
many
defeating so
which obeyed
The
his sceptre in a
subjection into
which the Greeks on the coast of Asia Minor had been brought
a subjection so complete that they appear in the Persian
monuments as integral parts of the main empire prompted
him
to
make
use of
them
in
over civilisation
can defend
itself
it
is
far
more
difficult to
attack,
and so
There
some
ately.
He
had been
forts there,
DARIUS.
on
Here was
country.
another
59
conspicuous
success which
great
turned out to the disadvantage of the Greeks.
considerobtained
very
region, in which they had already
was closed
to
home.
A pretext and
The
full employment to the inhabitants.
known by which, after the passage of Darius
themselves to give
argument
is
well
a measure
which would have prevented the return of the king, and would
have restored the subject nations to freedom
It
was rejected.
of the danger
and cities would
rise in insurrection, and that all the dominion which they
enjoyed would be lost.
From Miletus, where this feeling
found the strongest advocacy, steps were taken under the
direction of the tyrant Aristagoras to subdue Naxos, the most
powerful of the Kyklades which still remained free, and it was
designed when this was effected to make an attempt upon
Euboea also. The vision of the great and ever-encroaching
charge of the bridge.
that, if
Even the
when hard pressed by the Lakedsemonians
of Athens,
and Boeotians, had entertained the idea of invoking the assistance of the satrap of Sardis.
far
l6o
more
who had
fled to
Sigeum
and had
Hippias brought over
the
same
satrap of Sardis to
While, as
we
whom
been
in
edly,
if
events
are
general tendency
Undoubt-
impossibility.
determined by a controlling
of
human development
idea, the
One
cause, no
This was
first
those
in
whom
their
ARISTAGORAS OF MILETUS.
instrument by
whom
the crisis
l6l
this is
sometimes the
The
from them.
was
inflicted
failure itself
The arch which the
was thus deprived of the key -stone
of Greece was concentrated.
which
had
all
just erected
the peril
imperishable
name by being
the
first
made
for himself
an
own
resignation of
62
The
remaining
and we may
by
The supreme
and Strategi were everywhere appointed.
power in the cities was based upon a good understanding
between the holders of power and the Persians the fact that
one of these rulers found the authority of the Persians intolerable was the signal for an universal revolt. Aristagoras him;
armour of bronze.
the Greek powers,
He
who was
visited
in person,
We
'
do not attempt to determine whether this was the map of the world by
Hecatseus, but undoubtedly Miletus was the birthplace of chaitography.
ARISTAGORAS of MILETUS.
63
the possi-
Aristagoras.
But
it
spoil.
added
In meditating the
of the Persians.
most
bitterly experienced.
its
general
and
immediate ends.
Rejected by Sparta, Aristagoras betook himself to Athens.
The inducements which had failed to impress the king of
Sparta produced upon the people of Athens just the effect
We may
recommended
enjoyed to the
full
their neighbours.
We
it
164
islands which
appropriating them.'
It was, at
any
rate, decisive
momentous
to raise the
issue.
By
the
of their gods.
We
know
that
it
Nor would
who thought
dominions as an
insult
fail
himself appointed
calling
for
made no
revenge.
The
hostile
'
iv.
p.
37,
'The
islands of
seem
to
at the
in
the various conjectures concerning the date of this occupation without being
exactly convinced by any one of them.
authority
is
Herodotus,
who
is
In this
es ential connexion than in their exact sequence in point of time.
account we shall follow his example in giving prominence only to the former
method. That which is legendary we may leave to itself.
65
Darius drew the bow, the symbol of power, and shot an arrow
into the sky, calling at the
who was
his
god (whom
whom
namely Ahuramazda)
to grant him vengeance, or rather chastisement, upon the
Athenians. The enterprise of Aristagoras had meanwhile
caused general commotion. He had by far the larger part of
Cyprus together with the Carians on his side. All the country
near the Propontis and the Hellespont was in revolt.
The
the king mentions on his monuments,
make
it
their first
if
concern to
attempt-ed
by
sea,
In their
first
of force.
the lonians
training
'
We can fix
66
five
The
defeat.
this
To
the Persians.
be
their policy
and
retained,
hands of
cities to the
they employed
their
They made
provision to
by
The
represented
felt
that
would
fall
in
it
poet
felt
who
the Athenians
on themselves.
to prepare
Mardonius by name,
whom
to his daughter.
67
he united to his
To Mardonius
'
pushed on by the mainland. He once more subdued Makedonia, probably the districts which had not yet, like the Makedonian king, been brought into subjection, and gave out that
his
of the king.
in general.
'
of Delos.
at-
'
B.C.
68
them
resistance
it fell
by treachery
The
In spite of a brave
had
in
still
No
one as yet
had been able to make a stand before the terror of the Persian
arms.
It was unlikely that the Athenians would venture on
a struggle which, according to
all
MARATHON.
69
It
to
plac'e
pressed
his
own
personal quarrel
in
Attica.
The
The
Athenian army
Justin
(Miltiades,
total
their
(ii.
c.
9, 9)
4,
2)
estimates their
at
number
at
much must be deducted, for, as the troops had to be brought over by sea,
number could not have been so immense. On the other hand, the Athenians
men
(Nepos, Miltiades,
c.
5,
I)-
light-armed.
170
a hand-to-hand fight.
The Persian sword, formidable elsewhere, was not adapted to do good service against the bronze
King
'
The
Darius, in
battle of
whom
Marathon
falls in
Xerxes against Greece (cf. Clinton, Fasti Hell. ii. under this year, and
The day of the battle is said by Plutarch to have been the 6th of
Boedromion.
Some modern writers, however, have thought it probable that
Plutarch has confused the day of thanksgiving with that of the battle. In particular this is the opinion of Bockh [Zur Geschichte der Mondcyclen der Hellaun,
p. 66 sq.) ; he assigns the battle to the 17th of Metageitnion = 2 Sept.
^ The AlcmeeonidEe, as many
supposed but the charge is with good reason
prise of
p. 246).
contradicted by Herodotus,
vi.
XERXES.
was so
faithfully mirrored,
was
He
still living.
7X
at least suc-
monarchy
in
Among
the one
on the mother's
side,
so that a contest
by a commotion
in
We
gather from
expedition.
In
it all
its
Persians cherished, that they were the first race in the world,
and that to them belonged universal dominion, the sole
obstacle in their way being the resistance of the Greeks if
this were overpowered, the air of heaven would form the sole
limit of their empire.
Against it were urged the disastrous
experiences of the last campaigns of conquest undertaken by
Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius himself; and thus occasion is
taken to bring into prominence the idea of the Greek religion
that the gods show no favour to those who have reached too
;
it
left to posterity, a
work constructed with marvellous narrative power, but not
without a legendary element mingled with authentic history.
To an historian living in a later age it might seem that the
enterprise could scarcely have been the subject of much
debate.
The expedition of Datis and Artaphernes had only
172
it
in hand.
He
is
consciousness that
full
It
disasters.
it
all his
resources
in
scope.
torical value
we
are
made
emerge.
was chieily
the Phoenicians and Egyptians who were engaged on it. The
ropes of the first bridge were made of flax, those of the
second of papyrus. The whole was the work of the most
skilful craftsmen among the Orientals.'
The same hands also
pierced through the isthmus which connects Mount Athos
been the
artificers
of the bridge
under Xerxes
it
with the mainland, so that the ships could avoid the dangers
with which Mardonius had to struggle in rounding the pro-
montory.
Not merely
for the
campaign
command
in
it
appears
,task.^
and
sea.
more than a million warriors, with the addition of 80,000 cavalry, the number of the ships at more than
1,200.
In the army it would seem the Persians had the
are estimated at
command
'
The expression in Herod, vii. 36, 'other master builders '(SWoiipx'""'''''*'")'
applied to those employed after the first mishap, implies no change of nationality, but only a change of persons.
^ As regards the
fact of this achievement
(History of Greece, v. p. 30).
side with
73
the other
security,
came over
The sentiment
of
and
districts.
It is affirmed
of Gelon,
Strictly speaking,
it
is
They had
thrown the heralds of the late king, when they demanded the
tokens of subjection, into pits or wells, and had bidden
them
fetch earth
Tempe
in
rear.
In a
land
force.
the Spartans at
174
draw from the straits, and the stream of Persian conquest swept
on unchecked. The greater part of the Greek populations,
Great King. It is strange
origin, based especially
mythological
to note that claims of
recurred to men's
Pelops,
Phrygian
on Perseus and the
concerned
to
bar the passage
only
memories. Sparta was
Boeotia, Phokis, Doris, joined the
by land
to
and that
all
all
that belonged
stated, at
kind is stated. His words would lead us to suppose that the order had proceeded
immediately from the commanders of the fleet (viii.41): 'h9i\faMt. Kmiax'v is
t\v kworSiV, iXTa Si t^v &TTi^tt' lefipvyfia hrot'fj(ravTO, *A$7]valwy rp ris Svvarat tr^^eiv
TO TKva T Kol Tohs oiKeras. The armed force declared that the country could
not be saved, and that the security of its inhabitants was only to be found in
flight to Salamis or other places of safety ; the step is not attributed to the orders
named above, or to any regularly conducted deliberation. Neverwhich the commanders of the fleet proclaimed recommended itself
to the judgment of the country.
of the tribunal
theless, that
75
all comparable to
and in spite of all her losses at Artemisium
she had emerged from that contest with the glory of successful
seamanship. Although others wished to interpret the oracle
that of Athens,
They
left their
may
well
country, entrusting, as
were,
it
Persians encountered
no obstacle
numerous
its
Nevertheless the
in taking possession of
it,
and
the lofty
were burnt. The Peisistratidse, who on this occasion also accompanied the invading army, found only a scanty
remnant of the inhabitants gathered round the priests in
charge of the temples all the rest had evacuated the country
This may fairly be reckoned the
and taken to the ships.
lasting olive
greatest
among
to their
it
all
re-
their
for their
title
to fame.
could
lead
himself looked
out a home.
he protested
walls
to
upon
far a
migration of this
Themistocles found
one with-
if
left
unsup-
ported in Greece they would seek a new country for themselves in Italy.
His own design, however, supported by the
To
those
ferred
of
whom would
have pre-
GREECE AND PERSIA.
176
army would
make a forward movement, which would put the Peloponnesus into serious danger, and that without the assistance of
the Athenians the rest of the allies would certainly be lost,
whilst in the open sea near the Isthmus they would fight at
it
it
and
at once
in
own
hazarding their
existence.
that
of his
with advantage.
The
enemy
in flight,
which
so
Greek vessels, until the hour when the wind usually begins to
blow more strongly, and raises a chopping sea in the gulf
This was a point in favour of the Greeks, for the Phoenician
vessels, more cumbrous in their movements, were ill adapted
This was the time chosen
to a struggle in narrow waters.
by Themistocles for beginning the main attack. He had no
need to fear that his line would be turned. His one aim was
to throw the approaching enemy into confusion by a vigorous
'
The
presence
of Xerxes
Plutarch (Themistocles,
c.
13).
is
mentioned by Herodotus
(viii.
90)
and by
SALAMIS.
177
sway
maritime nations
and his
skill,
Upon
fleet
and confusion.
fell
into
the
first
disorder
serving under the Persians, ran into and sunk a ship belong-
them
in
ships
Persian
of Xerxes as he sat
upon
epic story of
Herodotus.
The
importance
upon success
in
a naval engagement.
it
in the
is
if his fleet
imperilled,
How
great
evidenced by
should see
who
loved
had only
him when a
to say that
number of
now he
Persians at once
life.
The
ep. 51
to
battle of
cf Herod,
Salamis
viii.
falls
51),
September 20.
178
attachment to their gods, they did not doubt that they would
avenge on the Persians the injuries they had inflicted on their
Nevertheless this did not
temples and their religious rites.
tempt them to form plans of attack, such as those which had
formerly been amongst the dreams of Aristagoras. But they
had now, as they thought, certain evidence that the gods were
not minded to see Asia and Europe united under one ruler in
other words, that the gods had not appointed Hellas to form
the earth.
It is well
known
enthusiasm of the
Athenians.
number of
the
Greek
PLAT^A.
populations were
79
ranged on the side of the MedoBut now Lakedsemon roused herself in support of
Persians.
The republics so fundamentally opposed to each
Athens.
still
demos of the
it
was
Eleusis that
at
general
to this extent, at
infused
itself
any
into
rate, the
their
the
to
their
aid
political
Corinth set
life.
5,000
men
in
the
field,
heavily armed.
lutely
ruled, the
army
is
glances
now
the
Greeks, whose
marked the different localities from which
they were gathered, and now at the host of Asiatics by whom
a strange
scene as
it
at
varieties of aspect
l8o
The shock
in fact
so.
little
subservient
once ere
to
this
No answer had
been returned to this suggestion, but the course of events
brought about something which resembled it. When the
cavalry had desisted from the pursuit, the best-disciplined of
the Persian troops advanced to fight out their quarrel with the
flower of the Spartan and Persian warriors.
manifested
the
great
distinction
Hellenes.
The former could indeed employ their offensive
weapons with skill, but they had no defensive armour.
Throwing themselves upon the Spartans in small companies
men
of ten
to
abandon the
struggle.
MYCALE.
haste,
owing
their
The
enterprise
owed
by land had
its
it.
conception to Mardonius,
Two
brief encounters
who
by sea and
To
it is
obtain
to
a foothold, in
king, Pausanias, to
may
is
raise questions
Yet
it
led.
cause
it
The
the struggle
and
homewards.
To
102
question
is
said to
faithful
with Persia
who had
sympathised
moment
even greater
for
to universal obedience,
by great achievements,
According to Thuk. v. 63, the law, in virtue of which ten aijji^ovXai were
assigned to the king, was not enacted till the year 418.
'
PAUSANIAS.
rigorous censorship of the Ephors.
that the
It
183
service to the
at the
were compelled,
exile.
independence, so
curred
king of Persia.
The
so that he in-
The
much
to ally
if
he refused.
hand
PlatKa,
came
to
enemies to.
slay him in the sanctuary in which he had sought asylum,
or to drag him away by force, but they removed the roof and
sealed the door.
They kept him prisoner thus until he wasexhausted by hunger, and only dragged him forth when he
was breathing his last.^ Leotychides was too cautious to.
return, and died at Tegea.
But the death of Pausanias was
miserable
end.
Religious
Tegea
is
scruples
forbade his
associated
This war was only brought to a close after two great battles,
whilst the helots
effort.
'
Leotychides was accused of treason to the state ; it was alleged that he
might have conquered all Thessaly, but had allowed himself to be bribed, and
was caught in the fact (eir' avTOipiptf a\obs) with his hand full of silver
(Herod,
Pausanias
trate the
is
vi. 72).
is instanced by Aristotle (Pol. v. 6, 2 = p. 208, 2 Bekker) to illuswords idi/ tij fteyas p Kol Swd/ifms i-n /ieffac thai, 'Iva /j-ompxii, and
compared with Hanno of Carthage.
^
184
We
monarchy,
in
for
effort
its
own
revolted subjects.
It
severest
They were
aristocracy prevailed.
even
Heads of the
Athenian commonwealth.
in
the
either.
of Themistocles.
prompt
intuition
Thukydides admires
which made it possible
in
for
Themistocles that
him
to hit upon
the best expedient in pressing difficulties, and even to penetrate the secrets of the future.
If we understand him aright
he ascribes to him the perfection of a healthy common sense
ready to meet every crisis, without the need of previous deliberation or discipline.
He rendered an inestimable service
to Greece and to the world by concentrating all the power of
Athens in her maritime life, and leading her to her goal by
his
energy
a.nd _fiKesse.
But
was
directed not
It
was due
to
him
obstacles in the
way
Themistocles threw
layed them until the work had advanced too far to be broken
off.
Another of
his services
finest in
was the
circuit,
and
THEMISTOCLES.
much
as
185
is
foundation walls,
hand.
In
the
It is
how
On
he to his attendant,
own
efface his
for
'
to
Gather these
be
up,'
To
He
'
the floating
engagement were
and even
He was
ostentatious, insolent,
cruel,
loved authority.
who never
politi-
spirit,
at
power endangered
portable.
political
equality was
directed
Themistocles.'
against
him insup-
Diodoras
(xi.
Nepos
[Aristides,
c.
3),
'Aristides decessit
'
= 457
B.C.
fere po=t
3),
78,
86
a rich prize.
to
and
in later
times.
We
are
reluctantly
Themistocles
made
his
escape
is
said
the
defeated.^
Themistocles,
it is
such a proposal,
The
'
According
to
was then
still
alive.
On
has attempted to combine the two accounts, and thus has imparted to the
and
original account
The account
as
it
iirst
appears in
Plutarch presupposes a state of tranquillity such as, after the murder of Xerxes
by Artabanus, who even seems to have introduced an inteiTegnum, is not probable.
The tradition here has traits of a fabulous nature. In Diodorus (xi. c. 58) the
legend appears less overladen with imaginary details than elsewhere.
The main
statement rests upon historical grounds, as is proved by two extant coins which
Themistocles caused to be coined in Magnesia after the Attic standard (cf.
Brandis, Das Munz, Mass- und Cewichtswesen in Vorderasien, pp. 327, 459)-
WAR WITH
PERSIA.
187
Gerusia.
a creature of flesh
always great.
was
at times the
Amid
the clash
and never
to be ruled, but those forces were too strong for him, and he
was overwhelmed by them. Yet while the worker succumbed,
his work survived the storm and lived for centuries.
Theof the great forces of the world his will
mistocles
To
clear
is
to rule
return to the
from
fear in the
this
way
Greek community
at large,
is
to
It
democratic
any power or
any individual would arise likely to prove dangerous to himself It is, moreover, an error to ascribe to the Greeks designs
of this kind.
The overthrow of the Persian monarchy, which
rested
on
own,
But they contemplated and
freedom to the
cities
on the Asiatic
coast, to recover
monarchy.
of
all
Even
much
as concerted action
general
upon the
domestic
88
The
an object of dread.
Spartans had no real objection to allowing Athens to take
the lead in the conflicts with Persia, a position which seemed
to be justified by the growth of her maritime power.'
condition of their republic was
which
federacy in
menaced by the
who
islands
and
tions,
affairs.
we
the
Persians
This
shall
is
home
allies in
acted
first in
The
tribes.
Persian
The
Kimon's hands
like
Chersonese
fell
into
and
The conquered
districts were
His next
step,
cities
on the
combined naval
as long as the
forces
Accordingly
it
was against
Kimon,
'
at the
Demosthenes
of the Athenian
this
allies
hegemony
(iii.
c.
23, p.
supremacy
were
sail,
that
directed.
undertook an
fi/ieis ifiiojiiiKovra
mantus.
KIMON.
expedition
designed
to
support the
Minor
Greek
cities
89
on the
emancito be found
pation,
naval
attacked the
crews
fell
into the
people
in
Persian clothes,
way he
this
camp by
In
the Eury-
of pursuit.
it
fleet
Thus
a double
victory
We may regard
{Cifnon,
c.
11)
ascribes to
465
(i.
137,
found
Asia which,
iirirenirii
according to
ypd/i^ara
els
PacnAfa,
blockade of Naxos (i. 137), and immediately upon this, or at the same
We have taken
moment, followed the battle at the Eurymedon (i. 98, &c.)
account of the year above, in fixing the date of the death of Aristagnras.
in the
go
more
The
at
lines
come
It
to that pass.
The
elder of Xerxes
sons had shared the fate of his father, but this only stimu-
resistance.
a century.
He was
distinguished
name by an
other
THE ATHENIANS
IN EGYPT.
igi
independence.
old
Inarus availed
Castle.
Egypt
Athens on a firmer
in
basis,
sea.^
We
encounter
Artaxerxes
is
said to
At
it
According to Diodorus, xi. 71, Inarus promised the Athenians a share in the
government of Egypt (inrurxvoiixtvos avrois, ihv ihevBtp^aoKri tous AiyvwTlovs,
Koiv^v avTOiS irape^etrdai t^v ^aiTiXeiav).
" There is no qviestion that Athens imported corn from Egypt at this epoch.
'
father of Inachus,
is
given here,
p. 44).
'
ig2
But she was not
in
a position to employ
critical time.
We
her power on
all
find
an inscription
tribes
sipation
of
the
republic
we may
of Athens.
we cannot
Nevertheless
as
part
of her
Artaxerxes employed
history.
some
corresponded
to
his
Upon
efforts.
the
all
his
previous
His success
appearance of a
Perso-Phoenician fleet at the mouths of the Nile, the investment of the citadel of Memphis, in which the Grseco- Libyan
army of Inarus was engaged, could no longer be maintained,
in the
fleet.
protection.
fall
stoutly, burning
and
Artaxerxes.
satisfy the
'
i.
ii.
433.
We
Isocrates
(irepl tlp'/iptis
avTols Tois
87,
p.
176
ir\T}pdt>/j.aa'l SiefpddpTjffai/,
i),
irX(v(T6.<rm
rpflipfis
93
Kimon
of Jupiter
Ammon,
quence of a
which he might naturally have expected to find Egyptian sympathies, but before the answer
arrived he was already dead (B.C. 449), probably in consefortunately
in
Unthese
to
kydides
we only
Egypt was
At
critical
this
lost,
From Thu-
later authors.
in Cyprus,
Thus, though
historian
It is asserted
said to
194
much
learned controversy.
generally been
The
denied, because
fact of
it
is
We have just
alluded to the
But
defective nature of the information about
Herodotus mentions an embassy of the Athenian Callias
this period.
of
immense importance
dominion
in the Archipelago.
settled that
to, sufficient to
There can be no doubt that Diodorus derived from Ephorus the information
which he gives us that a peace was actually effected. It is, however, not probable
'
either that this author forged a treaty out of love for the political fancies of his
master, Isocrates, or that any motive can have existed at a later time for actually
engraving such a forged treaty upon a column.
The treaty harmonises too
accurately with the circumstances of the middle of the fifth century to have been
That Herodotus only mentions the embassy in a cursoiy
invented in the fourth.
at all,
is
explained
when we remember
that
these later circumstances did not come within the scope of his history, which
would have lost its unity and objectivity by too exact an explanation of later
events.
95
is
The double
battle near
compact.
Cyprian Salamis may be rethe war between Hellenes and Per-
the
still
remained
intact,
and
still
their
the Persian
maintained
its
The
appeared
in
strong relief
These
intestine struggles,
which
any
and social
life.
judgment, right.
literally
it
'
'
of Kimon's decease.
196
CHAPTER
VII.
The
ITS LEADERS.
relations
less distraction.
I.
and Pericles
Aristeides
It is natural to
as opponents of Kinton.
by the existence
but this
is
in
each of a
The democracy
of Athens
owed
its
origin
and
its
founda-
in
DEMOCRATIC LEADERS.
Solon
families.
attempted to
in
97
establish
the aristocracy
to
the
latter
a certain
it kept down
the oligarchy.
Setting himself not
only against the tyranny but against the oligarchy also,
when it rose once more to the surface, the Alcmseonid
whilst
Cleisthenes
had
Athens,
now
it
his
The people of
the
of the
The
acting in
Each
side
The
98
most sensibly
and
after
among
Their aim
is
had
sufficient authority to
alto-
ARISTEIDES.
which we may conceive
by the
gg
fact
the people
to freedom.
in
was associated,
He
withdrew a proposition
at the
belonged to the
first
class
in
the
state,
the
Pentacosio-
old
away.
All the restrictions which excluded the larger
number of
removed
The
also,
electors
and
thus
The
200
arrogant proceedings
command
wounded the
ill-treatment of them.
race,
who complained
of his
their
and
in
The
for
Spartans
desisted
in
to grasp
position.
The new
relation
201
was commissioned to determine this for the newmembers of the League. The contributions were fixed at
the moderate total of 460 talents, and later on, when they
teides
had been raised to three times this amount, the days of the
old tribute were praised as a golden, a Saturnian time.
