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Tucci Archive Report, 4: Dung dkar/Phyi dbang, West Tibet, and the Influence of Tangut

Buddhist Art
Author(s): Deborah Klimburg-Salter
Source: East and West, Vol. 51, No. 3/4 (December 2001), pp. 323-348
Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)
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Tucci Archive

Report,

Dung dkar/Phyidbang,West Tibet,


and the Influence of Tangut Buddhist Art
by Deborah

Klimburg-Salter

On the return journey fromTholing (mTho gling/mTho lding) to India via


Gartok, Tucci and Ghersi visitedDung dkar/Phyidbang fromAugust 23-25, 1935
(Tucci 1978: 133-38). Tucci describes his fascinationwith the decoration of the
temples and caves. In addition to the extraordinary quality of the murals,
and sculptures
the temples were filled with a profusion of manuscripts
bronze and stucco (probably clay).

several of
in wood,

In nessun altro gompa del Tibet occidentale ho ammirato tanta copia di oggetti
d'arte che costituirebbe pregio invidiato dei nostri musei meglio forniti.Quasi tutte
queste statue non sono posteriori al XII o XIII secolo e sono uscite dalle maestranze
del Bengala, delllndia gangetica, del Nepal. Molte portano sul dorso iscrizioni in
sanscrito. {Ibid.: 137).

Tucci

believed

that, together with

Tsaparang,

this valley had

been

the most

populated inGuge (ibid.: 136).


Inspired by this enthusiasticdescription and the high quality of the paintings

to visit the site after completing


in Ghersi s photographs, we decided
documented
our documentation
at Tholing.
At that time, the cave paintings had not been
and western scholars had apparently not been
published by Tibetan archaeologists,
to follow in Tucci s footsteps. Despite
Tucci's description, we had some
motivated
a lone horseman, who,
we
in
the
encountered
valley. Finally
difficulty
finding

galloping at full speed in frontof our vehicles througha dry ravine, led us to the
small village of Dung dkar. Although we did not have time to visit the temples

The pictures ofDung dkar are for themost part by Prof. JaroslavPoncar during the September
1993 jointUniversity of Vienna-IsMEO (now IsIAO)-Tibetan Academy of Sciences expedition to

western

Tibet,

participating

were

Christian

Luczanits,

Jaroslav

Poncar,

Yeshe

Kalsang

and myself.

This

researchwas funded by the Austrian Fonds zur F?rderung der wissenschaftlichenForschung. The
photographs by General Eugenio Ghersi were taken during theTucci expeditions and are housed in
the IsIAO Tucci Himalayan Archives. I thank the Orientstiftung for their contribution to this
publication andDr Adele Schlombs,Director of theMuseum f?rOstasiatische Kunst, Cologne.

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mentioned
by Tucci,
our expectations.

the three caves we were

able

to document

more

than fulfilled

The cave templesare identifiedby thename of thevillage.Dung dkar is located


in a side-valleyof the Sutlej north of Tholing. It belongs to an extended cultural

zone which

small village

includes, two kilometres to the east, the village of Phyi dbang; near each
are found cave temples, extensive ruins, and free-standing architectural

structures(Tucci 1937 [repr. 1989]) (1). In thevillage ofDung dkar are located two
extremelylarge st?pa (Fig. 1) with a stepped pyramicfalshape. In Phyi dbang the
ruins, buildings,
these monasteries

(Pritzker 1996). In Tucci s time


st?pa, are rather more extensive
were dependent
on Tholing, which undoubtedly
reflects an older

pattern.

The group of threecaves lies to thenorth side of thevalley at the footof a steep

to
of these caves are closed and one is open to the valley (Fig. 2). Due
we were only able to take a
strict control on the part of the Tibetan Government,
very limited amount of pictures, and also due to very bad weather we only stayed
there one night. The central cave is 1, to the east Cave 2 (the largest cave), and to the
cliff. Two

of the central cave, number 3 (the smallest). In the three caves at Dung dkar,
there are three different painted ceiling compositions,
centrally and symmetrically
are
cave
two
true
In
but
mandala.
each
the ceiling dominates,
only
organised,
of
of the cave temples.
overwhelms
the
decorative
each
indeed, optically
program

west

These dramatic ceiling paintings are the subject of this paper. The Dung dkar
paintings were previously attributed to the late llth-early
48 and n. 12, for other references). I use here the working

12th century (Rhie 1999:


hypothesis that the three

cave temples in Dung dkar may be attributed to the end of the 12th century
(Luczanits 1998a: 151). This short study deals with the last phase in the

of the painted
'Dome
development
mandala
ceiling inWest Tibet.

of Heaven',

the mandala-like

canopy

and

the

The Problem
In 1947Alexander Soper published a major articledefiningthedevelopment of
art. He

traced the roots of this concept toWestern


ideas and Indo-Iranian
architectural forms, such as the lantern roof. Today we might
not see such a clear linear development
to East and South to North - but
fromWest
is only relevant to the earliest phase in the development
that question
of the Dome
ofHeaven
and is therefore of no interest to us here.
the 'Dome

of Heaven'

in Chinese

The Mandala
ceilings [of twoMing temples] are worthy of attention not only for
their high quality and their historic importance in the long Chinese development,

(*)Tucci describes and illustratesthepainting fromDung dkar, however he attributesthem to the


which would ratherseem to referto thepainting fromPhyi dbang.
15thcentury,

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Fig.

