Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
*****
Obama and the Marxist Socialist radical
members of Congress
October 22, 2008 by Brenda J. Elliott
_____________________________________________________________________
Sunday, November 12, 2006
According to Wikipedia
DSA is open about its aims and its support for the
Progressive Caucus. From DSA's 2000 Election
Statement.
http://newzeal.blogspot.com/2006/11/socialists-behind-progressive-caucus.html
____________________________________________________________________
TOTALLY RADICAL!!
These congressmen wrote the book on
extreme
January 21st marked the 75th anniversary of the
death of Soviet despot Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The
most powerful Bolshevik leader at the time of
Lenin’s demise was Leon Trotsky, the regime’s
commissar for war. Yet during the ensuing
power struggle, Josef Stalin emerged the victor,
and Trotsky was forced into exile and eventually
assassinated.
What gave Stalin the edge? By far the most
important factor was his control of the media. It
enabled him to manipulate public opinion by
smearing (or ignoring) his opponents while
glorifying himself and his objectives. Historian
Boris Souvarine writes in Stalin: A Critical
Survey of Bolshevism (1939) that "the entire
press belonged to [Stalin] and praised his
foresight unblushingly.... No despot in any age
or in any country has ever enjoyed such powers
of deceiving public opinion or, if that failed, of
suppressing it." The ability to guide and
manipulate what "the masses" see and hear is
arguably the most potent weapon in any
revolutionary movement’s political arsenal.
Consider, for instance, the extent to which the
most influential elements of the major media
here in the U.S. have marched in lockstep
during the past year to tag President Clinton’s
most outspoken congressional critics with such
pejorative labels as "extremists," "far rightists,"
"ultra-conservatives," and "fringers." Yet even
the most radically left-wing apologists for the
President are passed off as mere "liberals" or
"moderates."
When Representative Dan Burton (R-IN),
chairman of the House Government Reform and
Oversight Committee charged with investigating
Clinton campaign fundraising abuses, referred to
the President during a newspaper interview as a
"scumbag," he was vilified about it for weeks.
Ditto for former Senator Al D’Amato (R-NY)
when he referred to Democratic opponent (and
successor) Charles Schumer as a "putzhead"
during a private conversation picked up by the
press. The offhand remark was transformed into
a vicious attack, and the subsequent media
barrage became a significant factor in the
Senate race.
On the other hand, when former Senator Carol
Mosely-Braun (D-IL), who lost to Peter
Fitzgerald, implied that columnist George Will
was a racist, the matter was only briefly covered
and then dropped. As were intemperate
assertions by House Democrats comparing their
GOP opponents to Klansmen (Charles Rangel)
and fascists (George Miller).
Congressmen Rangel (NY) and Miller (CA) both
belong to the House Progressive Caucus (HPC),
a consortium of radical congressional
collectivists whose stunning success in
November remains one of the most under-
reported stories of the election. Fifty-five of the
58 members on last year’s HPC roster ran for
re-election; every one of them was re-elected.
This success occurred in spite of the fact that
there is a symbiotic relationship between the
HPC and the Democratic Socialists of America
(DSA) — a relationship that has been ignored by
the major media. The DSA is the principal U.S.
affiliate of the Socialist International, the world’s
oldest and largest hodgepodge of socialist,
social democratic, and labour parties. The
Socialist International proudly boasts that it is
the successor to the so-called "First
International" of Karl Marx, founded in London in
1864. According to one DSA position paper, its
collectivist agenda includes "massive
redistribution of income from corporations and
the wealthy to wage earners and the poor and
the public sector"; "a massive shift of public
resources from the military … to civilian uses";
and "expanding [Medicare] eligibility to people of
all ages and income regardless of health or
employment status" so that "the federal
government can serve as the single payer" for
the nation’s health care. After all, the DSA
contends, "Free markets or private charity
cannot provide adequate public goods and
services."
The House Progressive Caucus was founded in
1992 by Representatives Bernard Sanders
(Independent-VT), Peter DeFazio (D-OR), Lane
Evans (D-IL), Maxine Waters (D-CA), and then-
Congressman Ron Dellums (D-CA).
Although Congressman Sanders, who currently
chairs the HPC’s executive committee, is a self-
avowed socialist, he is one of the group’s more
"moderate" members. During the previous
Congress, 51 of his HPC colleagues scored
lower than he did on this magazine’s
"Conservative Index" voting guide!