At
of the
League gave
in
is,
of the League.
The members
and
The
jus-
shifts,
interest of their
who were
own.
attracted
by
The
reception of those
the victories
new
associates
The
202
island
until
up the
pos-
own and
to
pay the
(B.C.
contribu-
imposed upon them. For the discharge of these contributions measures were at the same time taken of a character
universally binding.
Kimon had allowed the smaller communities, which found it inconvenient to unite agricultural
labours with service in the fleet, to pay their contributions
altogether in money.
This concession was ascribed to his
humanity, but it is obvious that the power of the leading state
was augmented by a change which put into its hands the
assessment and exaction of these contributions. The Delian
League thus gradually transformed itself into a supremacy of
Athens, not maintained without violence, and certain to excite
feelings of antipathy, especially on the part of Sparta.
Sparta was at this time involved in the most embarrassing
difficulties.
The Messenian war had been renewed for the
tions
third time.
The
Athens
years.
island of
of Sparta
discussion, Ephialtes,
'
KIMON.
He
203
would make
common
own
stock,
life,
earned for
he exercised
him high respect.
in
the
He was
naval
confederacy
the richest
man
in
Marathon cheering on
Among
204
by the Athenians
as a
Kimon gave
victories
lifetime.
to the
memory
This too
is
Lakedsemon
won through
Since
straining
every
anxious to
daemon.
In this
benefit from
to
his
less
good understanding with Lakehe was supported by all those who derived
maintain
policy.
gonistic sympathies
movement was
still
survived,
Two parties^ were formed, with antaand aims; one regarding the struggle
its
Pericles
latter party.
He
man who
he was
The
successes of
Kimon
could not
fail
to disquiet Pericles.
has, in order to
205
They could
venture to propose laws the effect of which was to change
fundamentally the relative position of parties. Most of those
upon which the authority of the principal families
The Areopagus now
shared their fate, its judicial functions, which still remained to
institutions
exceptional
reservation,
abrogated
one can maintain that
a regard for the better administration of justice was the
The Areopagus, whose imreal motive for this change.
privileges
possessed
the
memorial
sanction of religion, was
the body in which were concentrated the prerogatives of the
and transferred to the Helisea.'
principal families.
The ordinance
No
of Aristeides, according to
Kimon
rupted authority.
The predominant
To
influence of
course open.
functions,
the judicial
authority of a
those
effect.
The
supreme magistracy.
functions,
with
to be divested of
exception
of
it
all
Heliaea, to
an
the
which
insignificant
now
organisation
the Heliaea,
'
In the uncertainty of
Diodorus
460-459.
(xi.
We
of earlier date
all
chronological data
we welcome
the statement of
77),
206
forces
ceeded
securing a small
in
heliasts
From
while actually engaged in their duties.
poets we see that as a rule the older men, who were
the comic
engrossed
purpose.
in
The
was
to
selected
for
less
this
Areopagus being of a political as well as a judicial character, an oath was required from the heliasts, by which
they bound themselves above all things to favour neither
tyranny nor oligarchy, nor in any way to prejudice the
its
influence,
be
altogether
democratic assembly. It
this assembly was democratic in a modern sense.
issue.
207
which they had never possessed before, their number underwent a most important limitation. It is from this time that
we are able to regard the Athenian Demos as a community
propagating itself and making its influence felt in the world,
without any admixture of alien elements. The commons
already derived some benefit from the state.
Some were
glad to avail themselves of the remuneration bestowed upon
Others were kept in good humour by receiving
the heliasts.
the price of admission to the theatre as a grant from the
public treasury.
What was more important, for protracted
service in the fleet a stated pay was given.'
The distribution
of conquered districts in definite allotments was an especial
advantage to the Athenian citizens.
Their authority was
further increased
when the
afl"airs
civil equality, to
the
We
which
whilst at the
advantage of
'
This
may be
(Pericles, c. ii), in
Cimon
(c.
which the
we are further informed that the pay was taken out of the conmembers of the naval confederacy, so that the citizens of Athens
The
control over those at whose expense they received their pay.
ii)
tributions of the
exercised
statement generally made, that Pericles introduced pay for service on land also,
depends upon a passage from a late scholiast on Demosthenes, which cannot
be regarded as perfectly satisfactory evidence.
2o8
The
direction
her seaport, and from the fact that, a short time before, the
town of Megara, at the suggestion of Athens, had effected a
The growth of her maritime connections
similar junction.
at that
epoch,
extending,
as
we have
already
remarked,
The
under-
by Athens
them a refuge
In Naupactus and
in the Locrian
call the
its
Fate of Greece.
after-effects of that
Athens, on the
it
The
now supreme at
the
aristocracies
and
by
which
Athens,
it was surrounded
everywhere
felt.
This was especially the case in
made itself
Boeotia, where the less powerful towns sided with Athens,
while, on the other hand, Thebes was taken into the protection
It was when things were in this state of ferment
of Sparta.
opposition between the democracy,
209
itself.
upon
at
Athens.
It imperilled
Persia.
It
Long Walls,
The war had not yet broken out, but every one saw it
The leading man at Athens, whose policy
was menaced by it, was not disposed to await the danger:
his plan was to anticipate it by prompt action.
That the
to
be imminent.
Athenians had
in this
who made
his
is
shown by
appearance at
it.
And
Philolakon, that
is,
force such
pressure.
an alliance
and dependants to oppose the stoutest resistance to the Lakedaemonians. They sided with Athens when Pericles, with a force
very inadequate to the requirements of his enterprise, marched
encounter the Peloponnesians at Tanagra. On his side
to
The adherents
of
Kimon
2IO
palm of
scarcely decisive.
The
latter
had
already,
aim.
We
association, designed to
is
that
TRUCE
WITI-I
SPARTA.
211
Sparta, which
The
relations of
League and
its
dependence upon
took place
2,
The Administration of
Pericles.
was
this
The
occa-
of those
in later
it
was indispensable
semi-religious,
to the satisfactory
semi-political
functions
212
At
the
made on
for
in
the
wolf,
by the great
a
altar.
grievance.
by
were
in
had
for
First of
all,
The
subdued by the Athenians rose once more.
Athenians immediately interfered with an armed force in
favour of their own partisans, but were this time defeated at
Coroneia (B.C. 447). This was the signal for a general movement against the power of Athens. The party in Locris
and in Euboea which was hostile to the Athenians had
taken part in the battle, and the victory procured it
the ascendency in both places.
Athens could not prevent
the restoration of the old autonomy in Boeotia, and when
lately
213
at
revolt
retire.'
The Athenians succeeded in subduing
Euboea and settling it according to their pleasure. Yet upon
the mainland they continued to be at a very great disadvantage.
The Peloponnesian league had acquired fresh strength,
and the Athenians saw themselves compelled to give up their
Spartans to
possessions
in
Megara
sumed the form of an armistice for thirty years. Great importance must be attributed to this settlement, as involving an
acknowledgment which satisfied both parties and did justice to
the great interests at stake on either side. If Athens renounced
I purposely abstain from repeating the statement that Pericles bribed the
Spartan king himself, or Cleandridas, whom the Ephors associated with him.
This was the conclusion arrived at in Sparta from an assertion of Pericles about
So we see from a fragment of
the expenditure of a certain sum of money.
'
in Hist.
i.
p. 266).
Thukydides
it
properly
belongs he says not a word of the alleged bribery ; in the two other passages he
a. bribe (ii. 21,
tells us that Pleistoanax incurred the suspicion of having taken
(c.
22).
If
14
rested.
We may
The Spartans
wished
to
over public
who obtained
for the
democracy
CHARACTER OF PERICLES.
215
we
shall
give
One who
feared.
hand.
of the
Demos
as an independent power.
Ephialtes in the
through
to
it
still
greater influence.
exempt from
above
trivialities
stranger to
the
life.
own house
Pericles
to the
assembly
to
Elevated as he was
his lips.
in
From
is
related of
him we may
2l6
He
desired.'
even
insults
Much was
of men.
Pericles
as
control,
Thukydides
an
assembly of
still
this
more
kind.
to
As
he did not follow the multitude, the multihe did not flatter the many, but often
took a line which brought him into collision with public
opinion
he inspired courage when men were inclined to
fear, and when the people betrayed a presumptuous self-confidence likely to be detrimental, he emphasised all the dangers
says,
might
lead.
The
people possessed
by
its
first
citizen.
We
REVOLT OF SAMOS.
21 7
pubHc
festivals and,
finances.
the
to
sufficient
made
it
by
fruitless,
the state
Pericles,
direct aggression,
which
lost,
it
into a
The
island of
The
Samians,
who
still
made
who had
sidered
it
just
made
preparations to besiege
necessary at
all
to
Samos, con-
when
Samos, where,
He was
compelled to return
island
440).
Phoenician
They were
which would give the pretender
Egypt,
Grecian
fleet.
2l8
endeavoured to support
to Athens by
democracy of Athens
it
had
months
at sea
received
pay.
and
In
this
who
money
fleet
eight
served on board
fact
was made
Pericles regarded
it
the
as absolutely
service
at
duty,
it
members
was
of the league
provided she
ful-
its
climax.
erected,
The annals
Parthenon, which
of the
Pericles
fortune have
still
surviving fragments
is
219
links together
historical
raised.
The
by
the erection
of
designed not so
much
for
worship
however, was, as
sacrilegiously.'
Thus Pausanias describes the statue which he saw. Yet it is very noteis almost universally acknowledged to be the
best copy of the original, and which was found by my lamented friend Lenormant,
segis, spear, and shield are wanting.
But this is but one among a thousand
'
2 20
Even
element.
It might be said
whole
administration
of Pericles
that in this monument the
in
the
world
which
he had
was imaged, first the great place
won for Athens, next her maritime preponderance for the
members of the league were the servants of the powerful
capital and had no voice even in the disposal of their own
money. The same feeling is expressed in the other structures
of Pericles.
Such, for example, was that theatre upon the
promontory of Sunium which had for its spectacle the
manceuvres of the triremes and commanded a view of the
Kyklades. Such above all was Peirseus, the port of Athens,
with its spacious squares, its broad streets intersecting one
another at right angles, and its separate harbours for the
warlike and the mercantile marine, which have served as the
model of all similar structures in later times. In one of
figured
upon the
these harbours
by a row of
Caryatides.
to
These were
city.
formed a model for
the
the lower
succeeding efforts of
art.
all
how
and
precious
alike for
may be
life
up
22
to the
for
of our race.^
men
by a number of
It
whom
may
with
undertaking these
in
He
de-
any part
in the
employment
to
immediately concerned
occupation.
No
the
in
one was to be
buildings,
to
found
idle or dilatory
The
adequate
Athens became a
Greek
the West, and in the
remained villages
the
first
city in
world.
The works
referred
motives.
and personal
was an advantage
for nothing is more
it
to
purification
sufficed to efface
'
The
description of Attica
and Athens
ii.
326
sq.
may be
22
whom
Pericles himself.
The
Lakedaemonians,
most prominent enemy, upon one occaupon the Athenians to banish him as one upon
their
a stain rested.
Nevertheless
we
coming from the enemy, made but little impression upon the people of Athens.
Yet the Lakedaemonians
had an unbroken succession of sympathisers in Athens, and
we may perhaps assume that in this vulnerable side of his
nunciation, as
accusa-
To
wife.
prejudices which
sophistria, with
none of the
limited
is
the
women
of her household by
names of the Muses. Pheidias incurred a similar susby tracing on the shield of Athene the figures of Pericles
picion
No
by such motives.
As
223
in
the
foundation of Naples.
and
it
Corinth than of
Sparta.
to
conflict
of
interests
Their
arose
in
the
neighbourhood of the
it.
The
latter
blamed
itself,
we
alike.
found irreconcilable
quillity.
It
tran-
of the
2 24
Lakedaemon.
The Lakedsemonians
fact,
The
of thought taken
by
its
leader.
is
The way
in
which the
one of the Ephors that they could not allow the Athenians
to become any greater, or see the members of the league
sacrificed to their ambition.
OUTBREAK OF WAR.
On
ponnesian.
made
225
to prevent the
that
for
in
Attica
community.
suggestions.
much
from an enemy
resolution
in the field.
may
Pericles, to
whose influence
made
this
preparations
who
citizen,
still
country he resigned
life
of
its
In
the
different inhabitants,
and took
it
woodwork
of their
In their
From this event the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war is dated in
Thukydides himself makes this the starting point (ii. c. i ad in.
According to the calculations of Bockh (iTar Geschichte der Mondcyden, p. 78sQ.)the
surprise of PlatEca took place in the beginning of April 431 (Ol. 87, i).
'
fact,
226'
discomfort
their
ill-humour,
which
reached
its
climax when
population pent within the walls saw their property ravaged
almost before their eyes, without being allowed to employ
It was part of the design of
their arms in self-defence.
only the strong
Pericles to avoid a battle in the open field
;
moment.
There
augured
was,
however,
hostilities
of
another
the
action
severest
of
theirs
character.
which
Amid
the
confusions
occasioned
broke out,
which the
.(Egina, as
discontented
^ginetans.
On
2 2;
it
indeed, she
stock,
were expelled,
were divided
as lonians
in
by
enmity
but,
The
them.
sible perils,
situation of the Athenians involved, indeed, posbut at the same time held out to them magnificent
innumerable victims.
It is
probable
peared
But
in
it
tioned
circumstances
much to the
The disease, if
contributed
intensity
disease.
originally
effect.
necessity.
The
2 28
ready, as
usual, to
Scarcely, however,
pestilence,
had he recovered
now almost
extinct, seized
its
his authority
him and
leaders.
when
the
him
carried
429 B.C.)
one of those leaders of aristocratic origin who,
having placed themselves at the head of the people, have
roused them to the kind of life proper to democracy.
He
cannot be compared to Aristeides, or even to Solon. He had
Pericles
is
of the question.
the development of
democracy
itself
was adapted
to further,
all
his acts
was
inasmuch as
there
DEATH OF PERICLES,
229
He
all
resistance.
among
the
The
as a
assume an independent
position.
democracy and
directions Pericles
In each of these
as a maritime power.
came
an Alcmseonid.
He was well aware that he was not a match for the power of
the Peloponnesians on land, but, in order not to succumb to
of the antagonism which he inherited
it
at the
first
onset,
however heroic
and to Athens.
as
in itself,
whilst sacrificing
It
inroads of the
maintain
The
is this.
is
it
230
The death
by
radical changes in
first
was doubly
citizen
Amid
all
felt,
because he
no successor.
had maintained
left
Pericles
3.
Among
Clean
and
his Epoch.
who towards
the close
great comic poet of the time has exposed to the derision and
Cleon appears as
bawler,' the
'
deliberations
'
raker-up of
and
strife.
In Aristophanes
'
scandalous
In one play he
who
all
public
is
repre-
master and
acts
CLEON.
231
dema-
gogue.
If we wish,
we must only
and mistrust, and they were afraid that after being employed
they would themselves have to undergo
to subjugate others
the
same
So long
as
Athens was
in full
232
They began
therefore
seriously
to
entertain
the idea of
Mytilenseans,
who headed
the
movement
in
Lesbos,
demand
Mytilene.
sea,
but
it
did not
was too
had brought
all
were chiefly
assisted,
they
in
REVOLT OF LESBOS.
result quite belied tlieir expectations.
commons
2 2^;^
Once
in possession of
peace
less
f.unilios,
tire}-
and,
compelled
by
tJic
conditions
The
as
resolution of
first
was
to
tine
transported
powerful
all
children slaves,
in the
make
their
all
who were
serve to
without delay.
2 34
He
side.
rejected
sinuations of Cleon.
triumphantly and with dignity the inAdopting the premiss of Cleon, that
was
allies,
The
and to avoid
and against are set side by side in the inimitable account given
Cleon does not deny that
by the historian of the epoch.
the dominion which was exercised was a tyranny
if the
Athenians have no just right to it, their duty is, he argues,
to give it up and lead quiet lives at home
if, on the other
hand, they think they have a title to empire, they must shrink
from no extreme of violence in order to maintain it. Though
Diodotus objected that such a course was more likely to
imperil than to consolidate their dominion, a doubt may well
be entertained whether he could have made much impression
by an argument in itself of questionable cogency but he
adduced another which was well adapted to strike home. In
all the cities connected with the league there were t\vo parties,
the one aristocratic and averse from the Athenians, the other
democratic and inclining to their side. The victory in Lesbos
had been due simply to the fact that the commons, so soon
as the opportunity was given them, set themselves in oppo;
the aristocracy.
To execute the decree already
passed would have been nothing less than to annihilate the
natural allies of Athens.
All the democracies which formed
sition to
SIEGE OF PLAT/liA.
2.35
with
everything needful
to
enable and
amply furnished
to encourage
the
had
first
despatch, which
recalled.
The
city
to the
was
utilised in order
restored
supremacy of
Athens.
By
superiority.
The
strenuous resistance
'
interfering
(summer of 426
was ruined
districts,
by
the instantaneous
simplicity of life
B.C.)
rising
still
of
the
.^tolian
clung to a primitive
236
more
in favour of the
not
how-
so,
On
a blow
felt
the Peloponnesus
most keenly.
itself,
command,
as before, of Demosthenes,
of the
fleet,
whose views
in
this
all
by seeing
their hated
within their
amounted
The
to a defeat.
which lay before the entrance of the harbour, the Lakedaemonians had thrown a division of hoplites, taken partly from
tomed
In
which
in these
Lakedaemon
enemy.
many
of those
most
who were
influential
commo-
shut up
in the
SPHACTERIA.
237
The Spartans
pended.
to offer the
and
might be improved in restoring
peace to both republics and to the Greeks at large.
But the
leading demagogue explained to them that they had a prize in
their hands, for the redemption of which they might exact far
more than this, and he was not contented with that restitution
of the status quo, which was all that the offer of the Lakedeemonians implied. He thought that they might be brought to
give back once more the places which Pericles had resigned
to them on the conclusion of the thirty years' truce.
These
places, however, had either been reinstated in their old independence or restored to their former possessors. The whole
arrangement had been a compromise by which the Athenians
had received great compensating advantages.
The Lakedaemonian ambassadors, confounded by such
extravagant claims, suggested the appointment of a commission with which they, might quietly discuss points of detail.
how
part of Cleon,
Whatever
else
we may
to
distinguish
two
classes of politicians
those
We may
who have
the
present situation,
;
238
may
in the
The
notion
if it
was favoured by
as
he desired
general,
fortune.
it,
in
follies
He was
himself instrumental,
to
capture
little
own nomination
Sphacteria,
many
as
the
inconveniences.
summer 425
The number
Demos
to prosecute the
war with might and main is found in the increase of the tax
imposed upon the members of the league in the archonship
of Stratocles, in which the conquest of Sphacteria took place.
It was raised to an amount sometimes a little more, sometimes
little
less,
than
exacted.
How
this
advantage may be
BRASIDAS.
239
enabled,
by the
league, to
424
B.C.)
At
roused themselves
again
to
the north.
it
was
to
failed
by
sea,
By one
which
Lakedae-
240
through Thessaly.
Athens
into allies
favouring
the
aristocracy at
and
especially
first
at Acanthus,
district.
The
choice, therefore,
and subjection by
sides
force.
The
of
inhabitants, as a body,
was
this
in favour of accepting
result
it.
to
We
tribute,
which was then being for the first time enforced. The hostility to the Athenians assumed, in
consequence of this
defection, greater dimensions than any which they had encountered hitherto.
Brasidas was a
man
perament, of stainless virtue and heroic courage, who possessed the gift of confirming the attachment of his friends,
foes.
It was a great
commander, supported by the descendants
of the ancient inhabitants in the city and neighbourhood,
event
when
this
of their own.
If
to remain faithful
to
BRASIDAS IN THRACE.
Athens,
was
he
permitted
to
24
withdraw, taking
The
his hands.
his
all
fell
of Sparta.-
among
the nati\'e
to Mytilene.
On other
may have
It
with their wives and children from that island, on the plea
new
controversy,
itself
Just
at
howthis
sula of Pallene,
it
after the
242
right
it
hesitated to relinquish
it
to their vengeance.
Till
observed with
accompanied by a considerable
fleet
He succeeded
in
and a
He
fine army,
recovering Skione,
all
resources
he could muster.
commander, he
demagogue
head of
position
far
in cutting
more than a
his troops,
what
He abandoned
temper of the
While thus engaged he was surprised by the military
of Brasidas, and the presumptuous demagogue succumbed
personally
country.
skill
'
We
may adopt on
Thukydides
'
(iv.
this point
123).
light than in
DEATH OF BRASIDAS.
243
solid reasons to
To
than
make both
a relief from
territories
if
still
more disastrous
of Amphipolis.
allies
it
244
With
posed.
tribute
this
were coupled
conditions
securing
the
liberation were
it,
and
by
Nikias, the
Aristophanes, in
whom
there
ran
a vein of Panhellenism,
admonition to maintain
it.
Exactly
in this,
difficulty.
4.
The
Alkibiades.
THE PEACE OF
NIKIAS.
245
Athenian force
in
the
Peloponnesus was
cities
They were
all
played
all
Each
state
had
dis-
and external,
to one or the other side.
Their emissaries were incessantly
passing to and fro to maintain unimpaired the interests of
one state with another. The phenomenon of a number of
communities, small indeed, but highly organised, with no
superiQr power to control them even from a distance, forming
a system kept together only by the sympathies and antipathies which were at work within its limits, is one which
In the ancient world, at a later
has never been repeated.
date, the Makedonians and the Romans interfered in the
affairs of the Greeks, and in the Italian republics of the
Middle Ages the Papacy and the Empire were never entirely
left out of sight, and it is for this reason that the vicissitudes
of these states, in themselves of little moment, excite the
attention which is still bestowed upon them.
At the crisis which we have reached, the Corinthians took
the initiative.
The terms of the pacification being disadvantageous to their state, they represented to the other powers
that the sole object of Athens and Sparta was to keep the
clining the balance of
rest
its
control.
They turned to
much more powerful of late
246
had
and
in the Eleans,
who
had,
it.
to require
his efforts
247
Alkibiades
is
said
have been displeased with the Spartans for having employed the intervention of Nikias in making advances to
to
his
It is
personal distinction,
common
his
may have
his
resented
this neglect.
But
To
On
Even Alkibiades
greater powers,
entering into
we
see
constitution of
The
may be
which
this league
produced
248
of Greece, however
Contrary to
all
warlike
their
expectation, the
patiently.
territory (winter of
by the Lakedsemonians
allies
menaced by an overwhelming
force
of Sparta.
In this
themselves with
peril,
As chance
willed
it,
ex-
who
in
DESTRUCTION OF MELOS.
249
Sparta
mainly centred.
in the
not
Peloponnesus,
situa-r
Spartsi
men were
the
children carried
away
as slaves.
It is related
women and
of Alkibiades
decree,
It is illustrative
now
figured
as
the
trait
of humanity.
principal
Kimon
personage at
250
made with
third prizes,
not offend.
way
of speaking,
'
'
me to such a
leading.'
in early
pass that
The mutual
I feel I
manhood, which
is
life I
men and
am
those
life,
relations
The
of display, while
His ambitious
this
love
it fascinated the multitude, which, says Aristophanes, loved him and hated him, but still could not live
CHARACTER OF ALKIBIADES.
25
biades remained
'
the
first
that,
That he enterfor
example, of
The
insecurity of the
situation in
chosen.
He
the Lakedsemonians
in
the
of Sicily.
252
indeed,
is
hold their
own
became
able to
restrict
trace of
set
cal-
in action,
Several years
before
this
Pericles
time,
had already
when the
entertained.