1 Dung

dkar, stipa.

(Photo D.

Fig.

2 -Dung

dkar, caves.

(Photo

Klimburg-Salter).

D. Klimburg-Salter).

[31

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but also for the light that they shed on the practice of ceiling design in Tibet
proper: a fieldwhich forwant of information I have had to omit almost entirely [...].
(Soper 1947: 247).
can now provide these missing
We
lead us to is rather different than what

examples, but the conclusion


they
the exception of the
Soper supposed. With
in Tibetan
dkar caves, this concept of the mandala
Dung
ceiling is unknown
as
a
to other painted ceilings inWest Tibetan
will be seen from
comparison
temples,
were
I
will
dkar
that
the
suggest
temples.
Dung
painted
ceiling compositions
influenced

evolution

by the Central Asian cave temple ceiling compositions, where


can be traced from the painted canopy motif to the mandala-likc

to the mandala

Dung

Tibetan

a logical
canopy,

ceiling.

dkar Caves

Each

cave

is excavated

with

a recessed

zone

(#3 is relatively shallow),


is dominated
and the decorative
elaborate
program
by
ceiling, either a
mandala-like
(Cave 1) or 'mandala ceiling'
(Caves 2 and 3), and it is this
canopy
feature alone which will be discussed
here. Let us look briefly at the three caves.
is in the shape of a truncated pyramid, at the
Cave no. 1 (Fig. 3) in cross-section
floor level itmeasures
6.5 x 6.7 meters
(Phuntsok Namgyal & Chi lie ta qin, eds.,
ceiling

an

1998: 11). The ceiling of Cave 1 (Fig. 4), is carved in imitationof a lantern roof

at right
carved beams are set in alternating squares placed
(in Chinese
zaojing)
over
a
at
successive
is
each
each
excavated
other,
square
angles
higher level, thus,
recess. A cross-section
in a stepped pyramid-like
the five squares are excavated
of
cave
to
excavation
the
would
be similar
from Dunhuang,
several examples
for

example Cave
and Cave no.
1984: pi.

192)

no. 380

dkar example
(compare Figs. 5 and 6). In both the Dung
Institute for Cultural Relics
from Dunhuang
(The Dunhuang
the main inner square is set on an angle along the main axis of the

380

cave.

Seven mandala
mandala

dedicated

are painted on the walls. On


the north wall are two different
on
to Manjusri,
the mandala
the east wall
of Dharmadh?tu
on the west wall are two different Vairocana
mandala. On
the

v?glsvara-manjusri,
to either
south wall

side of

the entrance

to Avalokitesvara
dedicated
(Pritzker
a standing figure of an eleven-headed
1996: fig. 16) the other multi-armed.

1996:

are

two

15). Below

smaller

sized mandala

each

is represented
each mandala
one with six arms (Pritzker

Avalokitesvara,
to the latter is a mandala
Next
of the Five
is represented on the west and north walls. The
Protectors. The Life of the Buddha
is accompanied
view of an
visual narrative
by text panels. A comprehensive
an
the
attended
members
of
noble
families
enthroned
assembly
by
prince
flanking
the eastern section of the south wall. I have elsewhere discussed
the theme
occupies
in the kingdom
Gu
of the great assemblies
of Pu rang
ge (Klimburg-Salter

1996b).

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Fig. 3 Dung dkar,Cave 1. (Photo J.Poncar).

The

centre motif

of the ceiling

decoration

is no

longer extent. However,

it

appears to have been a figure.I base this suggestionon the fact that there is still
visible a dark blue ground behind a largewhite circle,which I take tobe a mandorla.
Thus,

I tentatively propose

that the innermost horizontal

surface

parallel to the floor and perpendicular to thewalls, =H1,

(i.e., the surface

see Figs. 7 and 8)

contained a seated Buddha


figure, for which there are numerous precedents
cave
Asia. The vertical surface of the inner square
of
Central
temples
painted

in the
(=V1,

Fig. 8) is painted with st?pa, five to either side. In the four cornersof the second
surface (=H2, Fig. 8) are a pair of mythical lion-like beasts (not
completely symmetrical, one pair has a different form. The vertical surface of the
next square (=V2, Fig. 8) is painted with a modified valance pattern. The next two
innermost horizontal

horizontal surfaces,threeand four (=H3, H4, Fig. 8), of the ceiling are decorated

with overall

textile-like patterns. The

vertical surface of the next square

(=V3, Fig. 8)

has a valance pattern (typologicallysimilartoTabo) (Fig. 9). The horizontal surface


square (=H5, Figs. 7-8), is decorated with a row of panels placed
end to end, each with a different overall textile-like pattern. The viewer, standing in

of this outermost

the middle of the cave and looking up, into the 'Dome of Heaven' cannot
distinguishwhere theedge of theceilingends and the top of thewall begins (Fig. 4).