The HPC states that it "works with a coalition of
organizations, called the Progressive Challenge,
to bring new life to the progressive voice in U.S.
politics." Sponsors of the Progressive Challenge
include the aforementioned DSA and such other
far-left entities as Americans for Democratic
Action, Friends of the Earth, Institute for Policy
Studies, National Organization for Women,
National Council of La Raza, Center for Defense
Information, Council for a Livable World,
Amnesty International, National Education
Association, and the National Rainbow Coalition.
The HPC’s list of legislative goals includes "a
more progressive tax system" (Karl Marx would
be pleased), deep cuts in the military budget,
and a "cradle-to-grave" single-payer health care
plan. In the following pages we survey a rogues’
gallery of HPC congressmen and others with a
similar ideological bent.
Erstwhile Congressman Ron Dellums was a
DSA official when he helped launch the HPC.
During nearly three decades in the House he
worked closely with the hardcore Marxists and
Soviet KGB agents at the Institute for Policy
Studies (IPR), the Soviet-front World Peace
Council, and sundry Marxist-Leninist dictators
around the world, including Fidel Castro, the
Sandinistas in Nicaragua, and Grenada’s late
dictator Maurice Bishop.
Dellums announced his retirement from
Congress in late 1997 and endorsed California
State Senator Barbara Lee in the race to
succeed him. Lee easily captured the special
election, joined the HPC, and garnered more
than 86 percent of the vote in November to
secure her first full term.
Unfortunately, Barbara Lee is an ideological
clone of Dellums, having served as his senior
adviser and chief of staff from 1975 to 1987. It
was during that time (in 1983) that U.S. forces
liberated Grenada after determining that a huge
airport under construction with Cuban and
Soviet financing could handle the Soviet Union’s
long-range bombers. During the invasion, U.S.
troops discovered nearly seven tons of
documents that confirmed the Communist
nature of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop’s New
Jewel Movement. Included was correspondence
with Dellums’ office.
In 1982, Dellums had traveled to Grenada to, he
said, gain an overview of "the building of the
new international airport." In a report submitted
to the chairman of the House Armed Services
Committee on June 14, 1982, he emphatically
denied that the airport was intended for military
use. A copy of the report was found among the
cache of Grenadian documents, along with
minutes of a December 15, 1982 New Jewel
Movement Politburo meeting. At one point, the
minutes assert: "Ron Dellums: His assistant —
Barbara Lee is here presently and has brought
with her a report on the International Airport that
was done by Ron Dellums. They have requested
that we look at the document and suggest any
changes we deem necessary — they will be
willing to make the changes." That is, Dellums,
aided by now-Congressman Barbara Lee,
agreed to let Grenada’s Communist government
(which was merely a puppet regime run from
Havana and Moscow) edit his report prior to
submitting it to the chairman of his House
committee.
In July 1992, while a member of the California
State Assembly, Lee attended a conference of
the Committees of Correspondence (CoC) and
was elected to its national coordinating
committee. The CoC was spawned by members
of the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA) who had
a falling-out with CPUSA leader Gus Hall.
Others elected to the coordinating committee
with Lee included Charlene Mitchell, erstwhile
member of the Communist Party’s Central
Committee and its nominee for U.S. President in
1968, and longtime Communist functionary
Angela Davis, who was on three occasions the
Party’s vice presidential nominee. Mitchell was
also elected co-chair of the group. In an essay
currently posted on the CoC’s website, former
CPUSA national organizations secretary Danny
Rubin states that "it is the Committees of
Correspondence that has become a continuer of
the best traditions and history of the CPUSA...."
Congressman John Conyers (MI), ranking
Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee
and a key player on the President’s
congressional defense team, is also a member
of the HPC. First elected in 1964, when he won
by a scant 128 votes, he was re-elected to a
19th term in November with 89 percent of the
vote.
As a member of the Judiciary Committee during
Watergate, Conyers urged the impeachment of
President Richard Nixon. During the Clinton
impeachment effort, however, he regularly
appeared on television talk shows and news
programs to vilify Republicans as "right-wing
extremists" engaged in a "partisan witch hunt"
against Bill Clinton. And in doing so, he has
been portrayed as merely a responsible liberal
or moderate.