Leontines,
who
them
Egesta
was
to
also, involved in
a quarrel on the subject of territorial rights with the neighbouring city of Selinus, was put in jeopardy by Syracuse, which
came to the assistance of the latter. There was no tribal
relationship to
THE
of Syracuse, which,
SICILIAN EXPEDITION.
253
We
all
the other
At
the time of
its
is
displayed,
embracing
influence.
The
all
its
feeling
2 54
of Athens,
whether
it
justice
may
them
is
on the
expect, in case
in turn,
but can-
Athens depended,
development
of
her
naval
power no limit
he said, upon the
could be fixed at which this was to be arrested, for power
excited a natural jealousy it was always lawful to anticipate
rather than to await attack, and necessary to take one side
not avoid giving assistance.
Everything
in
**
or the other.
ruin.
It
was the
carrying
in
We
it.
see
mind
out,
it
it
and based
first
their
the
of a leading statesman
individual
is
opposition,
for,
though
it
THE
SICILTAN EXPEDITION.
255
power depended upon their united action. His counsels preand the preparations were undertaken on a magnificent
It was well known that the enemy to be assailed
scale.
was expert in naval warfare.
To conquer him a fleet of
a hundred triremes was prepared.
The universal emulation
extended to the material equipment. But especial pains
its
vailed,
war
forty
of
ports.
in trials
a doubt.
The Athenians
prepared at
all
5,000, of
allies,
citizens
armed
among whom
sea.
The
whom
1,500
own equipment
at the public
expense
no time
Sicily.
They
lost
in
and on
plenti-
afforded
amongst the
256
auxiliaries,
Italy
to
was
to furnish.
to take
up a magnificent
This
position in
But
is
it
Alkibiades,
commanding
position, or
One
Like
Pericles,
pre-
far as to
parody
at a nocturnal debauch
which were regarded by the multitude with reveris certain that he had nothing to do with the
disorderly act in question, but by the accusations which were
religious rites
ential awe.
It
2$']
it gave occasion
and imperilled. His personal conduct was so defiant of established rules and domestic morality
that he was believed capable of anything.
Alkibiades was convinced that it would be impossible for
him to sail unless the matter were legally decided and his own
acquittal pronounced.
It would be better, he said, that he
should be put to death at once than that he should proceed
upon an undertaking of such magnitude, and fraught with
such critical issues to the state, while burdened with a sus-
he
position shaken
felt his
it
is
multitude
which
all
them
little reflection,
however, sufficed
upon
many
armed
entering
to further machinations
into
resolution
that
the
fleet
Without
undisturbed.
should set
came
to a formal
without
sail
delay.'
I depart
trial
was postponed
for, in
till
the
the return
first
place,
would have been the exact opposite of the course which Alkibiades had
desired, and it would, in the case of one so powerful, have brought about a
reaction in his favour.
But, besides this, how could the party of his opponents
have had the effrontery, in the face of such a decision, to proceed against him ?
In Thukydides no such statement is made the proposals of certain orators
are by no means represented as acquiesced in by the people (vi. 29).
His
words are, eSo|e irK^lv rhy 'AXKi^idS-qv. Plutarch, whose account is really only an
expansion of that of Thukydides, perhaps suggests something of the kind, but
nowhere actually says as much (Alcibiades, c. 19). Andokides has, indeed, so
stated the matter, but it has been sufficiently demonstrated that his statements
are not entirely to be depended on.
To me the only certain fact seems to bj
that in the vote of .the people which was to pronounce upon the accusation they
proceeded to the order of the day. This, however, was only the question of the
departure of the fleet.
Everything else remained undecided.
this
258
spirit of its
commander-in-chief.
There
is
vestigated
one further question which we cannot leave uninthe question to what precise point the aims of
for
it is
conquest of
Sicily.
history supplies us with several valuable details in amplification of the narrative of Thukydides, states that in a conference
fleet, it
was resolved
communities.
Since
it
assistance
or
stint.
it
The
The
left
let
unhurt,
league be-
fleet
were offered upon the ships at the voice of the herald. Diodorus adds that the shore of the harbour was covered with
censers and consecrated goblets, and that the people on their
part made libations he represents, however, that this was
;
KFCALL OF ALKIBIADES.
not the unanimous act of
all,
259
function
to
415.
B.C.
which they
On
arriving
first
at
the
of
shores
Italy,
that they
towards
had not
expected.
fulfilling
the obliga-
fleet
harbour of
Of
the colonies
side, and
would perhaps have needed only a single success to bring
Sicily.'
moment when
begun
in
to recall him.
had
whom
cities
26o
the goddesses of Eleusis, and in his absence procured a resolution calling him to account for having turned the EleuSinian
Athens to
neians,
who continued
at once put
freedom
under
attached
arrest,
in the return
some
others
the
who might
easily
make
a white one.
no longer a
citizen
own
worth, he
felt
himself
tie,
to
this necessity.
Alki-
biades,
'
According
to
(vi.
recall
Kpiaiv
SIEGE OF SYRACUSE.
26
commanding
had desired
to
procure for her, for that position would then have been the
portion of his antagonists.
These
it
it
was
his principal
aim
to
of a
least
is
no. reason
men
why we
In the-
but
we have
as,
skilful
leader
necessity.
to-
commanded
cut off
all
262
Accord-
the
414
B.C.)
The
sense
in
(late
summer,
exact obedience to
his
When
all
was ready
moon (August
27,413
retreat,
and
263
the}- pur-
mutilation
after
it
ance of the
fleet
when
it
was
moon prevented
still
the deliver-
possible to effect
it.
The
fleet,, tlue
The
sliip.
In-
mainstay of
like destruc-
survivors of those
Her
it
had been
Ionian, allies
consoli-
now roused
themselves to the endeavour to relieve themselves of theoppressive yoke which the Athenians had imposed upon them.
And
here
we remark that
extent.
whose ideas were limited to the payment they could get for
military service, obtained a preponderance which at length,,
although only gradually,
by the
made
itself
felt..
the influence
allies
of Alkibiades at work.
intervention that
Lakedsemon entered
It
was through
his
264
Persians
directed
That power
still
against the
existed in
all
others were
send
or not.
Phoenician
ships to the
help of the
Peloponnesians,
'
Amorges, the natural son of Pissuthnes, Satrap of Lydia, who had made an
In the
first
Samos
treaty concluded
the words are, diroaru/ ^tipav koX ir6\cis /SatrtXeus eyei, Kai ol irarepes
Persians-
oi jSatrtAews
265
They thus
to be
The way
in
situation, still
were reserved
in this difficult
They appropriated
admiration.
rule.
in
The
by
We
remark here
in general
that the
memory
recalled in
actions
more recent
completely
relations, thatt
disregarded.
went over
tribal
to the
Lakedsmonians, while
the Argives,
who were
Athenians.
we have
just
spoken lonians, as
battle.
to
Urm
410 (Thuk.
57),
viii.
(Thuk.
x^pav
viii.
tV
18)
^atriXeois, oaTj
in the winler
411-
elvai Kal
266
to attack the
fleet,
resist so
formidable a combina-
It
victory, but
actual
already
still
a decided
advantage.
the contrary,
it
The
revolt
repressed.
On
Even
pieces.
The
in
out.
conflict,
which he had himself brought about, is a peculiar one. It suggests a general observation, which we may be permitted to
make
in this
place.
by the feeling of a common bond beand citizen sovereignty was regarded as residing
in the community as a whole, and no one could dissociate
himself from the interests of the rest, upon pain of forfeiting
his life.
Alkibiades, however, had broken this fundamental
together and animated
tween
citizen
law.
He made
he yet followed a policy peculiar to himself in order to overpower his opponents, who, though simple citizens themselves, held
We
that this
antagonists.
ALKIBIADES IN OPPOSITION.
this
267
in
motion
It soon,
league with
the
into the
Sparta
in equilibrium.
enough,
is
the city
parties
itself.
entertained.'
course of the
result,
It
5.
to
be
decisive of the
main
fixed.
and after
t/ie
War.
resistance to the
fleet at
combined
forces of
favoured a
268
The democracy,
complications.
to
his
nothing
by the
less
state of the
democracy
at the time.
heliasts
and the
complaint against
political
'
Certain
coming
men
'
oligarchy.
Almost exactly
summoned
in
the
Italian
269
fashion
the
and gave
people was then
Thereupon
the
B.C.)
their sanction to all
hall
and
democratic Five Hundred retired from the council
made way for the four hundred oligarchs. The change was
meet
that was done (41 1
to
at Colonus,
monians
for
as to sue the
enemy
for peace..
On
the contrary,
itself
it
so far
insisted
that Alkibiades
very
at
moment when
oligarchy
was arming
itself for
resistance.
At
this point
spirit.
He
re-
Xenophon, Hellenica,
270
official
two
He
parties.
own
part, reconcilia-
should be satisfied
if
that he
In
state.
fleets
of Athens
The
Eubcea.
and
crisis
battle
between the
fell
into the
anxiety at Athens.
upon the
Peiraeus.
The
The danger
fleet,
Thukydides holds
political
this to
all
the
lifetime.
-271
the
in the
neighbourhood,
Alkibiades
monians.
made common
home, and
The vacillating
for
persuading
policy of Tissaphernes
whom
It
The
Phoenician
fleet failed to
all his
might.
more consider-
The Athenians
nesians.
confidence at sea.
greater
Syracusan
over the
the stain
fleets off"
much
in-
first collision
allies
part,
'
reconquest of Byzantium.
Had he
272
power.
It
was merely
the
first
to discover the
had returned
may
well
footing.
But the satrap was no longer what he had been. All his
former cordiality had disappeared, and Alkibiades, perceiving
that he was in danger of imprisonment, resolved to make his
escape as soon as possible. The satrap does not appear to have
pursued his former friend with all the vindictiveness which is
customary in such cases, but a continuation of their former
The alliance between Athens and
relations was impossible.
the satrap of Sardis came to an end.
Tissaphernes soon
afterwards made way for Cyrus, the King's younger son, who
appeared as Karanos of Asia Minor. We shall have more to
say about him presently it is enough at this point to state
that he at once re-established the ancient alliance between
The historian who examines these cirPersia and Sparta.
;
cumstances
to
which
the fate of
Alkibiades
Greece
in particular,
is
Persian policy.
festival
RETURN OF ALKIBIADES.
273
unlucky.
According to
this
authority Alkibiades
made
their
appearance
tell.
till
his nearest
Then, attended
in the port.
made
against
false.
It
was
life,
his
country.
the
himself.
Alkibiades was
restoring
now regarded
as the only
position.
He
man
capable of
he was
fully
lost the
support of Persia.
The
having been the main cause of her downblame on no one, either on the people or
bitterly conscious of
fall.
He
laid the
should again pass along the customary way towards the shrine.
This project he carried out, attended by so strong a guard that
the Lakedsemonians,
B.C.)
It was still expected of him
would restore the greatness of Athens, but the Lakedsemonians had meanwhile been reinforced, and offered a
resistance that he could not overcome.
The advantages which
I'lIE
74
ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY.
coast.
Personally
He
his
It is at
had,
it
this
affairs
He
fortified
There
taken.
he proposed to
It
is
engaged.
carried
live as
on against the
in
this,
it had to be
and Lakedjemon,
that
all its
native energy.
When
the Spartans
manned a
fleet
the
the
sea, the
In the
BATTLE OF ARGINUS^.
These
2/5
efforts
were rewarded
by an excessive regard
Two
victory.
of the
made
trial
We
have
of Alkibiades.
in the
very act of
his
and
the Venerable Goddesses, through whose aid the victory had
colleagues had
been won.
While Athens was in this manner banishing or putting to
death the best men in the state, the Spartan oligarchy managed
so far to overcome its prejudices as to entrust the supreme
command to one who, whatever might be urged against him
on other grounds, was the
post.
This
man was
fittest
Lysander.
by
free
descent,
full
2/6
'
hide.'
Callicratidas
wooden
walls.
in
the
management of
their affairs.
The
field of
was again the Hellespont. Lysander had taken Lampsacus the Athenians encamped opposite to him at .^Egospotami. Alkibiades, who was residing in the neighbourhood,
rode up to the Athenian camp and advised them to shift
battle
session of
.(Egina
all
the islands.
and Melos
He
to their homes.
In
this proceeding he
enjoyed the aid of Cyrus the younger, who at that time held
supreme command over Asia Minor. This circumstance explains the pre-eminence of Lysander in Sparta itself, and the
universal anxiety which
was
fleetand a Lakedaemonian
felt
as to
what he would
do.
His
FALL OF ATHENS.
the
city.
277
were about to
and their
to others,
were not groundless. The question was actually discussed whether Athens should be allowed any longer to exist.
The Thebans were for expelling the inhabitants of Attica
and converting the country into pasture land again others, on
fears
more
justice, that
it
The
would be
result,
folly
however,
404
(April,
B.C.)
On
these conditions
suffered to exist.
as
little
At
all
times
it
was
which
power
in
Sparta
fore,
itself,
won
control.
even the
It
last
was
The
war with
plain, there-
The Spartans
thern.
The
restoration of the
still
regarded as representing, in
In a popular
278
The committee
memory
is
of
tlie
Thirty Tyrants.
title.
As
is
with constituent bodies, they postponed indefinitely the exeMeanwhile they kept all authority
cution of their task.
their
was
effected
proscription
it
a constitution.
The
to purify
purification
The
of
all
opponents.
Pharnabazus, and
would take a
that
that
DEATH OF ALKIBIADES.
Critias
2"]
who were
last
destroyed the
Never
ma
or, if
manner
at heart a citizen
moment when
He
and
his
ti
owi
But, checkec
political opponents,
country.
quit
hi:
h(
This powei
28o
Critias,
alone.
tion.
both
the intimate
deliberative assembly,
play,
who
out of the
own
as a
came
Critias himself
name
the
in
list
of
trial
in
authority pronounced
similar kind.
The men
own
day,
reli-
remarkable
effort
establishing a constitution
by an
at
The
28
whole population, with the exception of three thousand perThese three thousand were not only
sons, was ilisanncd.
to
Thus
a legal nature.
It
is
who
citizens
whom
they
retained pos-
comgovernment
more unlike
munit}- was
was carried
community
people.
It
was
It often
this.
come
happens that
to light elements
in great political
of sufficient strength to
resist the extremity of the evil even when it appears overwhelming. In this case excrjthing turned upon the fact that
Greece in general found the weight of Spartan supremacy
intolerable.
The
in
the interests
Sparta.
selfish ends.
Athens,
It
tliat tliis
was
tlie
to Sparta,
in
its
revulsion of feeling
was
first
apparent
The
may
at
first
sight appear.
Athenian
state,
Now
which would
that
tlie
exist-
agreeable to Spartan
this turn
of
atTairs, for
independence.
cal s)-stcm
lately set
in tlie
fatal to
282
He
any
The purport
all.
political
and when
interests,
man who
had highly distinguished himself towards the end of the conflict with Lakedsemon, made as if they would invade Attica,
the Thebans promised to connive at the attempt.
Thrasybulus was thus enabled to march into Attica with
a numerous band of exiles, and was joyfully received in the
Peirffius, the population of which was of the same mind.
The
the exiles, under the leadership of Thrasybulus, a
down
the
revolt.
Critias,
not, however,
foundation and
its
The
upon himself
system
in
Thrasybulus
(September, 403
B.C.)
these circum-
in consequence of
stances an understanding
which
Under
and
his
to
restore
The
283
for that
tendencies.
vative
most ancient
national
traditions.
Its
restoration
was
the
in
Thrasybulus had
exact
moment when
been
enough to
was possible.
fortunate
this restoration
in
Thrasybulus
the
most
spite
of
now
represented
unfavourable
the
conditions.
autonomy of Athens.
reconciliation of oligarchs
universal
confusion.
It
aimed at the
and democrats, put an end to the
is the first amnesty recorded in
history.
land.
In the
old, pos-
universal
human
race.
nations
attention.
will
284
CHAPTER
VIII.
IN
The
Greek
in their growth.
literature,
The
sixth
intel-
to mankind.
hardest questions
divine
enquirer
things
and
connexion
may
much
together,
as a body
life
of the
some remarks on
intellectual
if I
introduce
this intellectual
development.
I.
It
of the West.
no
historical
oriental con-
But there
is
285
again in the
most ancient
dicta of
shall
see that
it
is
Phoenicians,
made
through
passing
astronomy,
This
its
way
the
medium
The
the
of
Ionian
at length to Greece.
man
rises
who
stands
head of
all
was scattered
to the winds
The cosmogony
of the Greeks
by the
first
rise to
of time.
He
declared
outright
Comp.
Brandis,
Handbuch der
Philosophic;
i.
138.
p,
the
first
to
after-
life till
is
they
doubtless
286
human was
the
character
attributed
to
the
latter.
He
Pythagoras
is
poetical
been
necessary.
But Samos,
his teaching,
but there
is
nothing eastern
may
have influenced
the essential
in
re-
all
things
substance,
Number,
in music,
whose
appeared
in
importance
like
to
manthings.
spheres.
for
287
the gods
which was
in
Pythagorean league
cessfully
when
influence
It is
is
it
its
aristocratic proclivities
prepared the
way
In
for
downfall.
Meanwhile
in
is,
in
the products of Sicily none, says an ancient poet, was so admirable, none so holy, as
gentum was
Empedocles of Agrigentum.
flourishing condition
was due
The
soil.
Agri-
city, it
is
said, contained
Its
Carthage,
fertile Sicilian
a population, including
city.
At
Heracles,
and other
the
best
deities,
worship
with
hostility
and
alone, the
all
Doric architecture, he
the gods and attacked
contempt.
His mind
phenomena of which, as
288
which came to Sicily from Ionia, he introduced some consistency through the notion of four elements, which he was
the first to distinguish.
This fundamental conception, firmly
maintained both in ancient and modern times, held its
ground until it was overthrown by the discoveries of our own
day.
Among these elements he gave fire, as a primary force,
the most important place.
It was in the crater of .^Etna, we
are told, that he himself met with his death. Some fragments
of his works are still extant, which bear witness to the depth
and boldness of his intellect and still afford food for thought'
They
into
the foundation of
way
firmly held
its
In Greece
itself
Persia, a
its
may
best
still
poets.
'
Empedocles was of opinion that it was not till after various unsuccessful
attempts that creatures capable of life were produced ; comp. Zeller, 'Ueberdie
griechischen Vorgiinger Darwin's,' ^/V;a(/7. der Kdiiigl. Akademie der Wissensch.
Ill
PINDAR.
289
its
2.
Pindar.
The
given
double task
happy
day.
fate
In them
can devote
we
itself to
own
mind which
Our
object
The
chief representative of
intellect is Pindar.
It is not to be
denied that the systems of Pythagoras and Thales were
known to Pindar, or that he appropriated some part of their
teaching.
But we need not go further into this question.
is
victories
To
Only
that which
slight the
is seemly
gods appears to
in all cases to
290
modesty and
self-restraint displayed
To
the gods
all
In accordance with
this
made
is
to
appear
full
is
of
represented even
and
pride
The
are unapproachable
and
terrible,
gods,
and to natural
We
gifts.
live
not
in
rests on
in
violence,
exist-
due
is
end.
Eileithuia
'
him
come
that he
zeal.
admires in
from them
Pindar demands of
all
man
Jason,
who
has a
rightful
claim,
PINDAR.
291
remedy
for toil.
any
Glory
is
the
by dew.
If these
is
the natural
remain unsung
to
Omphalus
Men
at Delphi.'
like
'
dead.'
When we
'
ii.
'
219.
S/xyois.
Threni
iii.
in
292
world of the Greeks comes before our eyes in all its splenOn all sides are to be seen wealthy and distinguished
dour.'
families, rich
to the
own
their
hands.
shining harness
then they
call
spur
the
their
domestic
life
the building
of
all
the
'
itself,
oikos,' the
within
its
human
stands
it
and
last
feast
is
was
it
to
The Euneidae
attend
sacred
in
origin to
calling
lute-
The
lamidse, a family
On Mount
gifts,
were
who devoted
We
or binding up the
uttering
make
Everything
The
own.
sick,
in
its
ditary government
is
to be seen,
The ode
and
to Thrasydaeus of Thebes
is
(A</3pos
'
fiierunt.'
In his
iii.
hereditario jure
^SCHYLUS.
293
Heracles,
righteousness.
At
over forty.
He had
still
very
young, and had formed himself before the outbreak of the war
He
lays
wars,
3.
^schylus.
men
of
all
and
in
by
side,
period,
us
Platsea,
all
From
the
stage of the newly created theatre, another offspring of religious festivals, .iEschylus draws the masses into the thick of
intellectual strife.
He
original
'
294
in sun-
who had
Prome-
allied himself
theus brings
men
ledge of the
arts.
rest.
Titans,
and through fire they arrive at a knowteaches them to distinguish the seasons
of the year, and to subdue the wild beasts to their service
he shows them how to build houses and to sail the sea he
strengthens and sharpens their understanding. In Prometheus,
at once Titan and god, is to be seen a personification of the
human intellect, which in its origin is independent of Zeus and
the twelve greater gods. The Greek deities had come victorious
out of the struggle with the Persian, ^schylus acknowledged
fire,
He
The
piece that
we
still
less the
are examin-
man, with
come
its
into conflict.
spirit of
the rest of his fellows, has not been vanquished by the gods.
The dominion
of man,
is
new and
by the
who have
only baffled
therefore violent.
Henceforward no one
He
free
excepting Zeus.
forces
the spirit of
spirit of invin-
^SCHYLUS.
cible
295
its rights,
advent of another.
We
'
Prometheus Unbound,'
is
not
extant.
In this stage, where the riddle comes before us in its
crudest and sharpest form, the answer would have been more
the tree
similar
Typhoeus vomiting
forth
On
their shields
a picture of
it
or no.
smoke and
flame.
On
the other
A splendid figure
who
feels sure
the face of
all his
enemies' pride.
that he
Polyneikes in
He
and his
But beyond the conflict his fate awaits him. The
Erinyes, aroused by the unholy marriage, are yet unappeased,
and to them he falls a victim in the moment of victory.
Another aspect of victory through alliance with the gods
appears in the Persians.' The fall of Xerxes is the result of
the crime which he committed in stripping the statues of the
gods, and in burning their temples, and of his violence in
aspiring to bind the river of God, the Bosporus and the
sacred Hellespont.
His father is called up from the underworld to foretell his fate. The land was now, as the poet
adds, allied with the gods, and endowed with wisdom and
defends his native altars
fatherland.
'
untiring courage.
296
when the
He
decides to protect
ment of the
He
land.
The
The
will involve
it
Oresteia.'
With such
The first
we
'
Zeus, whoever he
to thought.
The
may
criminal
chorus
be, Zeus,
come
The chorus
how the
evil
is evil.
own home.
Agamemnon
The
is
a strange contradiction
it
is
in
necessary to do that
in his
sides
plot depends on
which
in the
brings the
pathetic horror
child.
The
'
He bows
at
great con-
are introduced
Agamemnon
with him
the
always concerned.
which
in
our poet
in war.
relations
trasts
him
'
hot deceived.
defile-
evil
on the house.
It is
The
least say
it
is
her
chorus does
man and
wife, a
Apollo
union sanctified by
the
^SCHVLUS.
297
By
'
The
They
They
refuse to give
whom
or to Pallas, with
gods,
Who,
then,
is
human
is
.'
filial
tie,
which
is
new
the
tribunal.
appeals to Zeus;
The
298
cause
is
gods themselves
this occasion
man who
will
be blessed.
activity
its close.
The
and courage.
The
ideal of ^Eschylus
ideal of Pindar
his audience,
is
which
rest
and
glory
in this case
is
The
The judges
was
for
his junior
by
thirty years.
a change in the
mode
The
rival,
spirit
Sophocles, who
of representation as well
eis
ripe
in the
4. Sophocles.
In Sophocles
do not discover
so
full.