327

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Seen

from beneath,

the walls

disappear

into the 'Dome

of Heaven'.

The

outermost

vertical surface (=V4, Fig. 7) has a row of Buddha figures (Figs. 3, 7, 8). Based on
the valance

patterns

I would

propose

that there are symbolically

two canopies

inside

each other.
7.2 m sq., with the ceiling
Cave no. 2 (Fig. 10), the largest, at floor level measures
a
a
m
to
in
in
section
truncated pyramid. The
of
the
also
5.4
centre,
rising up
height
back wall is slightly recessed so as to house a total of 8 statues seated on a plinth;
the
each Buddha
figure sits under a different tree set in a rocky environment. On

adjacent sidewalls are niches for two additional figuresto either side, includinga

pair of protectors. Only

fragments remain today along with

the lotus thrones and the

aureoles. In Tucci andGhersis time (1935) theback wall statues (7 Buddhas of the
past andMaitreya) stillexisted (Fig. lla-b).
a quasi
ceiling of the cave, square at the lowest part, shrinks as it rises to
At
lantern roof (Fig. 12) which is painted with the Dharmadh?tu-v?gtsvara-mandala.
the centre of the floor are the bases of two destroyed structures, presumably
st?pa,
The

built of unbaked brick (Pritzker1996: fig. 17).

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Fig. 6 Dunhuang, Cave no. 380. (AfterThe Dunhuang InstituteforCultural Relics 1984).

With

a floor area of no more

than 13 square meters,

Cave

no. 3 is the smallest

and the murals there are poorly preserved (Fig. 13). The
resembling

(Fig. 14).
This

a vault with

extensive

a recessed

group

centre zone,

of caves,

according

ceiling, roughly

with a Buddha

is decorated

to the local

authorities

mandala

more

than

1000, spread out throughthe largevalley are, tomy knowledge,without parallel in

there exist cave complexes


India, and Central Asia
Tibet,
Throughout
serve
as
to
In Tibet and India the
excavated
living and/or religious complexes.
caves are mostly not decorated, with the exception of such unique
as
complexes

Tibet.

Ajant?.

The use of clay sculpturesatDung dkar is characteristicof theCentral Asian

Buddhist

cave

sites where

clay

sculptures

were

set

into

an

overall

[7]

painted

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Fig.

Dung

dkar, Cave

view of lantern

1, perspective

thus creating a single iconographic program


of
images. The only extensive cave complex

environment,
image/or

roof, M.

Falser.

the main
is
this type to the west
centred

around

B?miy?n inAfghanistan togetherwith the cave complexes in the adjacent valleys

In contrast, in India there are a number of cave complexes.


and Foladi.
even
some of the caves are not painted. The other excavated
at
However,
Ajant?
even
in India,
less emphasis on
the spectacular Ellora, have considerably
complexes
on sculptural decoration.
Unlike
the cave
and much more
painted decoration
Kakrak

temples in Central Asia, Afghanistan and West Tibet, in the Indian caves the

sculptures are carved out of the rock.


cave complexes
Extensive
painted
found only in Afghanistan
and Central
groups

of

cave

temples

which

dkar are
clay sculptures as at Dung
oases
are
extensive
Asia. Within
the larger
with

contain

large

variety

of

architectonic

and

[8]

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Fig. 8 Dung dkar,Cave 1,painted decor of thehorizontal (H) and vertical (V) planes of the lanternroof,
M.

Falser.

is the overall
schemes. A
phenomenon
painted
fairly consistent
This brief discussion
refers only to these cave temple complexes which
and Yulin. As we
influence specifically, Dunhuang
lay within the zone of Tibetan
cave temples from Dunhuang
shall see, a characteristic
and
that later Buddhist
Yulin share is that the painted program covers the total inner surface of the cave,
decorative

decoration.

In Indian
the architectonic divisions, specifically wall-ceiling.
obscuring
as
case
are
in
the ceilings
excavated with features
every
Ajant?,
temples, such
associated with ceilings, and this architectonic
clarity is reinforced by the painted
Not
decoration.
the decoration
the architectural
only does
clearly maintain
zones
different
walls
different
of
the
and
but
elements or
-,
integrity
ceiling
sometimes

cave

motifs

are

summarised

used

which

the concept

Salter 1996a]).

are

characteristic

of ceiling decoration

for each

in Ajant?

zone.

(I have

and B?miy?n

[9]

elsewhere

[Klimburg

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Fig.

Tabo,

'Du khang.

The Western Himalayan

(Photo

Fig. 10 Dung dkar,Cave 2. (PhotoJ.Poncar).