Due to the silence of the media lambs, many
Americans remain unaware of Conyers’
incredibly subversive record of support for a
litany of Marxist movements (including the
Soviet-front World Peace Council and the pro-
Communist Institute for Policy Studies) and the
enthusiasm with which he has backed the likes
of Cuba’s Fidel Castro, Ghana’s Kwame
Nkrumah, and other Red despots.
In Covert Cadre: Inside The Institute for Policy
Studies (1987), author S. Steven Powell
describes how the IPS sought to directly
influence Washington policymakers by
establishing its Washington School, whose
seminars served to "provide a forum at which
the leftist community can meet on a regular
basis" and "influence government policy
making." John Conyers, described by Powell as
"one of IPS’s strongest supporters in Congress,"
was among the House participants in
Washington School programs. Indeed, Powell
asserts, Conyers "taught ‘American Politics:
Who Gets What, When and How’ at the
Washington School with IPS fellow Michael
Parenti, and served as a moderator for the IPS
budget conference on Capitol Hill, February 2,
1983." In a June 1, 1979 New York Times op-ed
piece co-authored with IPS co-founder Marcus
Raskin, Conyers claimed that "government’s
responsibility is to revitalize the nation’s
economy through creative forms of public
ownership" — i.e., socialism.
On May 10, 1974, Conyers addressed an
audience of 500 at the Trinity Methodist Church
in Detroit during the opening rally of the
convention of the Communist-front National
Alliance Against Racism and Political
Repression. The confab was chaired by then-
Communist Party luminary Charlene Mitchell.
Another speaker was Angela Davis. Conyers
lauded the organization for "building a great
coalition" as he had long proposed. The late
labor columnist Victor Riesel subsequently
scolded Conyers for taking "the trouble to fly into
Detroit May 10 to join a member of the
Communist Party U.S.A. Central Committee and
others to whip up a typical radical rally." Two
years later, on June 27, 1976, more than 600
persons attended a salute and tribute to the
congressman sponsored by the Coalition for
Economic Survival. A message from Communist
Angela Davis, then co-chair of the National
Alliance Against Racism and Political
Repression, was subsequently quoted in a
glowing account of the event published in the
Communist newspaper People’s World for July
3, 1976. Davis wrote: "At a time when
corruption, immorality, and undisguised disdain
for the people of the country are the
distinguishing marks of those in government, it is
particularly important for us to know that we can
rely on a man like Conyers to articulate our
outrage and our will to effect radical changes in
the political and economic scene."
John Conyers served on the national executive
board of the notorious National Lawyers Guild
(NLG), which a congressional committee
described as "the foremost legal bulwark of the
Communist Party, its front organizations, and
controlled unions." Throughout all of the most
violent and tumultuous episodes of riots,
demonstrations, subversion, agitation, and
espionage of the past half century, it has always
been Conyers’ barrister comrades of the NLG
who could be counted on to provide legal cover
and assistance to the enemies of America. And
in a letter published in the New York Times for
March 7, 1986, Conyers defended Nicaragua’s
Communist Sandinista regime, claiming that
"there is more freedom and less brutality in
revolutionary Nicaragua than in Central
American countries supported by the
Administration."
Then there is also Conyers’ longtime connivance
with the KGB-created and -funded World Peace
Council (WPC). Instigated by the Soviets in the
late 1940s, the WPC served as a key
component of Moscow’s "peace" and
"disarmament" campaigns for nearly four
decades. It was identified by U.S. intelligence
authorities as "the largest and most active Soviet
front organization."
On September 30, 1975, members of the WPC
were guests of honor at a Capitol Hill luncheon
hosted by Conyers and Congressmen Ron
Dellums and Philip Burton. A few days later, on
October 6th, Conyers was listed as a sponsor of
a meeting in Detroit to welcome the WPC
delegation headed by Romesh Chandra. In KGB
Today: The Hidden Hand (1983), Reader’s
Digest senior editor John Barron describes how
"American Communists joined by non-
Communists formed a ‘National Committee’ to
welcome Romesh Chandra [general secretary of
the WPC] and the World Peace Council
Presidential Bureau to a ‘Dialogue on
Disarmament and Détenté’ in Washington,
January 25-28, 1978. U.S. Rep. John Conyers,
Jr., heartily welcomed the group. ‘You have
joined us to give us courage and inspiration in
our fight for disarmament and against the
neutron bomb,’ he declared."