Such thoughts
its
to
conflict
The utmost
is
to
which the
or by
characters
in their
299
SOPHOCLES.
own powers,
ent of
all
human
by
this
conduct
But great
interference.
toll
'
'
He
he knows nothing.
foretold
would avoid.
at manhood,
to
fulfil
his destiny.
dramatic
her son
of QEdipus
in
nation,
the city
oppressed.
is
hideous truth
is
of living
is full
interest.
He
by which
ought never to have shone, and which no water can wash away.
Happiness, genuine happiness, turns to misery and tears, and
CEdipus
is
ordinances
man
of
all
own eyes
others
in order
gods, have
of the
restored
by
been violated by
his
birth.
his annihilation.
punishment
in
the piece
called,
gods.
The ordinances of
It is
He
is
The
'
Trachinise,' as
all
the shadow of
which
is
2,00
The
would be opposed to Greek ideas.
except
a
misfortune
approach of fate reveals no cause of
that
in
allIt would be a mistake to say
terrible destiny.
cases guilt must be forthcoming to account for the course of
light,
for that
It
who
chastised
him
is
doomed
to perish.
'
'
make
fate.
On
the contrary,
'
In
all
is
men
nothing
in
which the highest divinity does not play a part.' Nor can we
doubt that these views corresponded to the received opinions
of the day.
There is no choice but submission to the gods,
whose sway is unapprochable and absolute. The oracles
have a dread reality their responses are universally believed,
however unexpected their fulfilment may be.
The poet, convinced of the nothingness of human existence,
believes in the necessity of submission, and considers it his
duty to confirm the people in the same belief But the stage
would become intolerable if all its efforts were directed only
to display the development of fate.
Such is by no means the
intention of Sophocles he prefers to lay the chief stress upon
;
the bearing of a
man when
CEdipus
dis-
Aias,
who
at
inclined to
submit.
SOPHOCLES.
own
30
and prepares
life,
for the
In the Trachiniae
'
deed
'
in
the psy-
is
by jealousy, seeks to
by means to all appearance
the very moment when she comes to this
harmless, but, at
life
In the
'
Trachiniae
'
tion of a daughter.
our eyes.
The
In the
'
'
'
com-
human
action.
'
of ^schyius.
In the
first
'
we are reminded
appear inviolable.
allied.
its
injustice
But by
this severity
able powers.
He
demand
mony
He
it.
who
has performed the cereof burial in spite of his prohibition, although she belongs
sister
to the
the
though Hades
in
rapid touches.
him
into suicide.
The
sympathy
whom
stage,
Full as he
is
302
indeed inimitable.
Her
make
on
all
seer,
who
side
its
itself heard.
and
It
last of
Creon accomplishes
till it is
too
his
own
ruin
by
late.
his eyes
'
that of the
'
Choephorce.'
dream of
make an
murdered man,
is
borrowed from
But
Orestes.
in spite
throughout apparent.
is
The
the point where they are connected with the great whole
Agamemnon's
Orestes
No
trace
is
is
be found
in
act,
and regards
it
as
The
poet
character of
Electra.
She
it
the
her
moment when
sister,
At
is
SOPHOCLES.
his purpose.
To
303
'
Agamemnon
'
of
/Eschylus.
is
altogether a peculiar
element in Sophocles.
Teiresias, in CEdipus,
'
'
The
of view.
man
difference
in
official
authority
is
'
Philoctetes
'
its
special
meaning
is
aptly
What
the fact
due to
It
brought
down
instructive
human from
by being
that of the
in
304
'
'
in its
The language
of Sophocles
is
human
is
not to be excelled.
spirit.
5.
Euripides.
dramatic prize
Sophocles.
upon the
stage.
The extant
first
piece
B.C. in
the other.
The
B.C. in
greater part
EURIPIDES.
of
305
sian war.
What
'
Aias
'
of Sophocles
in
rule,
in the hero's
falls
love
in
It
The
because
offerings
have
to
author of
all
the
demands
ills
which
his death.
fall
mines the
it
provokes no
of men.
Yet
this hatred
real resistance
it
in fact,
has no further
merely deter-
It
is
3o6
god.
fro in
human wise ; but with all their impulses, their passions, their
virtues, and their thoughts they exercise no decisive influence
on the event.
These conditions lend to some of the plays of Euripides,
for instance, the Troades,' an inexhaustible charm. The sub'
is
women
after
city.
happy
on
is
led in the
drama
But, with
intuition, Euripides
to
itself.
all
it is
is
themselves
impressive
make
herself.
which
many
In
in
in
which
'
They
are distinguished
by
looser
by a
sail
to
Troy
is
exist.
The
that they
may
strike a
blow
at
barbarism.
EURIPIDES.
307
is
concerned.
and
in
sentiments of each
day
into the
member
In the
laid
But Euripides
alone.
in
'
the uncle
and
his restored
In the
Andromache Peleus
'
'
is
So
father
'
Orestes
'
'
we
see
their different
parts.
The play
nature of
its
of
'
Electra,'
tragedy of domestic
in
her
home
life.
in
subject, gives
Electra
is
living in virgin
is laid.
wedlock
Mythical
;
Agamemnon and
it is
him
reflections of a
Domestic feeling
'
Phaedra,'
which
is
may
be worked
and the
most successful plays.
'
may be regarded
as his
'
all
308
to compass
aims
There is
her soul with savage resolution.
more
pregnant
and
once
at
poetry
of
range
nothing in the
Medeia
takes
of
her
which
farewell
the
than
more terrible
conflict,
mental
for
she
called
a
has
be
cannot
It
children.
no doubts she is fully conscious of her love for her children
fills
and expresses
it
still,
and she
sacrifices
the
'
Phaedra,'
it
her offspring in
she
development of passion
is
is.
how
As
to
far the
beyond
all
which
I
illustrate the
know
not
if
tragedy demands
sensibility
'
EURIPIDES.
We
shall therefore
be
309
justified
who
of Tantalus.
murderous wretches
who
laid
gods.
to
offended
But
is
it
who
acts
of the
suffer at
Apollo
is
Andromache
'
quarrel rankles
still.
In the
'
Hippolytus
'
we
whom
an old
it
'
'
the strong.
'
There are no
gods,'
may
have to submit to
they have no
be,
he exclaims
'
existence.'
free
itself
Euripides
is
necessity of things in
in
'
God
or in the
human
spirit.
'
Custom
and law lead us to recognise the existence of the gods, but right
and wrong owe their distinction to men.' Nothing can be
Time
in
all
things
all
wickedness to
3IO
The
happiest
man
is
One may
fairly
legendary heroic
of the
nation,
destroyed.
It
history, the
their actions
and
life,
become
history had
indispensable.
6.
at
that
3II
He was
punished by
and passed
belonged
which
the rest of his life on a hereditary property
Lakedsemonians.
to him, partly under the protection of the
This misfortune enabled him to undertake, under peculiarly
advantageous conditions, the history of the war, a project
democratic leader.
exile,
fair
notion
the wonders of
312
And
Ecbatana.
accurate that
them with
his
yet the
it is
own
was
led
tury.
peculiarities, for
country and the people, and the reports he obtained lie side by
The ethnographical information which we
owe
to
him
is
importance
its
it
is
is
woven
It
cannot be doubted that Herodotus about the year 444 spent a consider-
it
t^v StajQoA^i/,
ahrwv (chap. 26).
Tro\v Xa^ftv
Trap''
%t/
is
a slander
tovto
fforiBeTTip
HERODOTUS.
3 3
1
was
to write
instructed
As to
Persian kings.
Empire nothing
On
in
memory
of
all.
The
great decisive
On
other.
the
Persian
invasion of Greece,
alone,
for
it
is
not
till
It is
Herodotus does, to both the conflicting nationaliHerodotus has no hatred for the barbarians, or he
would not have taken pains to depict them. He has often
been accused of partiality towards Athens. The favourable
judgment he passes on her conduct in the Persian war has
justice, as
ties.
But
am
not inclined
314
in
which
h(
whole work.
Not only
is
there an incomparable
charm
in the graceful
ol
a narrative could afford to dispense with oral tradition respecting earlier epochs, which always rests upon a basis com-
in its
way
when
their
From
the
moment
hostility
intention of describing
HER'iDOTUS.
of
these
nationalities,
expresses
historians
315
In his
commerce
witli different
The
into Greece.
historian
was informed
Dodona
at
that
names
attached
yesterday, at
but that
all
all this
titles
to
and invented
in respect
of
visited
3l6
Herodotus
all
that
is
attentively
pre-eminent.
for
some
Any
little
one wl
time,
ai
man who
insul
by meai
Such was tl
will
who upbraids the gods with their acts of injustice and violenc
The gods indeed rule the human world, but their power
not absolute.
We
see
traces
Nemesis,
of a yet
whom
ear
times.
reject(
by Herodotus.
The
He
i.
22),
in
which a writer
idea th
as early as
Luc
It
may
THUKYDIDES.
the gods interfere directly in
human
that
It is true
affairs.
many words
For example,
Lakedaemon is attributed to the
of a sanctuary, to which some Helots had fled for
maintains a sceptical attitude.
constantly
when an earthquake
violation
refuge,
he relates the
in
fact,
science.
It is
with a certain
was
in their island.
He
has very
human
purpose of
habitation.
He
The
real
consists, perhaps,
in this, that
to
lie in
blish this
subject
on
is
human
He
affairs.
human
nature
man who
laws by which he
tion.
He
traces
revenge
is
still
that
superior
greater evil
is
the
origin
of
all
disorder
own
in
destruc-
the
cities
3l8
It is general!
of Greece to the greed of those in power.
says he, nothing but a pretext when men talk of the bias
ings of moderate aristocracy or of democratic equality the
;
is
Man
is
his vices
himself, especially in
and
his
suffering
Froi
dides
is
for,
whi
outline
human
which
it
projects, give to h
treats,
a clearness
deraai
The
character.
THUKYDIDES.
logical order are visible certain lines
of development, which
The
as well as to details.
ing to
its
subject.
In
movements and
the political
all
quarrel
style
battle of Mantineia,
attention to wander.
to be surpassed.
The Spartan
The description
It is intelligible
in
all
its
is
not
complications.
and arranging
his troops for the fight, presents a figure notable in the annals
of military history.
him
The
impartiality of
Thukydides leads
be circumstantial.
great a part.
us
human
is
not
sometimes
not only word for word but in the very dialect in which
Yet, with all this exactness of detail,
we come upon a
difficulty,
How
Thukydides does not reproduce word for word the letter which
Nikias wrote home to Athens concerning the state of affairs
in Sicily, but interpolates another in which the matter is set
forth
more concisely
And,
further,
320
The speech
writing history.
ir
first
book,
is
for the
foreground.
forces,
The speed
powerful of her
is
the
demagogue.
In the deliberations which preceded
the expedition
tc
It
is
notorious
that
which
differs
Finally,
is
we can
much
to
th(
THUKYDIDES.
32
Syracuse.
The
dialectical
form
in
the
in
cast.
It
true
is
is
mark of
chiefly
is
his superiority
He
her opponents.
it
means of ex-
beyond contemporary
to the speech of
affairs.
we may
how
Thukydides to obtain accurate accounts of the speeches on either side which were made in
Syracuse, or of that other oration which Demosthenes
well ask
it
was possible
for
conflict at
is
gem
The
description of the
it
would
which
set in
is
all
that
is
hypo-
avoided.
It
is
moment
rhetoric,
in
322
it
may be
and, although
display,
historiography.
7.
There
is
is
this simultaneou
human mind
and history
th
Each
is
original
standard of culture
as
is
Demos
wa
<
EARLY PHILOSOPHERS.
323
Her
abandoned
an ambitious
spirit
came
there and
him an
its
to Athens.
is
not yet
fully-
grown.
such as he needed.
We
and certainly
upon
his
obtain a hearing.
It appears to
have been chiefly due to this observation that he arrived at
the idea of an omnipotent Mind.
This Mind, as the origin of
all motion, he opposed to matter
a fresh departure of such
universal import that it announced a totally new system of
thinking.
'
unmixed.
trolling,
It lives
of
itself.
and
is,
is
to
be.'
It
'
is infinite,
It is
self-con-
a simple essence
has ordained
all
that
however,
is
universe.!
human
life
Anaxagoras
to
heavenly bodies.
in
worlds in
fact,
'
The God
of
It
is
Thukydides and
in
/-
985
).
Y 2
4, p.
324
we
find
fk
The masters
political
tellect.
we must remember
Athens at this
There can be no doubt that Greek art was based upon
Egyptian, but it had a peculiar development of its own.
Greek plastic art is the offspring of Greek gymnastics. Take,
for example, the .(Eginetan marbles, preserved to us by a
happy fate from the earliest times. On the pediment of
a temple of Athene in ^gina are represented scenes out of
In the midst of the combatants, struggling
the Trojan war.
over the bodies of the Grecian dead, appears Athene in all
time.
The combatants
Some
life.
are
traces of Egyptian
The
facial
proportions are
The
pheidias
and polygnotus.
325
the
living
see, to the
is
We
of Marathon.
There
is
untamed natural
force,
one of
his sub-
PI-IILOSOPHY
326
visible form.
gods into a
AND LITERATURE.
He is famed also
as a painter of cha-
racter,
raised to a
Zeus at Olympia.
it
the verses of
It is
Homer were
trembled
at
his
nod.
Paulus,
how Olympus
that
victorious
the
remarked
Homeric Zeus complete, nay, rather the essence of divinity
Pheidias, adds another Roman, carved gods still better
itself.
than men, and even religion profited by his aid. Thus art
too had something to say in these discussions on the divine
and human, which occupied Greek minds. Her influence was
a living influence, and, in the form which it took in the hands
of these artists, might even balance the speculations of
Anaxagoras.
But just at this time the intellectual movement received a
new stimulus from the influence of Sicily. In that country
philosophical culture and political theory availed themselves
to the full of the technical improvements recently made in
The first theoretical book on any art was
the art of speech.
treatise
on
rhetoric
written in Sicily.
Elsewhere too there
a
arose schools, in which the art of dialectic and oratory was
that
Philhellene,
">
.(Emilius
in
the
statue
appeared
were the
These
schools
public
in
Gorgias of Leontini,
ambassador from
who came
to Athens originally as an
was a man remarkable for the
From
Sicily too,
for pay,
Prodicus of
THE
327
SOPHISTS.
who
by
laughed
by the
rest.
They
sit
in the
Perception he
which
reality
is
through being
felt.
exist,
and that
deceitful
appearances could
These doubts about the existence of truth reacted of neon religious as well as political views. When men
went so far as to say that the gods were only recognised
cessity
328
in
that
religion
The
parties.
statement
Thrasymachus, that
justice is that which is profitable to the ruler, must doubtless, as we gather from Cicero, have actually occurred in his
attributed
to
'
'
It
was a question which, as we learn from
Xenophon's Memorabilia,' occupied the attention of Pericles,
and that too with immediate reference to the existing polity.
Pericles remarks that he has been in doubt whether that
which is established by the caprice of the mob is to be regarded as law or violence.
writings.
'
8.
Socrates.
Men
doubted of the
ob-
the
appeared.
opinion
In
Socrates
He went
His very exterior was remarkable.
in mean attire
his wants were few and
about barefoot,
he conversed with young and old, high and low, and yet
without pretending to be a teacher. No one with whom he
came in contact could escape from the iron grasp of his
dialectic.
He appealed only to the verdict of sound human
intelligence,
making
to a consciousness of
it
of established notions,
their
views and
itself.
The
and on
systems.
this
Socrates
made
it
his
duty
to
SOCRATES.
329
the
or equable
rational, right,
rules
safe
it
is
in fact in possession
of truth.
The
essence of
discover what
is
true, it is
the
human mind
especially of
as the source
moral ideas
all
ideas,
and
from insight.
Socrates regards
and warrant of
its
character
it
took,
man. It was
remarked in ancient times that Socrates had brought back
philosophy from heaven to earth. The same may be said
to have been done by Thukydides in history, and by Euripides
as
in
its
the
drama.
Nevertheless
It
was, in
fact,
moon
for the
age.
Socrates went to
be merely natural
human
acts or inten-
him on the ground that the exgiven of these phenomena were either insufficient
Socrates opposed
planations
certain things
330
telligence.
this intelligence,
On
He
wrong
to imagine that
men
it
was
comedy
is
tophanes
represents
him
as
supporting
that
which
the
anti-traditional
superstition.
'
p.
In his treatise
xviii,
remarks,
my
'
'De Vita
Aristophanis
made
(in Aristoph.
'
man
as
Com.
omnia
et
honori inservientibus
quam
mendacia aut
ed.
Meineke),
It
patientia, aliisque
justfe reprehensioni
obnoxiis
errores,
et
tlie
peculiar position of
SOCRATES.
Diopeithes,
and of oracles
in general.
331
It
an oracle that he carried out, in the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, a purification of Delos, which was attended
much
violence.
Diopeithes.
In the
with
Nikias, too,
was
in
communication with
trial
How
resolutely
men
may
Socrates, as
faith, as
gence
cracy,
we have
modified to meet the requirements of a higher intellibut to the form in which it was acceptable to the demo-
and
in
which
it
himself an opponent.
became
The
idolatrous,
he openly declared
who clung
effect
upon
thinking
men
in
In the
rule
who
ruler excelling
332
all
his contemporaries in
Alkibiades was
coming.
far
ideal.
The
ideas
political
among
of
Socrates
had
confidence in a
who
in
and to assume
state,
The
its
measure
it
rested, with
undiminished authority.
all
Now
his civil
and
in
of
great
Socrates,
religious
But
he did
not, as
his speculations
restored
The democratic
or
bf
th<
SOCRATES.
333
all
all
should
man who
It is the
question
people.
itself
of
while beyond
masses, and
still
less
lot.
The manner
in
comrades
prosecution,
influence
The philosopher
was at the root^^^ the latter's animosity.
was declared to be a perverter of youth, a person who not
only despised the old gods, but endeavoured to introduce the
worship of new.
There was
just this
much
in
support of the
334
is
no place
for him.
He saw
must
that he
perish,
and ham
men and
happier
t(
His dczmoi
warned him not to oppose the sentence which was about tc
be pronounced against him. There was indeed great tnith ir
other
made
the claim he
Prytaneum
to
circumstances.
in thi
He was
worthy of tha
reward, but to grant it would have been to deny the absoluti
validity of those very principles which his judges were mos
restoration
As
he suffered nothing
that he would have regarded as a misfortune.
He had passec
he had lived his life, and ful
the age of seventy years
Socrates
fell
a victim.
'
So
for himself,
'
The
whom
would rather
trust
on
such
month
Thargelion, in
thi
year 399, under the archonship of Laches, so that according to the ordinary calcu
lation he had just entered upon his seventieth year, which does not agree with wha
Plato says.
PLATO.
filled
felt
335
himself called
and he swal-
9.
By
Plato
and
Aristotle.
philosophical speculations
intellectual
the
bird of Apollo.
The
Socrates be-
that traced
its
who passed
Plato's mother,
and one of
was a near
Plato's brothers
came
to a close Plato
school of Socrates,
fell
At
Critias,
relation of
at the side
the time
when
in the
for a period
of ten years.
Herodotus.
We
336
priests of
that he intended to explore the docMagi, had he not been hindered by the
Ammon, and
Plato's
life
the
three
gradations of apprenticeship,
made
it
in-
He lived
in his
the
all
home
this
till
logic.
In
at length, in
his hand.
of dialogues
'
facts
here.
vifould
The
not be in place
'
PLATO.
337
sion.
clearly
does not
come
pian gods.
are subject
Herodotus
them.
is
far
from denying
in the mysteries.
in the
and
in question
is
in
the exist-
Pindar rejects
all
he
that
Sopho-
cles
on the contrary,
gods
is
all
that
is
is right.
In Euripides,
^schylus an4
^schylus
is
man
his physical
is assumed and
which philosophical discussion aims at forming an
this of
ideal conception.
Plato, in
common
338
we
Homer and
find in
Hesiod.
which
it is
lawfully affirm
is,
is
chastised
what
it is
always easy
AH
is
that one
right
for
may
and good,
To
give expression to these opinions was comparatively unimportant, for they already carried conviction to the minds of
how
to defend them
solution.
Plato introduces us to
'
their
At
In
the
'
Euthydemus,'
for
example, Dionysodorus
is
made
to
phistic
clearness
He
He
Heracleitus with the arguments of Empeand Empedocles with the arguments of Heracleitus.'
but he refutes
docles,
'
Comp, Cousin,
iv.
22.
opinions,
Theaetetus
'
personal,
as
treated
339
'
full
and
This
is.
is
'
Sophist.'
Not-being.
Movement produces
arises
ing.
all
to be one, as
many
it
movements of
species, so that
is
and yet
something
not Be-
is
may
be regarded as one and yet are many. To elucidate the relation of unity and multiplicity is a problem not only of great
general interest, but of supreme importance for any metaphysical system.
In this relation
something divine. It
this thought together
lies
with the
of ideas.
of the universe.
comes to have
which the thinking mind
stands in immediate relation. It would according to Plato be
impossible to combat false notions about the gods, if the idea
of good was not forthcoming as a standard by which to test
them. There is an apposite remark on this subject in the
'
is
is
loved of
is
tlie
gods because
it
it is
holy,
where he
is
340
tne
'
and Thukydides, we
tus
although' he
The
system.
idea of good
have conceived of
The
determined.'
latter,
is
philosophical
universal
it
the
is
Plato seems to
as
absolutely
self-
lot with
evil.^
In the
'
Timaeus
God
'
Time,
its
course,
The
proved.'
one
deities of the
into
common
The
faith.
good
latter held
classes..
Still it
was an
inestimable
religious
'
Brandis,
326, 2,
^
I,
Handbuch der
216. 341,
The passage
ironical
and almost
scoffing attack
Such
is
upon
belief in
God.
It is
probably a declara-
'
ii.
I, p. 600).
compatibility.'
Hege
(Vorlesungen
der Philos.,
ii.
'
my own
studies of the
works of Plato.
enabling
its
and
practised
rhetoric,
calling
its
to live according to
34
is
by the majority
Plato's opinion.
clear
is
it
to
it.
as an art
affairs,
is
im-
Such
politics.
body
left
to
posterity.
Aristotle
was
teaching of Socrates
his
is
evident
been impossible.
is not seldom in opposition to the
on these occasions that his work is most
important.
The difference between them began on a decisive point.
Plato had assumed that primary matter was
without beginning, but had been set in order at a certain
time by the Deity. Aristotle disputed this assumption in one
of his earliest works, on the ground that no conception can
be formed of the Deity without presupposing an order of the
world.
He assumed the eternity of the world, of the human
race as comprised therein, but he held that mankind had
master, and
it
is
passed through
The God of Plato and Aristotle is simply the Nous of AnaxaReason endowed with being, whom they regard, however, as the creator of the universe.
The religious and poetical
goras,
vein of Plato
is
He
he remains ever
hardly thinks
it
worth
342
combated.
is
and adoration.
Aristotle
tion of the
plain
them with
His
all
scientific
important
is
Equally
between man
regarded as
The
it.
With the
religious intensity
upon the
all
soul in itself
who, no longer
beholds, as a
in
spirit,
The
its
soul appears at
last,
stripped of
it
really
ear,
is.
What
they offer us
is
not
The views of
tical life,
and
their relations to
contemporary
politics,
one another
in this respect,
PLATO
REPUBLIC.
The
He
343
has
left
us two ideals
Laws,'
based upon a system of originally equal allotments ol
This equality has to be rigidly maintained, for to
land.
of the state.
'
is
inequality
The anger
evil passions.
means of
sacrifices
grow
Plato attributes
all
by
to
rich
sell.
the
'
is
expounded
in the
'
Republic,' repeated in
on a community of goods.