C. Luczanits).

and Central Asian

Ceiling Compositions

The Central Asian origin of themandala ceiling can be clearly seenwhen the
of the Dung

ceilings

dkar

cave

temples

are compared

to the traditional

ceiling

decoration in the geographically and chronologically relatedBuddhist temples of


the western

Himalaya,

in what

is today India. Both

in eastern Himachal

Pradesh

and Ladakh the ceilings of Buddhist temples are decorated with painted textile
patterns
ceilings

in parallel panels.
organised
are combined with a painted

fact that the textile patterns on the


valance
(sometimes bordered
by a row of
The

birds,Klimburg-Salter 1997: pi. 199, fig.9) which runs around the top of the four

walls

these

and connects
ceiling

directly to the ceiling composition


were meant
to represent
decorations

caused

canopies

me

to suggest

that

(Klimburg-Salter

1996a; 1997: 173-77). Indeed, in the earliest of these examples at Tabo realwhite
cloth fixed to the ceiling is used, albeit then painted with textilepatterns. This
motif, the 'honorificcloth covering', continued to be used inNako and Alchi and

[10]

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Fig. lltf,& Dung dkar,Cave 2. (PhotoE. Ghersi).

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Fig. 12 Dung dkar,Cave 2,mandala ceiling. (Photo J.Poncar).

such as Sumda-chung
monuments,
monuments
the textile patterns were painted
related

and Mangyu.
on wood panels

But
placed

in all
between

these
the

beams.

or 'honorific cloth covering' has a long tradition in the western


where
the cloth canopy was depicted within the context of free?
region,
Himalayan
in the
is documented
standing temple architecture. This type of ceiling decoration
The

baldachin

ceiling painting from the veranda of Cave 'D' in B?miy?n (Klimburg-Salter1989:


fig.68). The B?miy?n paintingdocuments cloth elementsheld between beams.Here
see rectangular panels each with a different pattern organised in parallel rows, as
in the later temples of the western Himalaya.
The 'honorific cloth covering' in
was always retained and defined by the architecture. Thus,
the western Himalaya

we

also

to have been two distinct traditions of ceiling decoration. The western


'honorific
cloth covering' can be distinguished
from the eastern Central
Himalayan
Asian canopy tradition in that the decorative patterns used in the former are never
there appear

centrally organised.
The Central Asian

in contrast to the western Hima?


painted canopy composition,
layan tradition, is centrally and symmetrically organised; reference to a cloth canopy

is always clearly indicated throughthe inclusionof a painted valance on all four sides

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SB^^^BIBHIl^^^^vT^

Fig.

13

Dung

dkar, Cave

3.

(Photo

C. Luczanits).

Fig.

14

Dung

dkar, Cave

3. (Photo

C. Luczanits).

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(The Dunhuang Institute forCultural Relics 1984, II: pis. 44, 78). This centrally
motif

organised

gives priority

to symbolic

forms associated

with

the

'Heavenly

Dome'. Soper (1947) described thedevelopmentof thistheme in thecave templesof


eastern Central Asia where,

not limited by the restraints of architecture,

the ceilings

could expand at will. The decoration of the ceiling,which combined the canopy

motif with
decorative
decoration

a variety of other motifs symbolising the heavens, came to dominate


the
cave
its
The
and
of
the
extravagant painted
program
ceiling
temples.
cosmic diagram par
The
achieved,
symbolically, cosmic dimensions.

is, of course, the mandala.


to summarise several
It is sufficient for the purposes
of the present discussion
in
Central
motif
about
the
Asia, that have already
painted canopy
general points
art historians. An
and
Chinese
other
and documented
been established
by Soper
excellence

important element in ceiling decoration,


more elaborate. There are many examples

the northernWei

the canopy motif, became


progressively
from Dunhuang
dating from the period of

and continuing throughout the history of the Buddhist cave

was always organised


around
temples. This theme
became
The symmetrical pattern
progressively more
a
lantern roof pattern.
with
decorated

a central point, at first a lotus.


complex, sometimes combining

name 'zaojing' (caisson) is derived from the combination of crossbeams


forming a jing (well-like pattern) and the zao (colourful) designs painted on the
wooden beams. {Dunhuang Art, 1994: 116).
The

increased
of space allotted for the ceiling in the cave excavations
over
in
cross-section
time.
which
of
the
The
decoration
appears
ceiling,
dramatically
as a truncated pyramid, became progressively more elaborate
(see for example The
The

amount

Dunhuang InstituteforCultural Relics 1982,1: pi. 142 and p. 225).

The decorated caisson of Early Tang is inevitably shaped like a canopy resembling
the heaven, hanging high on top, imparting a magnificent and solemn aura. [...]
This also characterizes the sinicization of the cave temple inChina. (Dunhuang Art,
1994: 148).

From theTang period, a Buddhist figurecould be foundoccupying thecentreof

of the canopy motif may be seen if one con?


the canopy. The historical development
trasts the elaborate Five Dynasties
Institute for Cultural
(The Dunhuang
example

Relics 1987: pi. 53) with the earlier Sui period 'Dome ofHeaven' (TheDunhuang
InstituteforCulturalRelics 1984, II: pi. 22), which combined a painted lanternroof
as also in Dung dkar Cave
1, the
design with the canopy motif. In later examples,
in
four
directions, now
painted canopy, which is centrally organised and symmetrical

also includes Buddhist deities. This complex pattern essentiallyoverwhelms the

canopy motif.