Needless to say, Chandra, a member of the
central committee of the Communist Party of
India, was delighted. In the wake of that 1978
meeting, the WPC information center in Helsinki
published a 48-page brochure describing the
events, including a reference to "special
meetings inside the U.S. Congress itself" with
WPC operatives and "several Congressmen
among which were … Ronald Dellums, John
Conyers, Jr. … Charles Rangel and others."
One photograph was captioned: "Congressman
John Conyers, Jr. addressing a luncheon for
participants in the Dialogue on Disarmament
and Détenté. The luncheon was given at the
restaurant of the U.S. House of
Representatives."
When the WPC formed its official American
branch, the U.S. Peace Council (USPC), in
1979, Conyers was there. As one of the main
speakers at the founding conference of the
USPC, Conyers faithfully parlayed the Moscow
line, calling on activists to work for passage of
the Transfer Amendment to take funds from the
defense budget and transfer them to "social
programs."
Representative Maxine Waters (D-CA) is
another member of the House Judiciary
Committee whose fulminating visage continually
graced the nation’s television screens during the
Clinton impeachment proceedings. A more
bellicose congressional apologist for Mr. Clinton
would be difficult to name. Or one more radical.
But "Mad Maxine’s" ultra-extremist, left-wing
record is regularly glossed over by the liberal
media. First elected to Congress in 1990, she
was re-elected to a fifth term in November,
receiving 89 percent of the ballots. In 1992 she
seconded Bill Clinton’s nomination at the
Democratic National Convention and was a co-
chair of the Clinton-Gore campaign.
In 1992 Representative Waters sided with the
"Rodney King" rioters and looters who
rampaged in her district and its environs
following the jury verdict acquitting police
officers involved in the King incident. During one
television interview she blurted that the "anger
out there is a righteous anger, and it’s difficult for
me to say to the people, ‘Don’t be angry....’ We
know that some of the things we are going to
see may be senseless, but that’s a kind of anger
that says, ‘I’m fed up and I’m not going to take it
anymore.’"
On May 1, 1982, the so-called "People’s College
of Law," an unaccredited "college" launched in
1974 by sundry pro-Marxist entities (including
the National Lawyers Guild), hosted a salute to
Waters and two other leftists (including actor Ed
Asner, a longtime member of Democratic
Socialists of America). An advertisement in the
printed program stated: "National Lawyers Guild
of Los Angeles salutes … Maxine Waters …
with whom we are proud to be associated."
The Communist newspaper People’s World for
September 27, 1980 included a photograph of
Waters with "Mother of the civil rights
movement" Rosa Parks and Communist Party
official Charlene Mitchell. They were described
as among those present at a "Tribute to
Charlene Mitchell" that had been held in Los
Angeles on September 13th. Six years later, on
May 1, 1986 (the Communist holiday known as
May Day), the Bonaventure Hotel in Los
Angeles was the site of the 29th annual
People’s World banquet. Ed Asner was there.
And so was Assemblywoman Maxine Waters.
On September 14th of last year the House
approved a Concurrent Resolution calling on
Fidel Castro’s government to extradite back to
the U.S. escaped murderess Joanne Chesimard
and "all other individuals who have fled the
United States to avoid prosecution or
confinement for criminal offenses...." The
measure passed 371 to 0 and was later
approved by the Senate. But although even
Waters voted for it, as we will see there is more
to the story.
On May 2, 1973, Chesimard and two friends
were stopped in their car by New Jersey State
Troopers James Harper and Werner Foerster on
the New Jersey Turnpike. While being
questioned, Chesimard and the driver opened
fire, striking Trooper Foerster twice in the chest
and Trooper Harper in the left shoulder. They
then used Trooper Foerster’s own gun to fire two
additional bullets into his head. In 1977 a jury
found Chesimard guilty of first-degree murder for
the slaying, and she was sentenced to life in a
New Jersey state prison. But in 1979 she
escaped from her maximum security cell and
fled to Cuba, where she was granted political
asylum.
Once in Cuba she assumed the name Assata
Shakur. When Representative Waters found out
that Chesimard and Shakur were one and the
same, she became livid, claiming that she had
been duped into voting for the resolution calling
for Chesimard’s extradition.