It is
based
'
From
and
such systems as
The
depended
principle
is
to say, warriors,
whose actions
It
may
perhaps be said
in
Europe.
mankind
In Plato there
is
the
same
close alliance
for
344
is
treated.
discussed
insisted
and
on
true,
It is
but this
may
'
'
be accidental.
The
chief principle
is
false,
divine should rule, not only in the individual soul, but also
in public
life,
may
hierarchical ideas
The
substantiality of the
and
the possibility of purification hereafter lead on to the Christian idea, whose sway succeeded that of Plato.
In both the
is
related
to that
'
'
set before
them
in
ordinary
life,
The
his influence
was
latter leads us
far less
away from
litical
life
is
He
way
necessity.
He condemns
ARISTOTLE
I'OLITICS.
345
Thus
exist.
all
com-
Aristotle
number
by the
supplied
to others.
He
and
to transfer
it
it
is
known
well
that
among
tical
fast
is
state.
In politics, as
He
barbaric
barians,
says
he,
is
to
that with
all their
still
remain
free.
monarchy may seem to imply that Aristotle had the rising kingdom of Makedonia in his eye
the
teacher of Alexander the Great may well have held such views.
But, when we look more closely at what he says, it will be seen
that the monarchy recommended by Aristotle has little in
common with the Makedonian an absolute power indissolubly connected with the nation by the right of hereditar)-Certain remarks on
descent.
is
the most
346
a thoroughly worthless
He
heir.
the nation
ment
is
is
unfit to
man
or even as by
control
by
lot,
war.
Office
is
not to be conferred
who
are fitted
it
which
fits
men
But
it is
never practise
it
to public affairs.
agreement.
he
itself
is
Here we
find Plato
formation of a sapient
spirit, at
of both philosophers
activity, the
is
in
the
is
heart
common
all his
human being
the
in their
trained to intellectual
state.
547
CHAPTER
IX.
Was
we have
traced in the
it
with destruction
The im-
first
glance.
It is characteristic of the
new ways
for the
life
of
all
on the contrary, it
gave forth at intervals a resonant and vigorous note. But
the concluding events of the Peloponnesian war made it clear
;
still
moved
real influence.
The
must be
allowed, in the alliance between the Persian monarchy, as it
appeared in Asia Minor, and the Lakedaemonian power, as
developed through the struggle with Athens.
The most
powerful men of the day were Cyrus the Younger, who
represented the Achaemenidae in Asia Minor, and Lysander,
who was employed in overthrowing democracies wherever he
found them, and in setting up oligarchies of the Lakedaemonian type. All that happened is to be traced to their
initiative.
The forces of the Lakedaemonians and their allies
by land and sea worked in harmony with the Persian gold
the world lay,
it
AND GREECE.
PERSIA
348
own
interests.
The
born
first
On
Darius.
similar grounds,
was
for the
younger
side.
reign,
On
this
brother,
Artaxerxes,
brother of
filling
Artaxerxes, we are
told,
'
Ormuzd.
The words
'Apra^fp^7)s
crTpaTriy6s,
of
(Artax.
2),
irpea-fivTcpos
airfSelxBii
j3oiriA.ilj,
Kvpos
Se
AvBtas
349
manner of those
numbers
in considerable
to his flag.
its
conquest.
With
he summoned
them of
The Ephors,
They
Cilicia to
sent a fleet to
provincial governors,
of Asia.
PERSIA
350
Persian
Empire whether
it
AND GREECE.
would be able
or not.
'
Grecian leaders
fell
allies
good
'
their retreat.
This
battle
is
is to
from Ctesias.
to
make
peace
in other respects
now
more
(xiv. 22).
intelligible
who draws
35
of light-armed troops.
and
difficulties,
living
tribes
still
in
'
Rightly considered,
it
will
reaching importance.
The
calling the
it is
certain that
relations of Greece
The
new
life
it
introduced a
new phase
in the
Persia.
expedition of the
remarkable
to
and
at least
one
The
their allies,
In this expedition
and, as
may
sacrifice at
be inferred from
PERSIA AND GREECE.
352
the struggle
The men of
of a king who traced
pected.
their ranks
all
around him.
Agesilaus infused
The
opinion
days was
demand
to
of Agesilaus,
The enthusiasm
of ancient
revived.
Agesilaus was at
destruction of their
chief opponent.
Tissaphernes
lost
the
AGESILAUS.
Mother,
still,
as of old, his
353
enemy, atoned
won by means
Ten Thousand,
for
his
misfor-
life.
led
won
In a battle against
of a surprise,
by a general
some
whom
survivors of
Agesilaus had
Agesilaus
named
and with Otys, king of Paphlagonia, and had brought about a matrimonial connexion
between them, as the best means of damaging the power of
Persia.
Thus, victorious in Asia Minor, welcomed by the
lonians, supported by a fleet which gave him command of the
sea, and sure of the unfailing adherence of Sparta, he occupied
a position of great importance and seriously endangered the
power of the Great King.
But, as we have often had to remark before, the alliance
between Greeks and Barbarians showed itself evanescent. In
the battle with Pharnabazus, who was in the habit of carrying
all his treasures with him during a campaign, a large amount of
plunder was taken. The Paphlagonian cavalry made an attempt to carry this away, but the Lakedsemonians were as eager
for gold and booty as the barbarians.
They took from the
Persian
Spithridates,
Paphlagonians as
the merchants
ing spoil.
much
who
followed the
Indignant at
army
for the
it
to
purpose of buy-
ridates
Greeks at home.
the Lakedasmonians
They had
to be
learnt from
met in war.
The
PERSIA
354
by
AND GREECE.
and
side.
stirring
up
Xenophon
activity.
that
lit
the defeat of
^gospotami made
fleet
was equipped
With
his assistance, a
which remained
still
powerful.
Athenian
ships,
the allies
thinking
it
About
the
guinary collision
in
continental Hellas.
san-
He had crossed
won
supremacy of Sparta.
355
the upper hand, and war broke out between that city
Sparta.
and
came
to the front.
of fortune,
Conon
to
money
was Persian
restore the Long Walls at
its
pay.
It
Athens.
A few rapid
affairs,
in continental
Greece.
had attached himself to Lysander, and maintained his principles throughout all the recent troubles.
His persistence
at length obtained a hearing, and he was sent first to Asia
Minor, and then to the Persian court at Susa, in order to
restore peace.
The
of
356
now
fast recovering
her position.
It
was
supremacy should be restored to the Great King. For Persia
The maritime districts, which
this was an enormous gain.
continuous war, became hers
of
object
the
been
had
years
for
simply in consequence of
part,
her
on
exertion
without any
Greeks.
The complications in
the
of
rivalries
the mutual
since
the Athenians had
but,
difficulty,
Cyprus caused some
Spartans without
elsewhere,
the
won the upper hand here as
therefore
much
to
some
It will
But
this
by the
Lakedaemon,
close alliance
cities,
PEACE OF ANTALKIDAS,
357
head.
In
its
King was
interested, for
exist.
it
was
only from such confederations that danger to the newly established state of things could arise, but the chief gain was
In this
way
of the Great
allied
tem
King and
his satraps in
came
to
be
that-
He now
Asia Minor.
himself with Lakedaemon, in order to introduce a syswhich should render hopeless any attempt to
into Greece
Theban
territory,
this stroke
and the
Thereupon the garrison
were enabled to return.
Lastly, Mantineia
its
union
the in-
358
habitants
thenceforward
lived,
as
before, in villages.
The
unopposed.
who wished
Cadmeia.'
'
That
citadel
self
is
Phoebidas him-
The result of the event was what might have been foreseen.
The democrats, expelled by the victorious oligarchs, found
refuge in Athens, as Thrasybulus on a former occasion had
city,
and cunning,
'
'
rid
her."*
Curtiiis places the occurrence in 01. 99, 2, i.e. 4S3B.C., Clinton in 01.
99, 3.
Plutarch, in the Life of Pe/ofidas, chs-ps. 7-12, and in the treatise on the
EPAMEINONDAS.
359
men whose
Theban youth
moment
to aid
them
in their
should arrive.
its
but widely
known
for hospitalit)'.
Among
others a disciple
whose school had been dispersed in all directions, just then sought refuge in Thebes, and became an inmate of the house. Epameinondas, in his youth, took part
in all that Hellenic education demanded, but grew up principally under the care of this old philosopher, whose instruction
he preferred to every other amusement. Under him he
probably acquired a habit for which he was much commended, the habit, that is, of listening with self-restraint and
attention to every one who spoke to him, and of withholding
his objections till the speaker had concluded his remarks.
His was one of those characters in which moderation and
temperance, prudence and self-respect, a quiet and thoughtful
judgment, seem to be innate. Such qualities cannot fail to
impress all who come in contact with them, and to secure for
their possessor a certain moral authority.
Epameinondas was
of Pythagoras,
so poor
he
tliat
home when
is
his cloak
which he showed
in
was
all
The
He was
Dsmon
it is
impossible
us
in
is
no doubt the
existence.
KUfxatTT^s
//if//.
truth,
The
simplest of these
ei(re\96vTas roiis
V. 4, 7).
a.fi(f>l
is
is
women
in
Hell.
certain
it.
is
very doubtful
4,
14).
(Xen.
whether the murderers really
cf.
Xen.
PERSIA
360
AND GREECE.
bouring
in
Such patriotism
states, especially
strength.
it
The
it
summon
the traditions
fostered
when the
by
latter are of
overpowering
before
all
things,
peculiar lustre
owing
to
the fact
that,
Epameinondas was,
as
it
occasion
Epameinondas
refused
to
Through
were, raised to an
leave
On
one
Pelopidas when
at
became a
reality.
On
36
Theban
officials.
Epameinondas and
y before us the importance of this
To the question, whether Thebes would leave the
dispute.
cities of Boeotia free, Epameinondas answered with the question, whether Sparta would give the Messenians their freedom.
The weapon which the peace of Antalkidas had placed in the
hands of Sparta was thereby turned against Sparta herself.
The question could only be decided by an appeal to arms.
The Thebans knew well how to develope the tendency to comradeship which was common to all Greeks, and is based upon
personal honour, and the result was the Sacred Band.
The
Spartan hoplites found their match in the Theban infantry,
while to the Theban cavalry they had nothing to oppose.
The Spartan king, Cleombrotus, stung by the suspicion of
leanings towards Thebes, determined upon battle under the
excitement of a banquet. The Thebans had the advantage
of a leader in Epameinondas, whose cool judgment enabled
him to take advantage of every opportunity. On the plain
Plutarch relates a conversation between
completely defeated.
In the two
Theban
(July 7 or
leaders, as
8, B.C.
first
time in history,
371.)
we have seen,
there throbbed
which urged them,
The year
In
this
attempt
them
to
'
PERSIA
362
AND GREECE.
To
of Messenia.
new
city arose
I was condemned because I comyou to conquer at Leuctra because I made all Greece
because I restored Messenia, and surrounded
free in one day
Sparta with a perpetual blockade.' In words like these we see
that lofty self-respect which in later times has been regarded
'
pelled
At
this
Roman
character.
of Athens.
It
at a crisis so disas-
ancient foe.
way
The Athenians
felt
of Thebes.
In Athens the
if
cause with the Thebans to crush Lakedaemon, their own destruction at the
certain consequence.
Lakedcemonians with
They
which at once
checked the progress of Thebes. In the conflict that arose,
it was a matter of no small moment that Sparta still possessed
all
PELOPIDAS IN PERSIA.
363
An
Even Pelopidas
in
The
first
Persian
war
was not yet forgotten, and the remark of Pelopidas, that the
present enemies of Thebes had been of old the most formidable opponents of the Great King, won him admission to the
Persian court.
It was moreover clear that the Persians
would never have anything to fear from Thebes; while, on
the other hand, Athens,
now
and
displaying a restless
in
dangerous
activity.
The
She
was
had
recollection of her
now
rather
It
the allies
ally of Sparta.
It thus came about that the influence over Grecian affairs,
which Persia constantly exerted herself to maintain, now
new phase. The king broke off his connexion with Sparta, and lent a willing ear to the proposals
entered upon a
of Pelopidas.
The
Theban
be extended to Messenia.
issuing an edict that
Athenian
PERSIA
364
AND GREECE.
pended to
king's
it.
We
we may infer the contrary from the fact that the Arcadians,
who had taken part in the embassy to Persia, complained of
the poverty of the king's treasury, and declared that not even a
in
tree.
now accustomed
in their disputes,
whom
to Thebes, and
in
which
all
field.
the forces of
in conflict.
A final decision seemed to hang
upon the event. Epameinondas displayed all the foresight
and military talent peculiar to him, and was on the point of
winning the day, when he was mortally wounded by an arrow.
He would not allow it to be withdrawn until he had heard
that the Thebans were victorious.
He died as a Theban for
the independence of Thebes we can hardly say for the independence of Hellas.
By means of the recent treaty between Persia and Thebes
the influence of the former upon the internal affairs of Greece
was advanced a step further, and was only confirmed by the
Greece met
owing
to the
who breaks
still
existed.
DEATH OF AGESILAUS.
states
Grecian
in
common
365
The more
confederation.
Their only
conflict.
aim was
overpower their neighbours.
sidies from abroad, the Spartans scrupled not to accept pay-
that, after
being the
now
first
to
entered
some
solidity
Agesilaus
way home
it
needed
In the
first
still
in existence,
in the restored
Diodorus m^entions
five battles
won a
in
one
victory
over a far
We
have already pointed out the danger to all Hellas inthe selfishness which produced the peace of
Antalkidas.
But the state which suffered most was Sparta
herself.
She bled to death from the wounds which she
volved in
thought to
inflict
upon
others.
PERSIA
366
AND GREECE.
in the late wars that the old demowhich they formed had no longer any
Aristotle recognises only one thousand families of
vitality.
the ancient Spartiates and their landed possessions, the very
groundwork of their state and its discipline, had in great
measure passed into the hands of women. The time when
Sparta could maintain her supremacy single-handed was
gone by. Athens, at this time allied with Sparta, could on
her side no longer maintain the restored naval league. When
she attempted to revive her old supremacy, Chios, Rhodes,
and Cos, probably with the assistance of the Carian despot,
Mausolus, rose in rebellion against her. On the outskirts of the
Athens was no longer
league, Byzantium was in revolt.
strong enough to reduce the rebels to obedience.
In an
attack upon Chios, Chabrias perished.
He might have saved
himself by swimming, but held it unworthy of him to leave
his ship, and preferred to die on board with arms in his
hand.
Chares was not the man to replace the fallen admiral, and Athens had to content herself with retaining the
smaller islands in her league.
A power so mutilated was
very different from that which had been once so formidable.
This decay in the power of Athens and Sparta, and of
Greece in general, cannot be attributed to want of energy.
The science and practice of war, both by land and sea, had,
never been carried to a higher pitch of excellence.
The
generals mentioned to us by name appear, without exc:ption,
But,
to have been experienced and thoughtful commanders.
as we have seen even in Pelopidas, they had no idea of a great
confederation which could embrace all individualities. It has
been already remarked that patriotic feelings were found only
in connexion with separatism, a national pecuharity which
it has been reserved for the history of Germany to repeat.
The development of military strength in individual states,
and the weakness of the nation at large, were to each other as
cause and effect. With the feebleness of the Greek republics
Spartiates
cratic
had
fallen
aristocracy
367
went hand
in
hand.
Mercenaries, ready to serve any one for pay, were the only
troops
now worthy
of the
name
of soldiers.
At
this
was at
first
A corps of Thebans
But
the proposal.
He
objected,
if
safety of Athens.
moment
It is
At any
used to reside.
Many
Persians
guilty of acts
PERSIA
368
AND GREECE.
The neighbouring
satraps were
not slow in making war upon the rebels, but their attacks were
repelled
aid a strong
The
cities
The
summoned by Artaxerxes
Prince of
and
land, with
At
Phoenicia.
courage.
allies,
He
it.
He
sent the
on the
many
coasts.
Ochus
is
said to
have hesitated
for a
moment,
hand
prince,
the uncon-
They had
369
Now
by
flight
preparations.
the Greek
demand
aid of
cities.
neutral.
that
it
hoplites to
their
man
-The
of enormous bodily
of Greek descent
not so
much
may
be attributed
Greeks by whom
fairly
he was assisted.
It resulted from the general position of affairs that
Nectanebus on his side too sought aid from the Greeks.
He had made all possible preparations, but unfortunately he
command
to the
it.
When
he retreated to Memphis
Pelusium.
Among
kind of rivalry
it
became impossible
the Hellenes on
made
its
appearance.
B B
to defend
either side
a strange
Although
in hostile
AND GREECE.
PERSIA
370
rid
their fortresses,
the
It
crisis
monarch recovered
They were
its
him
The
in
Greeks, on their
side,
dis-
who had
Sidon.
It must be allowed that the course taken by the Egyptians
was but natural. The Oriental nations who fought their
battles with Grecian arms were well advised in resolving to
come to terms with each other and drive out the Greeks.
But this time the attempt was unsuccessful. Mentor promised his aid to the Greek garrison, and when, in accordance
with the wishes of the Egyptians in the town, a body of
Persians marched in to expel the Greeks, a union of the
Greek forces in the two camps took place. A hand-to-hand
conflict resulted in the defeat of the Persians and EgypBagoas was in the greatest danger, and owed his life
tians.
only to the intervention of Mentor.' The combined Greek
forces might possibly have been able at this moment to
wrest Egypt from the dominion of Persia.
But what could
they have done with Egypt ? Mentor had no intention of
'
The
reduction of Egypt
is placed by Diodorus in the archonship of ApolloBoeckh (on Manetho and the dog-star period in Schmidt's
in
He
371
so
we
produced
are
positively
assured
with
relations of Greece
speedily threatened to
three.
^']2
CHAPTER
X.
Not
munity must be
belong to
it,
become
in a position to
otherwise
it
involved.
defend
itself
To maintain
human combinations
of the individual.
object of
the
common aim
of
all
depends, not so
upon
come.
The
won
all
colli-
whose success
battle lost or
and
much upon
In the
War
is
inevitable,
and a
resistance.
What,
then,
is
373
now made
Be-
their appearance,
Philip,
Among
the confines
whom
the
who occupied
Greeks
came
in
in
the
contact,
now and
who
Sitalkes,
it
state.
It is still a question whether the Makedonians should
be regarded as barbarised Hellenes, or Hellenised barbarians
a coalition of both elements may be inferred from their
:
earliest traditions.
This
is
of importance in
its
bearing on
Originating in a fusion
i.,
p. 227, ed.
Schbne).
374
it
history.
The sum
of
each other.
We have already
made mention
of
King
Perdiccas,
who
fortune.
own
interests.
Greek military
superiority of
made
skill
On
first
itself felt.
which Thukydides puts in the mouth of Brasidas on this occasion is of importance in universal history. He promises the
Greeks that they will repel the disorderly and noisy attack of
the Illyrians,
if
they
will
battle
freely.
The
in
constant dependence on the Greeks, whose influence was decisive in the troubles
its subjects.
'
Archelaus was son of Perdiccas, whose death is placed in the archonship of
Peisander, 01. 91, 3, i.e. 414-13 B.C.
(Clinton, Fasti Hell. ii. 223.) If we are
to believe Syncellus (p. 263, A. ed. Par.), whose statements about the dates
of the Makedonian kings are taken, according to Scaliger, from Dexippus, accord-
PHILIP OF
MAKEDON.
375
which took place in 370 69 B.C., fresh disturbances broke out, his widow Eurydike
sought help of the Thebans. Pelopidas appeared as an arbiter
between the parties, and the queen entrusted to him her young
son Philip, who followed the famous general back to Thebes.
This prince was Philip, the father of Alexander the Great.
Nothing could have been more favourable to a soldier's education than a few years' sojourn in Thebes, whose military
greatness at that time was such as to form an epoch in Grecian
history.
Philip lived in a family which enjoyed the intimacy
of Epameinondas.
After three years, he was recalled (365
cation,
B.C.),
his death,
district
full
It
'
years
among
the Arcadians,
Boeotians.
I'ji)
the Makedonians,
'
he led you down from your mountain heights, and made you
a match for your enemies, by enabling you to make use not
only of the roughness of your country, but of your own
innate valour. You were slaves of the barbarians, and he
made you their leaders.'
king of their own blood was readily followed by the
aristocracy of the land.
Philip introduced the custom that
the younger members of the noblest families should do service at his court, and accompany him in the chase.
In this
manner incongruous elements united to lay the foundation of
new
The
military empire.
art
so
aristocratic
of a native king.
lies in this
The
political
rallied to the
banner
an independent power at their gates. He not only emancipated Makedonia from the dominant Greek influence, but he
raised his country to a position of vantage whence it could
advance against Greece.
It could not be doubtful for a moment what would be the
aim of Philip's first efforts. It was the natural object of
Makedonia to get possession of the stretch of coast which was
occupied by the Greeks,
Philip's best ally.
in
tliis
matter
of Olynthus, situated
come
it
a destructive influence.
PHILIP
AND OLYNTHUS.
'^']']
came
that she
own
cities,
country,
we
first
the double-
ing possession
of that
still
town, and
tive
importance of
facts, defines
ff.,
p.
He
123
ff.
378
Philip
waged
Lakedsemonians and other Greek states, whose troops remained only four months in the field, and then returned home.
If he
Philip, on the contrary, waged war at all seasons.
found no opposition in the open country, he took to besieging
The difference between his diplomacy
the fortified towns.
In the
and that of his enemies was not less important.
democratic republic, everything depended upon the issue of
public discussions the king, on the other hand, took counsel
only with himself Demosthenes ascribed the losses which
Athens suffered principally to the negligence of the republican government, and consistently maintained that it was
the possession of Methone and Potidsea, which Philip had
:
his
control
over
the whole
district.
He was
the
in
moment he had
conceived them.
Athens was
at
in
moment hampered by
allies.
Philip,
thing
379
hood.
They
An
adventurous leader
in seiz-
ing the temple, not without the secret support of Sparta, with
conilict,
another leader in
noblest families.
The situation
The Phokians found
B.C.).
This
man
their
We
have
now arrived at a point where it will be neceshow it was that a Makedonian king who did
sary to explain
It
came
to interfere in these
The
Thessalians,
league,
were
end
to put an
But among
Schafer (Demosthenes
war in the
first
und
seine Zeit,
B.C.
ii.
p.
449)
fixes
380
to a
as-
pect of which was the feud between the tyrant of Pherse and
the Thessalians in alliance with the Amphictyonic league.
The
latter,
Onomarchus,
first
his aid, took the field against Philip in Thessaly with a large
and
well-drilled
army.
The
We may
'
the
regard as a
story that
Philip
know
for certain
is
defeated.
What we
The
B.C.).
general war.
Philip's victory
was
of Thessaly.
He occupied the
that Philip
(viii.
2, 3).
It is
probably
in Thessaly.
CAPTURE OF OLYNTHUS.
It
cause.
38
As
such, he
religion.
in his career
of victory.
He
took good care not to attack the Athenians, who, with the
consent of the Phokians, had occupied Thermopylae.
Philip
mark
in
which he aimed.
depended on Olynthus at this moment may be
understood from the declaration of Demosthenes that as
soon as Philip should have got possession of that city he
might be expected in Attica. It is equally apparent from
Philip's own remark that he must either subdue Olynthus, or
give up his hold on Makedonia.
This, no doubt, has referat
How much
who
found a refuge
refused to recog-
still
in that city.
The
Olynthians,
more
The
likely to impel
him
alliance with
Olynthus, offered
little
Olynthus
itself
resistance,
Not
till
in
he threatened
Olynthians (349-8
now
and were
to
the
B.C.).
sufficient
to save
Of
the
382
result
into
civil
autumn of
He
troubles in Olynthus.