Because

of the inclusion

of Buddhist

deities,

and particularly

the

defined
presumed Buddha figurein the centreof the composition,I have tentatively
this type of ceiling design

as a mandala-likc

canopy.

[14]

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The

progressively more

complex

paintings

of canopies with

figurative elements,

eventuallybecome a truemandala (Cave 10Yulin) (TheDunhuang Academy 1990:

a surface for independent


the ceiling becomes
pis. 106-107). Thus,
iconographic
is at Yulin, attributed to the Xixia
themes. The most dramatic example
period,

Cave 3 (The Dunhuang Academy 1990: pis. 141, 171), decorated prior to 1193
(Linrothe 1996: 9) (2). In theXixia period themandala now dominates the ceiling
and the canopy motif is reduced to a border design. The canopy motif is
from the four-part symmetry of the border motifs including the
only recognisable
decoration

valance design at the edge of the ceiling, not the top of thewall as in Tibetan
temples.
In Dung

caves just mentioned,


the clear
dkar, as in the Yulin and Dunhuang
a
to
run the
distinction between the ceiling and the wall is lost, and there is tendency
pattern from the ceiling onto the wall, or the wall onto the ceiling, without any clear
distinction of the architectonic
forms. Fig. 12 shows the mandala
ceiling as seen
from the centre of the cave. The Dharmadh?tu-v?gisvara-mandala
encompasses
right through the corners, and thus, the mandala

in Cave

2 is drawn

the wall

and

the

ceiling.This is clearlyseen in thedouble spread photo (Pritzker1996: fig. 17) of the

back,

north wall.

Note

that the corners


where

the wall

and ceiling

intersect

coincide neitherwith theupper edge of thepainted program of thewalls, norwith


the outer edge of the mandala
square (Figs. 15-16).
In Cave 1 the canopy motif is almost lost. All that remains are two different val?
ance motifs painted on two vertical surfaces (V2, V3) of the lantern roof ceiling. The
surface of the outer

(V4). In the mandala


square is painted with Buddhas
are
on
1
also
But in Cave
the
vertical
surfaces.
ceiling
painted
the edge of the lantern roof design is painted on the outside horizontal surface of the

vertical

in Cave

2 the deities

ceiling (H5) and forms optically speaking at the same time theborder of the top
of thewall (Fig. 4) and the outer edge of the lanternroof.A good example of this
optical illusion is fig.5 inPritzker 1996.The picture is identifiedas 'Figuredepicted

1'. Actually, this figure occurs on the sloping


supporting weight of the ceiling Cave
horizontal surface (i.e., the under side, parallel to the floor: H5) on the outer pseudo
beam of the lantern roof (Figs. 5 and 7), and thus, the figure does not connect
to the wall.
between
the wall and the ceiling, but is rather semi-perpendicular

Compare a detail of this theme taken by Ghersi (Fig. 16) with thePoncar photo
(Fig.4) ofCave 1.

is decorated by a mandala. The


3 has a vault, raised at the centre, which
not
is
defined by the wall-ceiling
division or the corners.
edge of the composition
itself ends well before the edges of the vault, and the total
Rather, the mandala
over the top of the walls,
flows
down
composition
ignoring this architectonic
Cave

(2) In Cave 3, the relationship of the clay sculpture and mandala on the walls may also be
compared toDung dkar,but thiscannot be discussed here.

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Fig. 15 Dung dkar,Cave 2, wall/ceiling, seen frombelow. (Photo E. Ghersi).

division; what

appears

to be the corners

(where walls

and vault meet)

or the edge of

thewall are actuallypainted lines (Fig. 13). The concept of the ceilingdecoration in
Dung dkar follows the aesthetic already established in the decoration of Central
Asian

Buddhist

Yulin

and also

cave temples. As we have seen in the Tangut Xixia Caves 3 and 10 at


in the Xixia period caves at Dunhuang,
ceiling decoration was not

limited to the architectonicspace as ceiling,but itmerged with the total painted

environment

of the cave hall to form a single decorated

unit. To

summarise:

as we

have seen, theman da la ceiling occurs in the last phase in the evolution of the
decoration of Chinese Buddhist cave temples,when the ceiling and its painted
heavens

came

to dominate,

by virtue of size and

iconographic

themes,

the main

halls.
are no ceilings, other than those inDung dkar, inWest Tibetan or Tibetan
or decorated
are transformed
with mandala-\ikc
into mandala
temples which
related to Dung
and geographically
patterns. All surviving temples, chronologically
There

dkar,have theirceilingsdecorated as in theTabo AssemblyHall. These templesare


decorated with a symbolic canopy depicted by parallel panels of painted textile
patternson the ceilingplus painted valance at the top of thewall, usually between
the two is a line of birds as a border. Thus, only theDung dkar ceilings are

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Fig. 16 Dung dkar,Cave 2, painted cornerwith atlas figure. (PhotoE. Ghersi).

the centrally organised patterns, defined by Soper as the 'Dome of


western
variants are rather 'honorific cloth coverings'.
The
Himalayan
a
There are, however,
group of st?pa (T. mchod rten) in Ladakh where the beams of
or mandala-like
the lantern roofs are painted with mandala
designs. The earliest
decorated

with

Heaven'.

examples are found atAlchi, but compareFig. 17 toKyzil (Soper 1947: fig. 10).