The
fell
let-
it
king made use of the prisoners who had come into his hands
These proto send proposals of peace to the Athenians.
posals were not rejected, for it was to be feared that Philip
would otherwise proceed to make himself master of the
Chersonese and the Hellespont. On the maintenance, and
even on the autonomy of the colonies in that quarter, depended
not only the naval power of Athens but her very existence, for
she drew her supplies in great measure from the Black Sea.
It was, therefore, a great advantage for Athens that Philip
offered to
retain
make peace on
what
it
then held.
The
tion was,
that
all
those
allies ?
all
it
was
in
The allies
The ques-
selves allies of
as
his
enemies
in
Another point
side.
as such.
Had
The
with this question pressed for immediate settlement.
Athenians wished to have the Phokians recognised as their
allies.
But
just
at this
summoned
Philip to
their
aid.
It
was
to the interest of
end
district
to the little
PHILIP AT DELPHI.
383
The Phokian
was
When
Onomarchus,
in sorry plight.
itself his
position
therefore Philip,
aid
was unsafe.
offensive
Thessaly
He
camp on
fortified
hindered
resolved to give
up
his
In this
(B.C. 346).
way
He was
able to
possession of Delphi,
From
league.
this
He
it
Philip himself
visited
by Athenian ambassadors.
at,
make no
To
the Athenians,
was
much
as they disliked
opposition.
we
now
are
entering,
Makedonian
antagonist of the
with
we must study the speech of DemoThe Attic orator appears as the chief
king,
all
Demosthenes perceived
steady progress.
clearly the
danger
' The
proposal to make peace with Philip was accepted by the popular
assembly on the 19th day of Elaphebolion (Demosth. De Falsa Legatione, 57,
i.e. April 16, 356.
After
P- 359). in the archonship of Themistocles, Ol. 108, ^,
It
p. 459).
ran as follows
A.ii(pMTuo<n
rh Uphv 8ti
yiyve<reai
'
'
iav
jUt)
iroituffi
^OTjfl^irei d SriiJ.as S
49, p. 355).
*<oKeTs
'Mnvaiav
eirl
384
to which
'
'
We
be
make
feared
that
the
to
own special quarrel with Athens, but under such circumstances Thebes would find no allies. The most disastrous
policy for Athens would be, argued Demosthenes, to give all
her enemies pretexts for making war upon her at once.
of her
Peloponnesians by making
Lakedaemon the Thebans and Thes-
irritating the
by giving refuge
venting him from taking
salians,
to their exiles
his place
among
and
Philip,
by
pre-
the Amphictyons.
The
was decidedly
in
As
ATHENS AND
PERSIA.
385
this
pendent position.
From
The
of Sidon and
fall
metropolis of trade.
we may
Commerce
To
rapidly de-
this period
general
which
In matters of
maritime power
could
be
was
Athens
took place.
in
The
who
The
satrap
surrounding places.
It cannot be doubted that this restoration of the Persian
power in Asia Minor was of advantage to Athens in her struggle
with Makedonia. That power had to withdraw within its former
limits.
in
Norwas this
Greece
'
Curt.
'
We
itself to
all.
in 343 the
changes.
C C
to
Aristotle
became
do with
political
386
so-called tyrannicides
who had
slain
who murdered
The
Jason of Pherae were
In Corinth it was the
his
own
He warned them
relied on
was the incompatibility of a monarchy with a free civic conThese arguments he urged with all his eloquence,
stitution.
approval
among his hearers. It was in vain that
and found
Philip complained of the orator's insinuations and described
them as insults to himself. He made little impression on the
Athenians, for Demosthenes represented to the Demos that
the king cared not for justice but for dominion.
Thus
it
fame,
THE THIRD
PHILIPPIC.
387
Philip
public opinion
to
on
this score
in a vigorous
He
expressed
orations,
.'
an end.
many
ob-
in
open
conflict.
388
monarchy gain
straits,-
In
let
the Malcedonian
regions,
where
come
The
result
was
whose movements were not to be foreseen or calcuand the expedition against the Scythians failed to attain
It was not altogether unsuccessful, for the king reits aim.
turned richly laden with booty, but on his way back he was
attacked by the Triballi, who inflicted on him such serious loss
that he had to relinquish the idea of making further conquests
peoples,
lated,
in
the
Thracian
Chersonese.
The
allies in
Once more the Athenian navy proved itself a match for the
Makedonian king, and the general position of affairs would
have allowed this balance of power to exist for a time if
old feud about the shrine of Delphi had not been revived.
The
the
insignificant.
That
is,
389
on which
Amphictyons
to
It was resolved
Amphictyonic Council, in
To wage war on
that
was
Amphictyony
is,
in favour of
39
Oropus, long a subject of dispute, from the Thebans. Demosthenes set himself against this plan with all the force of his
of affairs
Further than
this,
the personal
'
autocraior,'
39
of Strategus.
legal authority
he appeared
in the
Thermopylae.
secured his
He
which
These advances produced
then occupied
retreat to Makedonia.
affairs.
Elateia,
Thebes, after
his side.
No Theban
is
to be regarded as the
392
Demosthenes rendered
He
at this
crisis.
in
Immediately afterwards he went in person to Thebes. By recognising the headship of Thebes in Boeotia, in spite of all
Philip's
commands and
threats,
cities,
All
From the
moment they
who
in the inhabitants of
distant Leucadians
as well as in the
The
field together.
first
The com-
skirmishes that
took place turned out well for the allied cities, and a golden
crown was voted in Athens to Demosthenes. But popular
enthusiasm was premature in thinking that success was attained.
In the very first movements of the war the superior
generalship of Philip was displayed.
He
Theopompus
slhenes
SiKalovffa
at
riip
Soyur^hv koI
{Demosthenes,
Thebes,
t)
tov
<pt\oTi/xlav,
x-P^^
Siva/iLts
iiT(crK6Tri<re
iK^aXeTv
chap. l8)
fi'fjTopos
alirvis,
to'is
&\\ois
4y9ovtnwvTas
Siratrir,
vrrh
Sirrt Kol
tov \6yov
irphs
Ka\
<f>6^ov Kol
rh Ka\6v.
BATTLE OF CH^RONEIA.
393
was on
conflict.
commanded an army
Philip
fully
equipped and
commanded it with
his own use the ex-
He had turned to
Theban and Athenian commanders during several
Neither Thebes nor Athens had any commander
set against him.
Phokion, the only man in Athens
unequalled
skill.
periences of
decades.
of note to
The
it
forces
The
latter
of his predecessors.
The nucleus
of the
Theban
resistance
394
This
force,
without doubt
field,
The
Makedonian generalship.
the
command.
line was eventually broken
Alexander is
have ridden it down with his cavalry and Philip
assisted in the
The Theban
said to
now advanced
from the
not
field.
how
to
'
'
The
seeing that all was over, made no further resistand suffered a complete defeat' Of native Athenians
more than one thousand were slain two thousand were
taken prisoners, and the rest fled in complete panic. Among
the latter was Demosthenes.
His place was not on the field
latter,
ance,
Philip
is
happened to run
in the
'
is
Of
the battle
we have
difiFerent
to August
Dcviosth.
is
seine Zezi,
ii.
p. 528, n. 5.
It
no,
on
),
3,
which, according
und
xvi. 86.
Comp.
Schafer,
city.
But
this could
395
It
command
of the sea.
In Eubcea, in the
first
make further
place, his
resistance
friends took
with Athens.
new
to allow Philip to
It rather
tended
general direction,
With
and setting a
end
in view, Philip
ceedings
is
special
we know
for certain
about
its
pro-
was sanctioned.
resolution was passed to the effect that no city
that the existing state of affairs
Any
state
396
which attacked another was to be put down, at the invitation of Philip, by all the rest.
This was tantamount to the
appointment of Philip as commander, with absolute powers, of
the League of the Public Peace.
The king had given the Athenians their choice as to
whether they would attend this assembly or not. In consequence of the turn which affairs had taken for, as one of
their orators put it, the victory of Chaeroneia had blinded
every one the proposal to attend the meeting was accepted.
The Athenians were therefore represented at Corinth not
so the Spartans, who, in spite of Philip's influence in the
Peloponnesus, could not bear to submit to any kind of domination.
The contingents to be supplied by all other states
were fixed, and these contingents were to be supplied in case
of any attack upon the king, and even in case of any aggressive war which he might resolve to undertake.
The forces of Hellas were thus put at the king's service,
although it was impossible to say positively to what use he
intended to put them. It was generally assumed that he
intended to turn his arms against Persia. That, indeed, was
the most natural course to take. Athens had been in alliance
with Persia, and a number of Athenians, who could not
bear to submit to Philip, had taken refuge in Asia Minor,
where Mentor, at the head of his Greek mercenaries, still
maintained the authority of the Great King. Without a
moment's delay the king of Makedonia sent a division of his
army, under the command of Attains and Parmenio, to Asia
Minor, in order to arouse the Greeks in that quarter to strike
a blow for freedom in the old Hellenic sense of the word.
Through all this we
Hostilities with Mentor at oncf^ began.
can clearly trace the chain of cause and effect. The victories
over Greece, the acquisition of naval supremacy, the conquest
of
the Thracian
Chersonese,
the expedition
the
against
the
undertaken
in
Asia Minor
all
system, foretelling a
new
their
political
397
Philip
had no
in-
On
ance, their
adventurous
On
we have an army fitted for the greatest undertakings, an army without a rival in its day, entirely dependent
on the will of the Makedonian king. On the other side, we
have a civilisation
thoroughly national in
character,
but
political
created a sure
Indeed, the
Makedonia.
It
398
We
in
Makedonia.
friends of the
of
It
was
at the festival
a.
festive robe.
the tyrant
He
In the mind of
(Polit. V.
story.
ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
399
was
2.
It
was a
Alexander
the Great.
significant
He had
his authority in
some parade of
military
his
father.
On
this
occasion the
command was
conferred
was the preparations for this war which gave rise to the
danger that assailed the young king.
Attalus, who denied the Makedonian origin of the king
and regarded him in the light of an enemy, succeeded in
seducing the troops over whom Philip had placed him in
command. He established an understanding with the Greeks,
and, instead of waging war with Persia, seemed inclined to
make common cause with them against Alexander. But
Attalus was murdered the obedience of the Makedonian
troops was secured by Parmenio, and the war with Persia
went on. At first the Makedonians met with no great success.
They were compelled to raise a siege which they had
It
first
400
Philip and
with
the Second.
told this of
Alexander
as well as of Frederick
were
But the
commenced a
directed
difference
is,
We
had begun.
his
and had
King
to
Peuke, an island
in the
'
Arrian's account
is
confirmed by Strabo,
vii. 8, p.
301.
CAMPAIGN IN THRACE.
the archers
40I
the phalanx,
Thus
made an onslaught.
from the
field.
we come upon regions, peoples, and conamong which the history of the world has more than
In this episode
ditions,
summoned
triremes to help
That
this
city had,
island in
the
and to
facilitate his
island
much
for
on this
occasion the Greek triremes showed themselves incomparably
superior to the log canoes with which the Getae, the principal
the unskilled efforts of the mountaineers of Thrace, so
Boats of
carry a larger
in hostile array,
river.
The
to.
Getae,
up
in a
command of
D D
402
Danube
to attack Mafcedonia
It
the Kelts,
Sea.
conduct, considered
it
advisable to
left
make
unnoticed.
in the
They
served
On
Arrian wrote.
down to
the enemies
own day.
With
the Taulantii
may
and
in the
most
The
itself,
it
local
in the
enemy
that they
did
REVOLT OK THEBES.
formerly recoiled,
now
still
further developed
in
403
by
Philip
and
the north
father
opposed by
had
left
When
Thebes.
404
surrounded
in alliance
the Hellenes.
large
over-
powered in
Makedonians pressed
in
made
itself
Accord-
an energetic and
Makedonian attack
in front of their
DESTRUCTION OF THEBES.
city until
Alexander forced
405
his
slightly
by his troops into the town. Howthe result was a catastrophe disastrous for
may
Thebes.
houses, there
the
be,
In the
market-place, in
the streets, in
The
the
very
friends of
the knee before the conqueror, or pleaded for mercy, but that
they died as
death.
The
Hellenic
allies
of
this destruction
it
and so
else.
All the
On
When
assembly.
those about
406
off had
The
close
affairs
forbade him
the
It
this
moment between
moment in
to lose a
moment
had won
in
to his foes.
Let us return
for a
moment
It
of
will
He had
nothing.
conditions,
complete
and as a reward
command
we saw
to
Mentor, the
for
above, on certain
with Bagoas,
AFFAIRS IN PERSIA.
obliged to
407
Persians, as formerly
in
assure himself of
power
in the future.
We
eunuch himself put to death the aged monarch, and set aside
his sons
all
have
fallen
him
in like
new
manner.
king,
is
whom
said to
friends,
line
of the
'
^iXtnwov r\evT7Js
rhv
i<j>LKoTi/xe7TO
Aapelos irapaKa^lhv
^eWovra
r'lfv
7r<jAe/xoy
els
little
r^v MatceSoytav
airo^
Therewith agrees the statement in Syncellus (p. 261, ed. Par.; p. 501,
ed, Bonn.) to the effect that Alexander became king in the first year of Dareius,
as well as the reckoning of the duration of Dareius' reign at six years and two
months, which is found in Johannes Antiochenus ; the accession of Dareius would
o-TptiJ/ai).
thus have taken place in the spring of 336, since he died in August, 330. On the
other hand, according to the Ptolemaic canon Dareius must have succeeded in the
year 413 of the era of Nabonassar,
i.e.
after
November
408
of the mercenaries
in
Asia Minor.
Memnon managed
brother
been
commander
to
retain
whom he
remained
faithful,
pos-
His
was
effect
offices
of state and
We
it
but the circumstances were notorious and tended to his adWe may, however, regard the matter from another
vantage.
Egypt, with
its
It
Phoenicia .should
people of
establish
a species of
Between the
superstitions
wide
Was
gulf,
even
if
the
contrast
exercised
world,
religion
If there
was nothing
else to hinder
PERSIA.
409
ferment.
The
nations
certain consideration
in
all
men's mouths.
He
the heroic deeds of the Trojan war, and to fight out the battle
which, according to the conception of the earliest historian,
4IO
between
Europe
and
Asia.
and
cestors,
a sort
The
When
Alexander
set out
on
army, under
command
his
INVASION OF PERSIA.
though
field,
all
him
The Greek
4 II
moment
forgotten.
334 B.C.
The smallness of the Grecian army, which numbered only
35,000 men, was compensated by its military experience,
and the fleet which carried it across the straits was well
Alexander himself was full of the ideas which
equipped.
animate the Homeric poems.
Of his conduct under their
influence we find two traditions.
According to the one,
which has the weight of Arrian's authority, he offered a
sacrifice,
we read
who, as
other tradition,
Alexander,
when
is
shore,
it
as a lucky
omen
in
that Asia
a few places,
Nothing
is
more probable,
for the
clined to
put
off"
412
neighbouring
districts,
in order to
make
it
difficult, if not
great advantages.
But to
ear.
itself,
and
for this
a foreign prince
in
all this
for a
moment endure
They
said,
with some
To
to
the presence of
King Alexander.
full
The
Persians had
them the opportunity of throwing the enemy into conBut Alexander, instead of arranging his troops in
columns, drew them up in a long line of battle along the
give
fusion.
He
then
In climbing
irresistibly
king.
No
In
this
beyond any of
conflict
his followers.
and
it
413
powered.
The
victory thus
won was
The
Persian
commander and
of Alexander, to surrender to
him both
city
and
approach
fortress.
lation led
by other authors.
'
'
414
We
field,
Memnon
means of a
sortie
Memnon, and
in
in force, his
The defenders
flict
succeeded
in the con-
in
which
still
capable of
fighting.
live
415
paid
shrine
'
importance of
Gordium lay
Asia Minor.
it
The
enabled Alex-
41 6
He
launched a
fleet
of three hundred
all
his forces to
He
greater activity.
He
forces
'
Diodorus
(xvii.
to Arrian,
ii.
death that
it fell
'
i,
3,
Memnon
'
town, but
it
was not
According
till
after his
Demosthenes
is-
said
THE BATTLE OF
He
417
ISSUS.
Mount
the river
the
the Persians
had
now
personal bravery,
who
in flight
He
re-
rode away.
The narrow
the battlefield,
41
camp
wife
Persia.
first
of
all
Whether
operations.
upon personal
we do
feel-
not venture to
in-
quire.
difificulties.
Many
ii
sail
to have been proposed to meet them, but they were cut shot
it
SIEGE OF TYRE.
419
formed almost the whole of the Persian fleet, and the first result
could now be attacked
of the battle of Issus was that Phcenicia
from the land side.
The Tyrians kept up a constant connexion with Carthage, and their two fleets, now joined by a portion of the
Greek naval force, confined the Makedonian fleet to a very
of Tyre.
limited space.
hands of Alexander.
their
land.
It
led not only the naval operations, but also those of the land
force
employed
in the siege,
and appeared
in
person on the
420
bridge which had been thrown from the mole to the walls of
Tyre.
His ubiquity and insight were in the highest degree
among
the prisoners,
all
the
B.C.).
We
last stormed
are assured
that,
of bearing
has been
or, as
supposed, crucified.
massacre
The
persons of
authority in the city, including the king, together with the ambassadors from Carthage, who had taken refuge in the temple
In that
made
till
The men
the
all
each one
last,
perished
in the
their wives
and children were sold as slaves. The city, however, was repopulated by the neighbouring tribes, for Alexander intended
to use it as an arsenal.^
The storm which burst upon the ancient friends and foes
of the Hebrew race was not likely to leave Jerusalem unThe inhabitants of that city had only lately been
touched.
of
its contact with Alexander thei'e is no contemrestored
;
porary report.
'
The account
that
we
possess
On
29 = 7,
It
is
coloured by
1,1;
Curlius,
2).
was
he
first
came
iv.
ALEXANDER IN EGYPT.
Levitic influences,
but
it
contains
serves notice.
4^1
some
maintain,
Alexander to receive into favour those who made their subWe may believe that he spared Jerusalem, and permission.
mitted the Jews, like the Ionian Greeks, to live according to
their
ancient laws.
Be
this as
it
and
of
all his
Egypt
once
troops.
The frequent
to recover its
in the
country
doubtless be remembered.
On
Egypt had
a king, at
42 2
lochus, the
commander
Hege-
Some
of
The
possession of
of the
Mediterranean.
The
But had
this
all
for the
to impotence.
The
ALEXANDER
king,
IN EGYPT.
423
denied his
had been, since time immemorial, a station on the comIn it a temple had been
mercial route through the desert.
founded, the oracular responses of which passed for infallible.
oasis
Amon.
The
A great part
would hold
What
fast to his
this
answer
promise.
meant
at this particular
moment
is
clear.
the doctrine of
424
The
priests told
him
Amon
'
He
directed.
It
He
was
The
spot
is
and Western Asia, for there the great military routes intersect
It was near the village of Gaugamela, not far
from Nineveh.' In the region where the Assyrian Empire
each other.
Diodorus,
'
xvii.
<t>aivovTi,'
'
Arrian,
iii.
The statement
was generally
{vi.
^trecflai
II, 5) in a
t!)
/ieyeOos
'
in
?ipi
irpo-
i.
of Strabo (xvi. 53, p. 737), that the battle, the scene of which
Gaugamela, is confirmed by Arrian
supplementary remark.
But researches
that
BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA.
had
425
and where
arisen,
the Medo-Persian
No
world possessing
from Koele-Syria,
troops
from their
planted
Babylonians, and
land
native
there
Carians trans-
were
Hyrcanian,
division of
command
under
We
of Bessus.
among members
of so
many
was still an
army of the same kind as that with which Xerxes had invaded Greece. The Persian forces, though infinitely more
numerous than the Grecian army at Chsroneia, were still
more heterogeneous in composition, and were no match for
the army that Alexander had created.
That army, proceeding
on from one victory to another, had grown ever more compact,
diverse nationalities.
now
and was
But with
all
this care
it
invincible.
Only
doubtful.
in
The
left
make it doubtful whether the distances are rightly given by the latter.
(Comp. Karl Ritter, Asien, ix. p. 700. ) The battle took place in the archonship
the spot
of Aristophanes (Arrian,
iii.
on Oct.
I,
331 B.C.
An
Bdlencn,
ii.
p. 46.
112, 2,
eclipse of the
moon had
Fasti Hell.,
15), 01.
426
right
at the
its
Makedonian army,
The
nationalities
citadel
Persian
inhabitants
In the
first
for
con-
Here he
solemn procession.
which he always showed a
in a sort of
The
Alexander was
pre-
religion.
Xerxes on
his return
command.
The Chaldsans
all
that they
own
advan-
ALEXANDER AT BABYLON.
427
from Alexander.
ideas in
It
was
in
much
consideration
circle ot
which the plunder of the whole world was gathered up, and
in
whose neighbourhood he was met by prisoners of Greek exHis entry into the city was
and by wholesale
habitants,
'
and
Diodorus
silver,
silver in
remark,
'
md
all
'
(xvii.
in-
pillage.
Curtius
(v.
= 5,
5)
Arrian
16, 7) fixes
(iii.
gives the
it
same amount,
at
50,000 talents of
vpith
the additional
prisoners
is
reckoned by Diodorus
(v.
17
= 5,
5) at
4,000.
(xvii.
66)
Arrian
428
been
felt
The
divine authority,
to their conqueror.
In
the ideas on which this veneration rested lay the moral force
ALEXANDER AT PERSEPOLIS.
of action
429
After destroying
every institution,
and
political,
in
own Make-
ruled absolutely,
Philip
had collected
to
Euripides
In the same
was at
this
as
he at
theirs.
spirit
They
Greeks had
the
de-
verse of
which the poet complains that the credit of a successful enterprise falls to
the troops, to
is
directly
the
king's
whom
approach him
should
This sentiment
now put
forward, that
with
signs
of
who drank
430
responded with a
present demanded
the kiss, without, however, performing his part of the cere-
mony.
by a
kiss.
The king
kiss,'
was the
satirical
'Well,
am
poorer
as
he
sullenly retired.
From
darkened the
later years of
friends resented
the
Even
Alexander.
his nearest
servility.
The
confidant,
themselves,
recognised
the guilt
without hesitation.
to a sort of court-martial,
Some
of the young
as
men who
it
attended
Philip, for
gave them an opportunity of carrying their plan into execuHis life was saved by a Syrian woman who followed
tion.
She had at first been driven away, but afterwards,
the camp.
in consequence of the supernatural influence under which she
appeared to lie, had been received into confidence. She
appealed to Alexander, with all the vehemence of which she
was capable, to continue his drunken orgies beyond the time
banks of the Graneicus at the risk of his own life, but the
manner in which he presumed upon this service was intolerable
On one occasion he insulted Alexander at a
to the king.
feast with
some
Cleitus retired
but soon
after,
feet in a towering
DEATH OP DAREIUS.
43
bitterest
remorse.
He
was heard sobbing and accusing himself, but the horrid deed
could not be undone.
It is useless to attempt to justify the action of Cleitus,
still
less that
of the king.
the opposition
The
incident
was a symptom of
ideas.
The
lean-
by the
met with on all sides. He began to
soldier-comrades as mere subjects, while the latter
strikingly
now
is
repre-
sented himself not only as the successor of the Great King, but
as his avenger.
But
this
excuse
over Bessus
to
Through the issue of his battles and the occupation of Persepolis Alexander believed himself to have become the legitimate monarch of the Persian Empire. He considered it his
duty to punish a crime perpetrated on the person of the
Great King, although the latter had been his enemy.
In these Persian views he persisted henceforward.
To
Greek generals he once remarked that he would not let
himself be treated by them as Dareius was by Bessus.
In
these difficulties we recognise a question which has been
his
how
every one
must
feel
reconciled
with
individual freedom.
when a
towards
prince, of hitherto
be
becomes pressing
to
432
which
left
The
them a
certain
amount of independence.
which we have alluded was as yet only begun, and Alexander was not fated to bring it to an end. But
conflict to
life,
whom
the Persians had once had to retreat, opposed his further progress with an obstinacy which he did not feel himself called
upon
to break.
While
at Bactria
it
was suggested
To
to
him
this pro-
towards India.
Greek mythology.
was
of
in India that
INVASION OF INDIA.
433
made
time
At
furtherance of civilisation.
which he called by
his
own
name.
strong to prevent
and Bactria.
difficulties
latter
make
joint
war upon
their
common
Thus
enemies.^
the
When Alexander
327),
set out
To the
in the district
may
whom Alexander
was, if we may judge
in
up
commander of Greeks
How
and Makedonians.
was
on
new
satrap
of the Paropameisus
Persian.
The
first
enemy attacked by
whom
'
The
spelling of the
in that author.
^
In Curtius
Curtius
(viii.
42=
14=
12, 4) the
it
son of Taxiles
F F
is
as Sisocostus.
is
called
Omphis.
not uniform
434
Cophen (Cabul
River).
These
They
had
the
than
catapults,
The
captured
once.
Not long
service.
afterwards, however,
it
left
; '
at
any
his
rate,
securities they
no sooner had
the Makedonians.
The
We
latter again
in
The
first
explanation
is
all
is
very apparent.
slain.
(xvii. 84),
INVASION OF INDIA.
435
fell
into
sur-
rounding the town, whence they were able to attack and massacre
If Alexander treated with
magnanimity
since
it
had thrown over the Indus, probably to the north of the spot
where
it
is
joined
stream.
Taxiles, acknowledged
women
themselves, and of
'
it
brings us,
In Curtius
(viii,
more
him
Indian fanatics
story tells us of
pyres
43
:
gentis suas
crossed
the
experience of
elephant-hunting.
name of
first
'
as his suzerain.'
who
inflicted
= 12,
The
penance on
of India.
For
F F 2
43^
After a hard struggle with the mountain tribes, there followed the subjection of an Indian kingdom
and the junction of its forces with the Makedonians. It was
A champion of
their
territory bordered
we
independence appeared
on the
called
Paura
in this
in Porus,
whose
Of Porus
neighbourhood.
invitation to recognise
towers,
which
facilitated the
and Porus,
crossed,
powered.
selves most
passage.
after
also
over-
In this battle the mounted archers proved themefficient against the troops of Porus, but what was
When
and manly
tall,
He
ap-
Alexander enlarged
his dominions,
at
handsome,
as
DEFEAT OF PORUS.
with
him
that
suzerain.
two
cities
is
to say,
437
active inter-
ference.
A great object
He now
troops he leads.
Such, at least,
is
doubted.
if
time,
we
But,
we review
try,
was not called upon to traverse that counand to discover the eastern half of the continent which,
for
frontier of India,
'
It
Prasii, of
Nandra).
name Nanda
Its
king
2uo.
438
versal history.
While giving up
this project,
he embraced
while
intention.
tells
by
no further
results,
Ctesias, according to
whom
but rumours of
it,
preserved
The
made a deep
seemed
it
impres-
to confirm
dis-
new conquests
had
cities
scientific
Alexander
set
about
this
undertaking
in full conscious-
While
sailing
down
the Indus he
his attack
ladder gave
way behind
him, sprang
tree,
down
withstood
all
by his followers. This time, howhe was so severely wounded that the progress of his
expedition was stopped for some months.
inhabitants, until relieved
ever,
The
met with
in India
was
439
by the
and
It
was
domain.
At
It
last
was
attained,
At
first
from
own
also in
temple of
Amon.
He
its
He
rites
in the
which he
He had with
him an old friend, of Cretan extraction, named Nearchus,
who had remained faithful to him through all his earlier
troubles, and had attended him on his march through Asia,
called
in
440
of
first
all
the
at
and afterwards
commander
as
of a division of select
troops,
Gulf,
could be
route
The mouths
of the Indus were to be permanently connected with those of the Euphrates. Between the
utilised.
opened the Mediterranean and the West, the other was to form
a great centre of trade for the Oriental world. These vast and
yet practicable combinations far exceeded the efforts at colonisation
made by
world-empire of Alexander.
Alexander's enterprise in India was completed by his
through Gedrosia. It was not merely a retreat, for it
retreat
on the banks
of the Indus.
as near as
possible to the shore, and took measures for the reception and
support of the
the coast.
The
fleet,
On
his
the
army was
He
in a helmet.
poured
it
is
related of
The sketch
King David
followers.
it
very
betokens a renun-
same
ff. ),
RETREAT OF ALEXANDER.
as such.
The badness of
44
its
The king
fleet.
325
B.C.,
camp
fortified
The
with a wall.
gave
it
up
for lost.
have been
his
little
We
news of
Meanwhile the
can understand
how
he almost
grievous would
the
Persian
Gulf and
'
II is
now
called Chilney.
442
celebrated with
games
to Susa, thence to
of further schemes
is
floated in
that
be
it is
result.
Beginning
overcame them.
The
fact
ALEXANDERS CONQUESTS.
443
dawn
Thence he directed
his
gaze, of necessity,
tricts
But
The greatest
won by the Graeco-Makedonian army
Gaugamela. The nations of which the great
all
its
triumphs was
in the plain
of
Babylon
of that
Bactria
to the
It
fell,
but with
it
The
field,
result
to press
side,
The
extent
forward to
commander-
of which
marks a revolution
in
sequence of success.
The share taken by Alexander in the progress of geography consists mainly in this that he re-discovered the
:
it>
444
but put it to actual use. This exploit united all the conquered territories into one whole. Within the circle of these
conquests
They had
is
attainable
merely events
in
its
ideas of
and
victories,
irresistible
wears a wreath
enjoyments of
life.
all his
Alexander,
He was
like
him,
to-
delighted in the
full
of con-
to
CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER.
445
wrath he lost
The
his
the
to
an Athenian studio,
in
Alexander's lifetime.
dence,
tor
left side.
bust in
is
combined with refinement and tenderness. The spectaaway from it when he thinks of
the deeds
and
qualities of the
man whom
represents.
it
ment was
whom
in
he
in
large
We
to
minor as
made
well
as
to
be
The number
unite
drilled
of
after
Greek
We
more important
services.
in
Alexander's
meant
Alexander was
that
the
successor
of
also to
it
Alexander's intention
is
446
he used to
call his
He
second self
Amon
the above statements fixes the day as the 8th, the second as the 10th of June.
The reckoning
it
on the
nth
447
CHAPTER XL
ORIGIN OF
Alexander had
in
erecting a
new one
in its place.
The fundamental
notions
the
The
for
armies
Alexander often remarked to the Makedonians who followed him that his enterprise had originated
not so much in himself as in his arm)', for it was the army
which had originally demanded an attack upon Pcrsi.n. The
will
of their own.
THE DIADOCHI.
448
soldiers
victory,
desired to enjoy
its fruits.
It
disgusted with
fell
to
the ground.
The
prince
and the Grsco-Makedonian army felt, for the first time, its
full independence and power.
The deepest hostility was
aroused among the troops by the combination of the Makedonian monarchy with the authority of the Great King. Now
that Alexander was dead, they had ideas of their own to put
forward about this combination.
were not
rights of succession.
wedded the
in a position to
make
offspring, but
whom
as, in
the
first place,
kings of the
and
this
of Perdiccas.
At
donians.
Arrhidseus,
Philip,
successor.
449
It is always a hazardous
from the legendary additions
The
and
among them
any action
is
not con-
firmed
the
anything to
They
fear.
give birth.
boy
file
of
in
prospect.
It
interest.
portance
It
that
and
not worth
one of no
was, however,
the generals,
is
it is
insisted
should be divided
among them.
had received
who was in
and declared that he
was actually regarded
Perdiccas,
as his
tion,
it
lieutenant,
an
office
G G
its
THE DIADOCHI.
450
The
a regent.
events
is
chief deduction
that the
their leaders.
whom
he despatched
itself,
supreme power
in that country.
It
This
rising in
was
directed
Cyclops whose single eye was put out, and it was proposed at
once to take up arms against Antipater. Phokion was again
The answer that he gave to the
hostile to the proposal.
question,
is
arise for
very characteristic.
him
'When
to give his
that the
movement found
wide
by
Persian
satraps,
had
collected
round
the
Athenian
RISING IN GREECE.
At
Leosthenes.
45
troops,
who brought
of
first
all
friends,
who
all
where
in
The ideas of
independence
and
freedom,
overthrown
by Philip and
Hellenic
suppressed by Alexander, rose again to the surface.
Demos-
thenes,
ambassadors of his
his eloquence.
.^tolians
improvement
in their
movement.
Leosthenes
him and shut himself up in Lamia. The reinwas bringing him from Asia were
Greeks, and only a part of them succeeded in
retreated before
by the
joining him.
It
is
of the Greeks
The
the
the
The
.(Etolians,
own
insisted.
On
other hand
held together,
THE DIADOCHI.
452
many
home.
army
to
the battle,
or were hindered
tant
The
result of these
orator,
to
bitterness
of being
constructed Demos.
condemned
He
a temple of Poseidon.
to
death
fled to Calauria,
It
tried to
their master,
is
narrated
in
which
DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES.
conscious,
freedom
and breathed
of Athens
At
his last.
perished
for
the
453
moment when
the
eloquent
but,
died.
He
belonged to the
in
With
still
all
tempted,
when we consider
we
are
some compensation for its destruction in the fact that the full
influence of Greek genius upon the world at large only began
to be felt under the dominion of the Makedonians.
After the suppression of the insurrection in Greece the
generals, afterwards
Alexander,
fell
known
The supreme
authority
Perdiccas
who
which
Demosthenes (chap, 29). In the AriixoffSivovs
eyKd/uov of Lucian this story is enlarged by a speech full of invectives against
the Makedonians, which Demosthenes is supposed to have uttered, and by other
imaginary additions.
In the Zi/e of the Ten Orators, formerly ascribed to
Plutarch, we read that the Makedonians tried to lay hands on Demosthenes, but
were hindered by the inhabitants of the town (p. 846).
But Strabo assures us
that the Makedonians were restrained by respect for the shrine from laying hands
upon him (vii. c. 14, p. 374)
and that, instead of listening to the invitation to
leave the temple, Demosthenes poisoned himself.
In another report, which
comes from the family of Demosthenes, it was maintained that Demosthenes did
not perish by poison, but through the special care of the gods escaped by a
painless death from the danger of falling into the hands of the Makedonians,
Similar versions, in which a death which others regarded as violent is traced to
"
'
'
Of the circumstances
This tradition has been generally followed.
407).
which accompanied the event those which I have inserted in the text appear to
p.
me
to
THE DIADOCHI.
454
in
Egypt
the Nile.
By
this
concession he met
claims
At
was
drawn
to the fact
that
it
in itself
differ-
ent conquests had not been compacted into anything like a state.
intention
commanders of
Greek extraction regarded with favour a supreme authority
the Makedonian.
It is
the inferior
'
feelings
by
This they
it
in Greece.
condemned
to
At
the
ii.
(xviii. 36).
years;
455
its
collision
member
of this alliance.
THE DIADOCHI.
456
refused to
recognise the
But a
defeat
Eumenes was
death (316-15 B.C.). He was the only Greek in the Makedonian military hierarchy. The Grecian element, which had
had so large a share in the conquests of Alexander, was
excluded by the commanders of Makedonian origin.
in
who
could not bear the loss of the authority which had belonged to his father. Antigonus supplied him with a considerable
fleet
and army.
whom
at the
tyranny of Olympias,
to
an
in
end.
fate,
by
for
furthering the
own
to her
In the
destruction.
first
behalf of
'
According to Diodorus (xix. 11) Arrhidsus was king
months his death therefore occurred in the autumn of 317
:
B.C.
and
four
widowed
sister of
Alexander, the
The
457
last repre-
chief generals
had been
So far as can be
made out she inclined to Ptolemseus the son of Lagus, who
in
ruled
Antigonus,
who compassed
her murder
so
at least
was
said
In
claim to the
question
who
could
base a
The only
rest.
This claim was put
by Antigonus, whom Antipater had named Strategus
of Asia against Eumenes.
The rest, however, refused to acknowledge him as supreme, and war was therefore inevitable.
Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus, the ruler of Egypt, was most
forward
his
father's
In order to main-
claim, Demetrius
of
B.C.
a decisive battle
met with a
repulse.
At
the
to
itself
his
supremacy at
sea,
now
still
maintaining
Here he got
from Egypt
assistance
the
of
set sail
for Greece.
He
THE DIADOCHI.
458
Against
him
escaped with
while seventy
306
difficulty,
fell
B.C.)
The
victorious general
He
and generosity.
who
at the time
was
living at Antigoneia.
to his
Before any-
came out
to
'
'
'
on his son.
appearance and rugged
imposing
Antigonus was a man of
but to others hard
soldiers,
exterior, fond of joking with his
to husband his
careful
He was
of access and domineering.
title
had conceived a
high notion of his power. It may fairly be assumed that he
intended to revive the Makedonian monarchy, and to insist
on universal submission to his word. He had already made
resources, and, through
'
Plutarch,
Diodorus
Demetrim, chap.
frequent
16.
success,
459
Now
that he
independence
similar claim
The
him a
sort of
An
Egypt
failed rather
difficulties
other
to
On
the
and was
The
at last
resistance
party
the
to
satrapy of
Babylon.
In the
side of Antigonus,
conflict
with
the general
'
THE DIADOCHT.
460
of Antigonus.
opponent.
masus,
who had
his
friends in need.
Makedonian generals first succeeded in establishing governments which awoke territorial sympathies and gave birth to
new kingdoms.
if I
mis-
rise
Buddhist tradition
kingdom of the
Prasii,
Alter-
DEMETRIUS POLIORKETES.
46
Babylon and India, and in the face of the allied Indian and
Grseco-Makedonian forces, Persia was unable again to raise
her head.
Asia Minor.
which broke out
in those districts
was
the inhabitants of
his
the following.
Lysimachus,
position of independence.
He refused
title.
to
submit to Antigonus,
The same
although
it is
It
involved in
new
hostilities
THE DIADOCHI.
462
donia.
it
The
latter,
however, rejected
efforts at
reconciliation
The
selves independent.
against the
fifth,
who
in
laid claim to
an universal supremacy.
whom
he would
fail
to be
previous
felt
certain of success,
is
said to have
the
but
first collision
their
soldiers
At
victory
of their leader,
save
who
was
rendered useless
by the
rashness
The
elephants.
If their
enemy was no
the phalanx to
his invitation.
BATTLE OF
IPSUS.
463
He was
already
extent maintained.
blance
first
man who,
after the
who
death of Alexander,
succumbed, while at
was overthrown
That event decided that henceforward the
military monarchs were to be on an equality. But at the same
moment another question, rather provincial than universal in
its nature, was raised by the dissolution of the kingdom of
Antigonus and the division of his territory among the victors.
Seleucus enlarged his dominions in Western Asia by the
addition of Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Syria as far as the
and
set aside.
of Koele-Syria.
came
new empires
of wide
into existence.
was destroyed
sion
in the
of the throne
explain in a few
West
words how
Demetrius Poliorketes,
reputation
among
of Makedonia.
this
who had
the military
Let us endeavour to
took place.
already
won
commanders of
the greatest
his day, held
ground
Cilicia
to Greece,
THE DIADOCHI.
4^4
interest
by
and pinched by
Everyone has heard how
internal strife
in the theatre,
and
instead
of inflicting upon them the penalties which appeared imminent for they were completely surrounded by the victorious
to
influences of
this
sus-
eager to be
little
which fell into the hands of his neighbours, for a new field was
now open for his activity. Cassander, king of Makedonia, was
lately dead,' and among his sons there was no one to take his
place.
The eldest of them, who succeeded his father, died
young, and his brothers were soon at open war over his inheritance.
The struggle for power has never caused more
all
According to Porphyrius,
und
in OI. 120,
we
are
was committed by
He
4; according
now
deal-
the elder
to
DEMETRIUS POLIORKETES.
465
in eternal
The younger
infamy.
vacillating character,
is
and subject
eyes to Demetrius,
son, Alexander,
was of a
to extraneous influence.
Makedonians turned
It
their
who was
army.
united empire.
It
Lysimachus had
lately
H H
'
THE DIADOCHI.
466
On
one
of
its
borders
Seleucus.
it
hostilities
he
fell
into the
The two princes had combined against Antigonus and his son, but when there was nothing more to fear
from these opponents they fell out with each other. They
Were the two last living companions of Alexander the Great,
but in spite of this and of their advanced age these generals
transformed into kings were animated by a restless craving
for the exclusive possession of a supreme power which had
no legitimate representative, a craving which led to the
destruction of their families and continually embittered their
As the Makedonian prince alluded to
mutual relations.
above made away with his mother, so Lysimachus put to
death his son as soon as he appeared to become dangerous.
Seleucus.
The
friends
latter
(Fragm.
'
rrj ircp! KSpov ireSior iiixv
the battle spoken of by Porphyrius,
place in the summer of
took
It
iii.
Miiller,
638);
ed.
Grivc.
Hist.
This
is
Hellespont
P- 235)rJ))/
Appian
places
it
near Uie
'-E-XManivrif troKfixm').
SELEUCUS NICATOR.
467
generals.
The government of Antigonus
Gonatas forms an epoch in the history of his country.
He
maintained the influence of Makedonia in Greece, but
of Alexander's
He
latter.
kept up a
same time came into contact with the western powers, who
were struggling with each other for the possession of Italy.
We
shall
come upon
this
kingdom by-and-by
is
in a different
two other kingdoms, which followed the path that AlexTheir development is one of
ander had opened to them.
the
the
Among
Nicator
is
the great
names of antiquity
that of Seleucus
most
brilliant lustre.
is
His history,
enveloped
To him we must
contemporaries.
him by
his
like the
legend, a
in
He had
in con-
power
in
blished.
when
came
indeed,
it
into the
world's history,
in
the Prankish
THE DIADOCHI.
468
army, with which
it
had
much
resemblance.
serious
was
itself
The Magi
from the
were, so to
In Media,
if
new monarch,
are to be
found.
In spite of the independence of Sandrocottus the conis proved by the coins of Grecian
tained.
in those regions,'
was main-
and Makedonian
In Armenia a Persian
certain
civilisations
took
established
his power,
we
find,
as early
Persian grandee
Hystaspis.
'
the
Among
name
the Bactrian coins of Greek stamp are to be found some which bear
They appear to belong to the time when
II of Syria.
of Antiochus
Diodotus made himself independent, but still recognised the Icing of the
(see von Danenberg in von Sybel's Hist. Zeitschrift [1879], p. 491).
Syrians
THE KINGDOM OF
culture,
is
empire survived.
469
SYRIA.
After the
fall
of that
empire
name
many centuries in the name of the territory over
ruled.
Swarms of marauders often issued from this
on for
which he
country
Of the
hostilities
who
The
in earlier times
who
is
described
by
had always
assisted the
of the latter.
portant towns,
far
THE
47
DTADOCIII.
ill
the interior.
The latter was the arsenal of the
Seleukidre, and was provided with a fortification on a hill
where the prince kept his stud of elephants. The other two
cities were on the coast.
One of these, named Sclcukeia, was
were
built
all
sides
what
from
further south
better harbour,
trade in wine.
its
cities,
as
may
Seleucus
brated by Appian as a
activity
Centuries afterwards he
man endowed
is cele-
their aim,
who
out of miser-
cities.
list
of
connected
cities
witli
cenaries that
removed.
Asia Minor,
S^-ria,
and
E.s^npt.
into
SYRIA
AND
Egypt,
Greek
hemmed
but
The Jews
without
47
culture, which,
movement,
all
EGYPT.
breaking the
ties
by
which
The
bound
kings of
Syria granted
of the
profited
towns, with
introduced, but
the
predominant.
If
we
enquire, then,
origin to
this
Antioch
had
colonised
their
been
already
its
by a
its
street of
summer
its
climate in winter,
breezes.
The
city
was
we
Athenians.
traversed
of the nations,
partly with
it
beauty of
movement
in
all
in
The Ptolemies maintained their supremacy in the Mediterranean. They conquered Cyprus and made Rhodes their ally
Egyptian merchants were to be found even in the Black Sea.
The close connexion between Egyptian and Greek civilisation which thus sprang up is shown by the fact that a statue
of the Stygian Zeus was brought from Sinope to Egypt, to be
;
among
the
Greeks of
which
it
little inferior
to
THE DIADOCHI.
472
It
was
in
accordance
developed.
witli the
still
further
At
world.
made
respecting
its
that,
the Ptolemies.
it
to
troops,
elements,
with an equality of civic rights. The different national
and to
Egyptian and Greek, which co-existed in the cities,
were placed
which in Alexandria we must add the Jews,
great movethe
If
citizenship.
of
point
on an equality in
set up a new
to
important
less
it
rendered
ments of the time
into harmony
empire in the place of the old than to bring
hostile to each
the different national elements, often
as in Egypt.
attained
fully
this object was nowhere so
other,
The
ALEXANDRIA,
473
one another.
religion,
the
Apis.
unadorned
simplicity.
Alexandria became a
of Greek literature
this lay in
new
is
and learning.
The immediate
cause of
Safety and
which had once been looked for in Makedonia,
were now offered by Alexandria. We must not indeed expect
to find in Alexandria philosophical or poetical productions of
the first rank
for this the times, altered as they were, were
no longer suited. What the Greek genius was still capable of
doing in these branches was done on the soil of the mother
country.
But in Alexandria a library was created which was
intended to contain all the monuments of Greek literature.
and powers which disturbed and ravaged Greece.
The
chief
and to have starved himself to death. The great poliwhich Egypt held was not without influence
the sphere of science, and gave a new impulse to physical
his life
tical
in
position
research.
first
474
insufficient
'i'lll'^
DIADOCUI.
longitude.
knowledge of Oriental cosmology, especially of the observations of the Chalda.'ans, was indispensable for the prosecution of enquiries into the relation of the earth to the system of
some
time.
The grammatical
sciences on
by
side,
other,
475
CHAPTER
XII.
The
political
kingdoms.
But
Nevertheless
it
it
was not fought out between great kings, but between two
republics.
origin,
One
and manifested
oligarchical
tendencies,
while
the
Syracuse,
was
closely
preponderated.
Let us in the
first
position of Carthage.
the unity
Strabo
is
the
first
writer
who
remarks,
476
lie
the
its
own.
The
is
a Punic,
that
island of Malta or
is
to say, a Carthaginian
Melita
received
its
colony.
name, which
from Punic seamen. So, too, Panormus is but a translation of the Punic name Am-Machanath,
Composed of the same
derived from its extensive harbour.
elements, and animated by the same impulses as Tyre,
Carthage possessed this advantage over its mother city, that
there were no powerful states engaged in conflict in its rear.
From the Greeks in Kyrene it was separated by a desert in
which the frontier had been hallowed by a human sacrifice,
represented by tradition as having been of a voluntary
nature.
The Libyan neighbours of Carthage were subject
to no foreign influence, so that the Carthaginians were in
means a place of
refuge,
They sank
all
the ships
HERMOCRATES.
especially
477
all-important.
In order to
indispensable that
we should
it
the
cuse,
in their
attack on Syra-
The
able
to
disastrous issue of
fallen at
all
He
own
account.
He
way
into
478
the
city,
(408-7
The
B.C.).
Soon
into their
406
Sicily.
in
in the market-place
hands
months (November,
and the number of its
The very
B.C.).
inhabitants facilitated
its
by famine.
reduction
among
This event
They
would be impossible for them to hold out
against the superior numbers of the Carthaginians, and many
fled with their wives and children into Italy.