The mandala-ceiling
The
canopy

in Ladakh

at Alchi, c. 13th century, has an inner st?pa with a


'Great St?pa
(Fig. 17). The outer shrine has a mandala painted on the lantern roof,

so-called
ceiling

as already noted by Goepper (1993: 136) (Fig. 18).More dramatic is the smaller
st?pa pair,which Luzcanits (1998) considers slightlylater than theGreat St?pa (3).

Here

a Vajradh?tu-mandala

is painted

on the vertical face of the beams

inside of the

lanternroofof theouter st?pa (Fig. 19) and a canopy ispainted on the ceilingof the
(3) I thankChristian Luczanits for drawingmy attention to thesemandala and allowingme to
publish his photographs, aswell as forhis criticalcomments.

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Fig.

17

Alchi,

'Great

St?pa',

Fig.

18

Alchi,

'Great

Stupa',

inner shrine.

outer

shrine.

(Photo

J. Poncar).

(Photo

J. Poncar).

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Fig.

19

Alchi,

smaller

stupa, outer

shrine.

(Photo

C. Luczanits).

inner st?pa (Fig. 20). Unlike


the Dung
dkar mandala,
however, these tend to be
rather visually confused because
the architecture remains the dominant principal.
are interrupted by the
For example,
the outer circle and square of the mandala

square formedby theupper part of thewall which is emphasised by the traditional

wall-border

motif - birds

and valance

(Fig. 21). The

artists confusion

is expressed

by the fact that thevalance and birds are placed not only at the top of thewall in

their usual position, but also on the beams of the lantern roof. As inDung dkar, the
principal deities are painted on the vertical surface of the beams, but in Alchi these
can only be seen when standing on top of the inner
beams are hidden. The mandala
are
But
Buddha
also
found on the horizontal
surfaces in the corners
st?pa.
figures

which are visible frombelow. In Dung dkar the iconographyis coherent and easily
read because

the clear depiction

of the mandala

is the dominant

concern,

thus, the

mandala is simplydrawn throughthewalls as if the latterdid not exist. In Ladakh,


the iconography

is subordinate

to the integrity of the architecture.

Even today gateway st?pa in Ladakh and Himachal Pradesh often have very

simple

lantern

roofs with mandala

in the central part of the ceiling, but

painted

they never have the complexity of the Dung dkar mandala ceilings or their
prototypes
ceiling was

in Central

Asia.

only continued

An

examination

in relationship

with

the reasons why the mandala


take
st?pa and not chapels would

of

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Fig. 20 Alchi, smallerst?pa, innershrine. (Photo J.Poncar).


us beyond
the boundaries
of this discussion.
The answer may lie in the cosmic
a st?pa and a painted mandala
nature of the sl?pa, for the association
as
between
a
not
to
In
is
is
mandala
Ladakh.
Lori, Mustang,
unique
ceiling decoration

painted on the cave ceiling over the st?pa (Neumann 1994). The mandala ceiling
of Cave 1 inDung dkar, painted on a modified lanternroof and spreading, like an
umbrella,

over

the two st?pa below,

is an earlier

example

of this phenomenon.

The next examples chronologically are the two pairs of st?pa fromAlchi, 13th
century.

According toLuczanits (1998b), the twopair of st?pa atAlchi can be related to


the 'Brigung bKa' brgyudpa phase atAlchi. The 'Brigungwas one of theeight sub
schools of thePhag gru bKa' brgyudpa foundedby Phag mo gru rDo rje rgyalpo, a
studentof sGam po pa. The 'Brugpa and the sTag lung schools also belong to this

group of eight. All

these sub-schools

had

their home monasteries

in Central

Tibet,

but from the late 12th centurythe influenceof the 'Brugpa spread toWest Tibet
and Central Asia. Thanks to the fortuitoussurvivalof a largenumber of thangka
fromCentral Tibet, particularlylineage thangka of the sTag lungpa, the early art
well known.
historyof thisschool is relatively
On thebasis of the sTag lung thangka paintings fromCentral Tibet, the charac?
teristicbKa' brgyudpa iconographycould be identified.
The hieratic representation

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Fig.

of a bla ma with

21

Alchi,

a pair

smaller

st?pa,

outer

of Bodhisattva

shrine.