They felt no
feared
that
it
further confidence in
by them. In Syracuse
bribed
itself
in the
Syracusan generals
and
for
some time
hands of a
their
At
The
tyrant.
money
with
if
his
enterprise miscarried.
It
was, however,
completely successful, for the people of Syracuse were convinced of the truth of the charges, and were fully awake
the
importance of the
The
crisis.
much
result
office,
without
to
supreme power
into
his hands.
At
first,
position of affairs.
On
in the general
own
reputation in the
city, to
it
be
He
by the Carthaginians.
recognised
479
therefore concluded a
peace,
the Elder
of decision, cunning,
we
find
compounded
character
Dionysius, like
Aristotle,
believe
before him,
Peisistratus
life
by him,
but, never-
theless,
Philistus
armaments
unaided,
power
some degree
in
were
considerable,
measure
belonged to the
swords with
same family
against Dionysius
but
Syracuse
Carthage.
His
could
not,
Himilco,
who
even
He
disaster
Hamilcar,
Gisgo.
who
Gisgo's son
died in 480
was Hannibal
the son of
Hanno, and
480
situation
at night
exhalations of the
for
was
made
The
plague
such
it
sum
already heard
of money.
of the
The
disaster,
people
and on
Loud lamentations broke forth when the few surall the commander himself, without
arms and in slave's attire. The first words he uttered were
pectation.
He
Italian Greeks,
government, and
civil
aristo-
48
first
Chabrias,
to the aid
and
fought a battle
whom
Sicily against
history
is
striking
episode in universal
commu-
Hellenic
culture
in
and commercial
the West, a
activity, yet
mother
and on the other Carthage, the outpost of Phoeni-
and mysterious.
the
Persian
political,
opposition
Alexander,
to
who was
believed,
as
we have
successors of
witla
fully
occupied in conflicts
But
happened that a power arose in Syracuse
which renewed the war with Carthage in such a way as to
threaten that city with sudden destruction.
Among those who, through Timoleon's influence, had
just at this
time
it
'
According to Justin (xxi. 6) the Carthaginians sent an embassy to Alexander,
which obtained information and sent in a report as to his plans against them.
similar
statement
is
to
be found
in
Frontinus {S/ni/r^.
I
i.
2, 3).
482
Syracuse was
an inhabitant of
followed his
His son, named Agathocles, at
of potter that is, he probably made the
ornamental vases and urns which at that time were so much in
Afterwards
request for sepulchral use in Italy and Etruria.
he became a soldier and rose to a high position. He was a
Rhegium.
father's
first
trade
Syracuse.
an ambitious young
susceptibilities of
man
than the
refusal,
the
quarrels
civil
now took
recalled, then
The
aristocrats per-
one occasion
another
it
man
of putting
The
slain.
Outside
the' walls
pily diminished
'
The
history of Agathocles
is
known
Whence
viz.
to us
whom
is
clear
and
Peace, esta-
favour of Agathocles.
It is
Diodorus, too,
This, however,
is
cites
Callias,
Timaeus here
who
wrote in
internal consistency
connects anecdotes,
can get
i)o real
information.
From
Polycenus,
who
merely
AGATIIOCLES.
483
So
we can
far
events in the
According; to
him the
life
ihc relations
Pompcius by
but
Justin,
most important
foreground.
at that
own
city,
but he
in its train.
in
Dio-
than
in
Justin,
was
in
on the
'
latter taking;
supremacy
ol
in
Justin, xxii. 2.
Agntliocles
Justin, on
Carthage.'
the dispute
an internal one.
liimls
Tliat the
liinisolt,
is
<liiiiu-sliLM jMilonlia,' to
no
ollu-r
I
lli:\ii
tlio
the furtherance of
(,':\rtlir\gini:>n
is
vvliict
sliown
U)
484
each case
nothing.
it
is
One
is
into,
knew what had been promised to the other side. Both, as it turned out, were deceived.
In Syracuse there ensued one of the most horrible deeds
of violence which ever took place in an Hellenic city a two
days' massacre, in which both the aristocracy and the most
prominent members of the popular party suffered alike* The
number of those slain was reckoned at 4,000, while 6,000
more were forced to seek safety in flight, after which Agathocles seized on the supreme power, and established what
may fairly be called a military tyranny. It is hardly intelligible that Hamilcar should have been an idle spectator
of these horrors if he had not had an understanding with
Agathocles, and had not expected that the latter would show
himself submissive to Carthage. But Agathocles, once in
power, began to aim at re-establishing the independence of
the neighbouring towns, and showed no scruple in treating
Carthaginians nor the Syracusans
The
to Carthage,
man
to
be expected but constantly increasing hostility towards Carthage. Undoubtedly Hamilcar had acted in the matter without instructions, and such action was always regarded in
Carthage as an unpardonable crime if it did not turn out to be
The Carthaginian government, by a secret vote,
successful.
and without allowing Hamilcar a chance of clearing himself,
condemned him to death. It was regarded at the time as a
special grace of the gods that he died
by a
natural death
serious
inevitable.
'
Agathocles,
who
agathoCles.
485
Without
had brought
those >which he had
employed
in his
by means as cruel as
own city, Hamilcar at once
laid
siege
to
Thereupon the whole island rose against AgaThe inhabitants of Camarina and Leontini, of
thocles.
Catana, Tauromenium, and Messana all joined the CarthaThe destruction of Agathocles, hard pressed by
ginians.
superior forces both by land and sea, and unprepared for deIn this crisis he hit upon a most
fence, seemed imminent.
audacious but ingenious plan, which, especially owing to subHe
sequent events, made his name famous in later times.
knew that the power of Carthage in Africa itself was insecure,
and determined, though actually besieged at the time, to
defend himself from the Carthaginian invasion by a counterattack upon Africa.
For this purpose he collected a band of
well-armed and devoted followers. He concealed his ultimate
intentions, and bade all stay behind who would not follow his
fortunes with implicit trust.
Out of those who gave in their
unconditional adhesion he formed a compact body, in which
he even included some slaves of soldierly character, whom
he bound by an oath to his person.
Attended by more good
fortune than he could have expected, he crossed over to
Africa.'
His followers were without exception thorough
soldiers, men for whom his name had overpowering attraction.
The object of his enterprise was, first of all, to conquer
the Libyan territory, and then to make an attack upon
Carthage itself
The prospect which Agaihocles laid before
his army was, that if they took Carthage they would be
masters both of Libya and Sicily, but he made his attempt
rather as a condottiere on his own account than in the name
of Syracuse.
The ships which he brought over with him he
Syracuse.
Agathocles set sail from the harbour of Syracuse a short time before August
310 B.C., on which day there was an eclipse of the sun (Diodorus, xx. 5 ;
'
15,
486
set
on
fire,
to his side.
He
with them.
It
was
The intention
Carthage had to struggle for its existence.
which had been ascribed to Alexander appeared likely, some
The
thirteen years after his death, to be carried into effect.
struggle between the Greek and Oriental divinities, which
SIEGE OF CARTHAGE.
487
ever
They
awoke
in the
called to
people of Carthage to
mind
all
its
the
tithes
which they
custom
of
had
offering
full
all
their
first-born
to
Cronus-Moloch.
up, and
transgressions
now
to
offered
up.
similar guilt
The
ships were
mistake, or
Libya,
On
little
able as ever
combine
in
Agathocles.
The
488
He
entrusted his
army
Archagathus.
in Africa to
command
the
of his son
him he again won the upper hand in Sicily, but the Carthaginians made effective resistance in their own country, and
On the
brought three considerable armies into the field.
other hand there arose a misunderstanding between Archagathus and his troops on the subject of their pay, which the
son said he was obliged to withhold until his father's return.
When
after this, he
find
their
pay
in
Carthage.
if
them
pre-
fruits of
they might, he
his
own
troops in
flight.
in
smoke,
his
like a
meteor which flashes across the sky. It has no real importance except from the fact that it disclosed the method by
According to the reckoning in Meltzer's Ceschuhte der Karthager (i. 528),
which is founded on the statement of Diodorus (xx. 69), KTT\eiffas Kmk tV
'
'
Svaiv
TTJs
Agathocles
left
RETURN OF AGATHOCLES.
489
In
himself
Sicily,
more
assumed the
authority
however,
firmly.
title
We
of king.
we
of antiquity, and
having
have
are
it
on the
common
expressly assured
by
his
temperate fashion.
recovered
the whole
possessed in Sicily.
While
by a
fresh
development of the
in the
INDEX.
AMO
ABR
A
BRAHAM,
in Canaan, 23
blessed
'^ by Melchizedek, 24
Absalom, rebels, 51 ; slain by Joab, 52
Academy,
scription of,
Adonijah, 53
219, 220
nians,
54
by the Athe-
226
.lEschines,
Demosthenes, 391
jEschylus,
117,
'Prometheus
198;
297
Agathocles, rise of, 482 ; relations with
Carthage, 483 ; supreme power seized
by,
484
Africa,
487
the Carthaginians,
489
attacks Pharnabazus,
of, 409 ;
; ideas
invades Persia, 411 ;
resolves
to attack
;
Phoenicia, 418 ; in Egypt, 421 ; visits
the shrine of Amon, 423 ; crosses the
Tigris, 424 ; in Babylon, 426 ; adopts
Persian customs, 429 ; successor of
Dareius, 431 ; invades India, 433,
army
at
his death,
Alcmseonidae, family of the, 141 ; recall of the, 149, 152; destiny of the,
221
Aleuadffi, clan of the, 292, 379
Alexander (^gus), murder of, 456
of,
410
Ephesus, 415
435
his
down
sails
446
marriage
offspring of,
Alexandria
death
(in
description
of, ii.
448
;
of,
266
recall of,
273
279
Amalek, war
against,
43
Amenemhat
Ammon,
III, 7
tribe of, 24,
36
David con-
quers, 149
Amon, god
of Egypt, 319
ship
of,
II
;;
;;
INDEX.
492
AMP
ATH
Amu,
tribe of,
59
451
Armenia, rising in, 106 ; religion
no ; under the Diadochi, 468
Angro-mainyus, 107
Anointing, ceremony of, 41
Antalkidas, peace of, 355
Antigonus (Gonatas), heir of Demetrius, 465 ; king of Makedonia, 466
Antigonus, in Phrygia, 453 ; allied with
Ptolemseus, 455 ; named Strategus,
457 ; saluted as king, 458 ; death of,
462 ; power of, destroyed, 463
Antioch, 470 ; description of, 471
Antipater, left in Greece, 410
takes
place of Perdiccas, 454 ; death of,
4SS
Antiphon, 321
Aornus, siege of, 435
Apameia, 470
Apis, type of Osiris, 4 ; worship of, 23,
99 ; lost, 473
Apollo, in the Agamemnon, 296
;
of,
Artaxerxes (Mnemon)
(Ochus), 367
at
religion of, 77
71
of,
of,
83
col-
ii Canaan,
98
ib.
'
of,
Athens,
of,
power
330
philosophy
>
lapse of, 84
Assyrians, advance
Aristotle,
authority, 198 ;
; his
reforms of, 199 ; establishes supremacy of Athens, 200 ; joins with
Kimon, 201
Aristophanes, his view of Cleon, 230 ;
the 'Peace,' 244; his view of So-
341
of,
82. 93
Assur-nasir-habal, king of Assyria, 69
Aristeides, 196-7
117 ;
of Plato,
king, 348
163
crates,
made
456
1 1
Archimedes, 474
Archons, the, 1 45
Areopagus, ancient form, 140, 145
power of, reduced, 205
Arginusffi, battle of, 275
Argo, heroes in the, 290
Argos, 128 policy of, 130; allied with
Corinth, 245 ; league with Athens,
247 ; league with Sparta, 248
Argyraspides, 455
Aristagoras, of Miletus, 161
of,
INDEX.
493
ATH
CON
aids
464
Athos, wreck of Persian fleet off, 167
Attica, an Ionian district, 140
Auramazda, god of Persia, 104 ; influence of, 107, 108, 114, 116
Autonomy, in Bceotia, 212 ; in peace
of Antalkidas, 356; restoration of,
in Bceotia, 395
trius,
B AAL,17
in
Egypt, 2
in
Canaan,
II,
14,
29, 37 ;
Asia, 88
407
Beyrout, 13
Bithynia,
99
crime
441
no
of the,
Chaeroneia, battle of, 393
Chaldteans, astronomy, 19,
(see
Chemosh,
fire god, 57
Chersonese (Thracian), threatened by
386
Philip,
Lydians, 93
Cimmerian, advance of
the,
474
Babylon)
Chalkedon, founded, 133
Chalkidike, invaded by Brasidas, 241
attacked by Philip, 387
Chalkis, foundries in, 134
Chalu (Phoenicians), 13
CheironidEe, the, 292
r'ADMEIA,
his
Chnumhotep,
112
loi
of,
death, 102
473
Cambyses,
surprised,
Makedonian garrison
Callicratidas, 274
in the,
358;
395
tribes,
92
banished,
154
Cleitus,
of,
death
430
of,
230
power
of,
231
Colchis, 121
Colonies, ^olian, 132 ; Dorian,
223 ; in the West, 223
133,
;;
INDEX.
494
COP
Cophen
ECL
(Cabul), crossed
by Alexander,
Z18
434
Corinth, early history, 128, 133
war
at,
395,
399
Corinthian war, the, 354
Coroneia, first battle of, 21Z
second
Critias, 279,
restored, 363
helps
Syracuse, 262 ;
Sparta, 355;
congress
r)AGON,
^-^
fish-god, 39, 75
battle at Issus,
gamela, 426
205
Diodorus (Siculus), legend of Sesostris,
-19
supplements Thukydides, 258 ;
compared with Thukydides, 320,
365, 411, 419, 423, 449; compared
with Justin, '483
Diodotus, opposes Cleon, 234
Dion, at Syracuse, 480
Dionysius (the elder), 478, 479 ; death
of, 480
Dionysius (the younger), 480
Dorians, the, 127
compared with
Israelites, 127 ; success of the, 128 ;
;
colonies, 133
171
of,
"PCLIPSE
INDKX.
495
ELA
HER
Eli,
death
of,
39
65
Elijah, 64,
Elisha,
65
Empedocles, 287 ; works
Epameinondas, character
of,
of,
288, 323
359, 360
death
of,
secretary
of
Philip,
445
456
293
97
rival of Sophocles,
304
view of gods, 305 ; tragedy of, ib. ;
'Troades,' 'Medeia,' ' Iphigeneia in
Tauris,'3o6 ; ' Phcenissze, ' ' Orestes,'
' Andromache,
' Iphigeneia in Aulis,
' Medeia,'
' Phsedra, ' 307 ;
invention
of, 308 ; sides with
Pindar, 309
Euripides,
'
no
Gibborim, the, 51
Gibeon, surrender of, 33
Gideon, 38
Gilgal, Joshua at, 32, 33
Gizeh, pyramids of, 4
Gordium, Alexander at, 415
Gorgias, of Leontini, 326
Goshen, land of, 25
Graces, song favoured by the, 291
Graneicus, battle of the, 412
Greece, geography of, 118; mythology
of, 120, 126; rites of, 120; politics
o*) 135 ; general weakness of, 366 ;
relations with Persia, 371 ; move-
Euneidse, the,
of,
474
Eumenes,
87
the,
220
TTALICARNASSUS,
siege of,
413
62
Hebron, David
at,
46
397
'^'E.'KV'EV.,
gymnastic, 289
Gaugamela, battle of, 424
Gaza, attacked by Sargon, 75 ; taken
by storm, 420 battle of, 457 ; con-
Furies, the,
296
r^AMES,
440
Gela, 134
Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, 173.
446
30
Heracles,
119, 120
pillars
of,
go
legend
of,
;; ;
INDEX.
496
HER
KIM-
murder
of, 456
Hermse, mutilation of the, 256
Hermias, tyrant of Atarneus, 385
Hermocrates, defends Syracuse, 261
477
Herodotus, historic epos of, 171, 177 5
early life of, 310
a traveller, 311 ;
compared with Thukydides, ib. ;
work of, 312; information of, 313;
;
>
ideas, re-
by Alex-
lied,
the,
437
the, 292
compared with Nibelungen-
122
(see
Homer)
by
Philip, 375
20 ; rumours
by Alexander,
433 ; Greek connection with, 468 ;
trade with, 472
Indus, Alexander's voyage down the,
438
lonians, revolt of, 161, 16&
;
Iphicrates, 355
Iphigeneia. legend of, 120
Ipsus, battle of, 462
Isaac, father of Jacob, 25
Isegoria, praised by Herodotus, 154
Ishboshelh, son of Saul, 46
Israel,
tion
siege
of,
42
290
Jaxartes, crossed by Alexander, 432
Jebus (see Jerusalem)
Jehovah, antithesis of Baal, 22, 29
60
Jerusalem
temple
building of
35
;
Sennacherib lays
independence of, 79
taken by Necho, 87 ; temple burnt
at, 88 ; spared by Alexander, 420
Jews, contact with Alexander, 420
influenced by Greece, 47
Jezebel, 64 ; confronts Elijah, 65 ;
death of, 66
death of,
Joab, David's general, 51
(Jebus),
at,
siege to, 78
55
T AMID^,
Illyrians, repulsed
TABESH,
J
54
Iliad,
417
exiled,
kians, 379
Homeric, hymns, 132, 151
Joash, 66
Jonathan, protects David, 44
Joppa, 13
Jordan, river, 32
Joseph, in Egypt, 25
Josephus, history of, 31, 87
Joshua, book of, 30 ; son of Nun, 32
crosses Jordan, 32 ; his importance,
34
King of Juhad, 86
Judah, end of power of, 63
Judaism, religious idea of, 61
Judges, book of, 37
Julian, Emperor, 20
Julius Caesar, adopts Egyptian calendar,
Josiah,
4
Justin,
TT'ADESH,
'^
tacked by Selhos, 15
against Egypt, 18
Karanos, title of, 348, 367
Kelts, mention of the, 402
Kidu (Chittim), 13
Kimon, son of Miltiades, 188
tion against Cyprus, 193
ib.,
of,
197
204
;
;
character
his
of,
203
expedi-
peace
;
;
of,
successes
INDKX.
497
KIN
210
recalled,
423
death
NAT
visits the
god Amon,
193, 211
53, 57, 60, 78
of,
'
com-
of,
271
Kypselus, 137
Kyrene, Dorian colony,
133 ; Greeks
in, 476 ; occupied by Ophelias, 486
Kythera, taken by Athenians, 239
Kyzikus, battle of, 271
object,
208
storation,
Lot,
destruction, 277
their
;
re-
355
nephew of Abraham, 24
Luxor, edifices
dissolved, 357
Marathon, battle
Mardonius, 167
;
of,
of,
at
248, 364
98
Medes,
Media,
in Asia,
94
kingdom
against Lydia,
(see Persia)
169. 203
Platjea, 179
of,
their origin, 95
91, too ; war
of,
94
satrapy
Merom, lake, 33
MeSoprtamia (Naharain),
13
Moab,
36; conquered
by David, 49
;
Mceris, lake
Moloch
of, 7
(Baalj, 21, 57
mogony
Mothakes,
army
death, 447,
461
after
of,
Alexander's
under Cassander,
under Demetrius, 465
450
power
36
Medes, 103
397
112
of,
his
Megara, 138
Megiddo, 13, 15
Melchizedek, 24
Melos, taken by Alkibiades, 249
Memnon, in Asia Minor, 408 beaten
at the Graneicus, 411 ; in supreme
command, 416
MemjDhis, founded by Menes, 5
Menahem, 73
Menes, founder of Egyptian monarch}',
of,
19
Lyceum, the, 220
Lycurgus, legend of, 130, 139
Lydia, war against Media, 94 ; kings
of, 156 ;
kingdom destroyed, 157 ;
does not join lonians, 164; Cyrus
satrap of, 348
Lysander, character of, 275 ; at yEgospotami, 276 ; influence of, 282, 347 ;
|uTAGIANS,
union
Lamachus, 263
Laodikeia, 470
Lebanon, cedars of, 15, 47, 56, 70
Leonidas, 173
Leosthenes, revolt of, 45
Leotychides, flight of, 183
Lesbos, 133 ; revolt of, 231 ; revolt
suppressed, 232
Leuctra, battle of, 361
Locke, remarks on man, 23
Long
13
Manethci, 473
Mantineia, battle
death, 181
Massaga, taken, 434
Massageta?, the, 92 ; Cyrus attacks the,
Kynossema, battle
Mamre,
of,
22, 27
cos-
the, 275
Muzri, land of, 72
Mycale, battle of, 182, 195
sentence on, 233
Mytilene, 133
;
"XTAIIARAIN
(Mesopotamia),
Nathan, prophet, 54-5
Nations, list of, in Genesis, 61-2
-'^
13, 15
;;
;;
;;
IKDEX.
500
SAM
SYR
Alexander, 413
Sargon
Gaza, 75
death of, 77
attacks
(Sarkin),
conquers Arabia, 76
Satrapies of Persia, HI
Saul, elected king, 42 ; his conquests,
43; death, 45
Schasu (Bedouin Arabs), 15
dominion
470
Seleukeia, 468, 470
Semele, legend of, 444
history,
467
founder of
of,
468
'
1^2-
57
Persia,
de-
Sicily,
Sisicottus,
433
304
of,
religious
Athens against
210; breach with Athens,
allied
helps Syracuse, 262
223
with Persia, 264 supremacy of, 281
makes war on Persia, 351 allied
with Persia, 355 eijd of supremacy,
will not oppose
decay of, 365
361
Philip, 392 ; nor Antipater, 451
208
to tyrannical power,
252
ii.;
14
of,
'
Seti, king, 15
Sheba, queen
lb.
302 resistance
language
303
views of, 337
Trachinise,
gonist,
cities,
Semiramis, 67
Sennacherib, conquers Egypt, 77
sieges Jerusalem, 78
Sethos
refuses to join
238
Strabo, 373
Sultan (siltan), 75
Susa, 112 ; taken by Alexander, 427
Sutech (Baal),
2, 11, 17
Sychem,
of secular power,
seat
meeting of tribes
at,
35
58
INDEX.
501
TAA
ZOR
yAANACH,
Thutmosis
13
Tanagra, battles of, 2og, 239
Tantalus, story of, 289
Taraco, king of Kush, 80-1
Tarshish, 62
Tartessus, independence of,
mits to Carthage, 476
83
(I),
II;
(II),
,2;
(III),
ib.
Tiglath-Pileser, 73
sub-
by Alexander, 402
Taxiles, joins Alexander, 436
Tegea, ally of Sparta, 24S
Temenos, the, 124
Ten Thousand, retreat of the, 35
Taulantii, beaten
Theagenes, 138
Thebes (in Egypt), 6 ; (in Boeotia),
137 ; sides with Persia, 173 ; allied
with Sparta, 208 ; attacks Platrea,
225 ; aids Thrasybulus, 281 ; breach
with Sparta, 357 ; wins hegemony,
361 ; allied with Persia, 363 ; held
in check by Athens and Sparta, 364 ;
allied with Philip, 383 ; allied with
Athens, 391 ; destroyed, 404
Themistocles, 174, 176 ; power of,
184 ; character of, 185 ; flight of,
1S6; fate of, 187, 197, 199
Theramenes, 279 ; his death, 280
Thermopylae, battle of, 173
Theseus, legend of, 120
Thessaly, republic of, 292
Thirty Tyrants, the, 278 ; expelled,
282
Thirty Years' Truce, the, 213
Thrace, maritime districts of, 151 ;
under Lysimachus, 461
Thrasybulus, 282
Thukydides, oldest exact historian,
151; his failure at Eion, 242; of
419
YENDIDAD,
108
the,
VENOPHANES,
285
VADOK,
high
priest,
54
Zarathustra, 108
Zedekiah, king, 87