(Photo

attendants

C. Luczanits).

and

the importance

of

the

is also the last monument

to

Mah?siddhas with a particular emphasis on Padmasambhava is found firstin the


small mchod

rten in Alchi,

c. early 13th century, which

be painted in this style (Luczanits 1998b: 156). This st?pa isdedicated toVairocana,

the iconography derives from the Yoga Tantras. These


features {bla ma with
are
Bodhisattva
found slightly later in the context of an iconography
attendants)
associated with the Annuttara
Tantra in two much
ruined st?pa (gateway mchod
and

rten),attributedto the late 13th centuryand dedicated toAksobhya Alchi Shang

rong, which

has a lantern roof ceiling in six levels, and the larger st?pa of Lamayuru,

which has a ruined lanternroof ceiling (Luczanits 1998b: 156-58).The formerst?pa


has a mandala painted on the lanternroofceilingwhich is todaynot possible to read
structure. In
within
the architectural
but, in any case, was
clearly delineated
summation the only painted ceilings in the western Himalaya
that may be compared

to the ceiling compositions in theDung dkar caves are found in a small group of

st?pa

in Ladakh.

The

lantern roofs of these st?pa

are painted

with mandala.

The

st?pa may be dated on the basis of the style and iconographyof theirpainted

decoration

to the mid-

to late 13th century, and

associated

with

'Bri gung bKa'

brgyud pa patronage.

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The Historical

Context

The Dung dkar caves, attributedto the end of the 12thcentury,


may be dated to
a period followingthe transferof the capital ofGu ge fromTholing toDung dkar
and to the brief period of bKa' brgyud pa ascendancy in the region. I have

that the ceiling paintings may be derived from a Central


attempted to demonstrate
an
of the ceilings of the cave demonstrate
the decoration
Asian
tradition where
in
to the true mandala
Xixia
the
evolution from the mandala-canopy
period.
ceiling

The Dung dkar paintings are slightlylater thanYulin Cave 3, painted prior to 1193,
and earlier than a small group ofmid- to late 13th centuryst?pa inLadakh whose
lantern roofs are decorated

historical

which

conditions

temples at Dung

dkar.

the
with painted mandala. The problem is to understand
on the cave
Asian
influence
the
Central
encouraged

We have very littleprecise historical informationfor theperiod between theend


of thekingdom of Pu rang- Gu ge (c. 1100) and the 14th centuryinwestern Tibet.

to the chronicle, the mNga'


ris rgyal rabs, the capital was briefly moved
According
to Petech
from Tholing toDung dkar after rTse lde's assassination. According
(1997:

238), rTse lde died in c. 1080 and was succeeded by dBang lde, c. 1040-1100. The
last threemembers of thisdynasty,descendants of dBang lde,were killed by the so
calledGar log {ibid.:239). Tholing appears, however, to have remained the spiritual
centreof the region throughouttheperiod. The kingdoms to thenorth of the Sutlej
(whereDung dkar is located) and to the south (whereTholing is located) were
separated in themid 12thcenturyand reunitedbyGrags pa lde (1230-1277) (Vitali
1999: 34).
There was a brief period of bKa' brgyud pa ascendancy (late 12th to late 13th
century) inTholing; it is unclearwhich of the sub-schools.For thisperiod we only
have

information concerning

the 'Bri gung pa, who were

pre-eminent

in the western

dominions (sTodmNga' ris) fromc. 1191-1275 (Vitali 1999: 34) and the 'Brugpa
(e.g.Vitali 1996: 368-416) who also established a few small communities(4).Late in
the 12thcentury,the 'Brigung bKa' brgyudpa began to expand fromtheirbase 'Bri
in Central Tibet. They
gung monastery, seat of 'Bri gung Rin po che (1143-1217),
came to the Gangs Ti se area (Mt. Kail?sa)
in c. 1191. They had close associations

with the rulingdynastiesofPu rang- Gu ge and Ladakh (Petech 1997: 240-42; Vitali
1996: 372-90, 408-25, 437-42; 1999: 34). This schoolwas particularlyimportantin
ris skor gsum and many shrines and hermitages were associated with them in
mNga'
into
Pu rang, Gro
shod and Kinnaur
(Petech 1978: 319). Their activities extended
monuments.
Other
other
Ladakh where they patronised Alchi and Lamayuru
among
bKa' brgyud pa schools may also have been active in these regions; due to the
different biases
omission

of

of evidence

the written

sources

identifying other bKa'

their extremely limited nature,


brgyud pa sub-schools is not decisive.

and

the

(4) I thankChristian Jahoda for informationconcerning the 'Brugpa.

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the Tangut Xixia

During

brgyud pa schools were

period bKa'

also active in Cent?

ralAsia, both the 'Brigung and theKarma bKa' brgyud pa are mentioned in the
sources.Recent research (Sperling1987;Ruegg 1995) has demonstrated thattheyon
mchod/mchodyon relationshipbetween theking and the lama officiantoriginated in
the Tangut

realm.
(not theMongol)
[...] late in the twelfth century that sacral role [sacral empowerment]
upon Tibetan clerics, specifically monks belonging to Bka'-brgyud-pa
(Sperling 1987: 39).
are several

There

instances

recorded

of monks

travelling between

devolved
subsects.

Tibet, West

Tibet and theTangut empire (see forexample Sperling 1987).


Considering the large corpus of artwhich can be attributedto theTangut Xixia
on the question of sectarian
relatively little research has been conducted
can
The
Karma
bKa'
be
associated
with some of the paintings
patronage.
brgyud pa
period,

fromKhara Khoto (Samossiuk 1998).A bKa' brgyudpa connection is also suggested


by the iconographic preferences depicted in the paintings Vajrayogini and

Cakrasamvara

are

important

deities

for bKa'

brgyud

pa

ritual practices

and

Bhaisajyaguru, theMedicine Buddha, isusually found inLadakhi templesassociated

with

this school. Tucci mentions

Dung

two caves with

dkar.

images of the Medicine

Buddha

at

Perhaps within thenexus of bKa' brgyudpa activityinCentral Asia andwestern


Tibet, and the relationshipof these schoolswith the rulingelite, lies the clue to the
association

hand,

between

and Ladakh

the art of Dung


on the other.

dkar and the art of the Tangut Xixia

on the one

Future Tasks

This study representsonly the firststep in an exploration of the genesis and

context

of

hypotheses

the artistic

presented

decoration

here need

of the Dung
dkar
to be examined
in more

caves.

The

detail:

the Central

two

related
Asian

influenceon the art ofDung dkar and thepossible associationwith bKa' brgyud pa

patronage.

It is now necessary to examine other aspects of the decorative programs. To take


textile motifs and sculptural
just two examples:
style. A number of the textile
can
in
also
be
identified
the
Central
Asian cave temples, but
of
patterns
paintings

none of the textilemotifs can be identifiedin the extensive repertoireof the gSum
brtsegs in Alchi (Papa-Kalantari 2000: 102). Surprisingly,some motifs can be
compared tomotifs found in theTabo 'Du khang (compareWandl 1999: fig.9).
Another

example, the figure style of the few remaining sculptures also indicates
to Central Asia. In Ghersi's
connections
of Cave 2 (Fig. 11)
stylistic
photographs
taken 1935 one sees the almost life-size sculptures of clay figures seated on a plinth

along the northwall. What is to be noticed here is the figurestyle: the long thin
body, the lightlyrounded stomachand,most particularly,the shape of thehead with

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brow, thick cheeks, narrow almost slit-like eyes, the rather small pointed
and
the
low rounded usnisa. These stylistic features relate these images to the
chin,
art of the Tangut period. An interesting
sculptural style associated with the Xixia
in the Fogg Museum
is to the Buddha
head
from Khara Khoto
comparison
the broad

(Klimburg-Salter1982: fig.37).

The analysis of the ceiling decoration has demonstrated


dkar caves is more complex than previously
of the Dung

that the artistic heritage


supposed. The paintings

fromDung dkar have been classifiedas 'Kashmiri' (Pritzker1996: 27-28; Rhie 1999:

48). This attribution has not been supported by a comparative


analysis to securely
I
would
that these
attributed 'Kashmiri' art. Rather than a Kashmiri
propose
style,
three caves represent a distinctive local style, the result of a long dialectic between
Indian, Central Asian, and West Tibetan art in the service of Buddhism.
seen, one of the common threads in the period and region where
ceiling became popular was the presence of the bKa' brgyud pa, but
for Dung
for institutional affiliation is not available
dkar, nor is
scene and
both
the
for patronage
clear. In Cave
2,
Assembly

As we have

mandala
evidence

the
the
the

the
are
extensive
the
Life
the
Buddha
of
of
inscriptions.
representations
accompanied
by
are quite destroyed
and as yet no reading has been possible. A careful
These
in situ might provide more information, until then only a comparative
examination
of
the
study
iconography may assist us in clarifying the patronage of the caves. An
evidence

analysisof theGreat Assembly scene (Klimburg-Salter1996b) established that this


motif at Dung dkar belonged to the general typologyestablished by the royal
at Dung
patrons of the Pu rang Gu ge dynasty from the 11th century. However,
dkar as at Nako,
the central enthroned figure of the assembly is not a royal lama as
at Tabo, but rather a layman.

In theBuddhist art of thewesternHimalayas from the 11th to the early 13th

exist which must


variations
indicate different
significant iconographic
patronage groups. A distinctive feature at Dung dkar is the variety and preferences
of the iconographic
themes. As also in the earliest temples at the other comparable
sites Tabo, Nako
and Alchi
the mandala belong to the Yoga Tantra class. But in
contrast to the other sites here Manjusr!
is emphasised
and
rather than Vairocana,
a
contrast
to
are
in
there
represented. Also,
larger number of different mandala
as
at Nako
and Alchi the complete mandala-palace
Tabo, but
type is represented. I
century,

have mentioned here only a few of the problems waiting to be explored at this
complex and once extensive site.
In closing
I should
the
like to return to Tucci's
observations
regarding
Tucci
the
finest
he
had
considered
seen,
extraordinary quality of the paintings, which

and the large size of the settlementsatDung dkar and Phyi dbang. It is evident that

centre.
these temples represent only a small part of a once affluent and cosmopolitan
a
context
more
extensive
and
cultural
of the
functions
of
the
decoration,
Thus,
study
an
caves
is
the
for
of
dkar
history of
important
understanding
undoubtedly
Dung

theGu ge kingdom.

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