On September 29th Waters penned a letter of
explanation and groveling apology to Fidel
Castro. The People’s World was sufficiently
impressed to reprint the missive in full in its
October 10, 1998 issue. Writing as chair of the
Congressional Black Caucus, Waters stated that
had she known who Chesimard was, she "would
have voted against the legislation." She
portrayed Chesimard as a victim of "political
persecution," and stressed her respect for "the
right of Assata Shakur to seek political asylum."
After all, the convicted cop-killer "has maintained
that she was persecuted as a result of her
political beliefs and political affiliations." Wailing
that "the most vicious and reprehensible acts [by
the FBI during the 1960s and 1970s] were taken
against the leaders and organizations
associated with the Black Power or Black
Liberation Movement," Waters recalled how
Chesimard had been "a member of the Black
Panther Party, one of the leading groups
associated with the Black Liberation Movement."
Waters closed by telling Castro: "I hope to see a
new era of U.S.-Cuban relations in the future."
Waters’ special solicitude for Comrade Fidel and
"U.S.-Cuban relations" is particularly telling
inasmuch as she has made a moral crusade of
her effort to "expose" CIA involvement in
narcotics trafficking. What is so disturbing about
Waters’ labors in this regard is her single-
minded determination to pin all the myriad
problems associated with the devastating drug
scourge in our inner cities on CIA drug-running,
while ignoring the overwhelming evidence that it
is her dear Havana soul mate who has been
chiefly responsible for pumping narcotics into
the African-American, Hispanic — and White —
communities of America. She cannot claim
ignorance of this indisputable fact because she
certainly has been made aware of the massive
documentation from official sources compiled by
Dr. Joseph D. Douglass, Jr. in his authoritative
1990 book, Red Cocaine: The Drugging of
America.
In 1998, Waters told a congressional committee
that her own sleuthing had produced ironclad
proof of U.S. government drug trafficking from a
top-level source: Tomas Borge. Tomas Borge?
The Cuban-trained Communist thug who
headed Nicaragua’s secret police under the
Ortega brothers during the Sandinistas’ Red
dictatorship? Yes, that Tomas Borge.
As Dr. Douglass explains in Red Cocaine:
"Nicaragua’s participation in drug and narcotics
trafficking into the United States sprang from
Raul Castro’s [Fidel’s brother] meetings with
Humberto Ortega [Daniel’s brother]. The
narcotics operation itself was placed under the
Nicaraguan intelligence service, with Tomas
Borge, the Minister of Interior and head of the
intelligence service, in charge of the operation,
and his deputy, Frederico Vaughan, the chief of
staff of the operation."
Nevertheless, Maxine Waters met with Borge
and accepted his evidence, which (surprise!)
absolved him and his fellow Reds of any
complicity in the dirty drug trade she claims to
abhor, while laying all blame for the deadly
trafficking on the U.S. government. Or, to be
more precise, on white Republicans in the U.S.
government. Which, of course, fits perfectly with
the Communists’ revolutionary agenda of stirring
up racial distrust and hatred.
It is worth noting that for all of her self-righteous
blathering about CIA drug running, Mrs. Waters
has pointedly ignored the most solid and
damning evidence — that which implicates Bill
Clinton, the man she has aggressively
defended. Besides Mr. Clinton’s longstanding
connections to Little Rock cocaine kingpin Dan
Lasater and the evidence of Governor Clinton’s
involvement in the infamous "cocaine highway"
through Mena, Arkansas, there is the
embarrassing fact (documented in White House
photos) of Cuban drug lord Jorge "Gordito"
Cabrerra’s support for the Clinton-Gore
campaign. But Maxine Water’s ideological
blinders never seem to have trouble screening
out such inconvenient facts.
Sharing Marxist Maxine’s ideological affinity for
Sandinistas and Fidelistas is Representative
David Bonior (D-MI), whose potentially
treasonous activities in "Managuagate" were
hushed up as neatly as Clinton’s Chinagate
perfidies. On January 14, 1988, Bonior led a
group of Democratic congressmen to meet with
Nicaragua’s Communist "El Presidente," Daniel
Ortega. They advised Ortega on cosmetic
policies he needed to adopt so that Congress
would scuttle Republican proposals for more aid
to the Contras. Ortega followed their counsel,
paying lip service to "human rights reform," even
as his Sandinista security police in Managua
arrested leaders of the opposition and instituted
new rounds of repression. Bonior and his
colleagues praised Ortega for his
statesmanship. At the time, Bonior was chief
Deputy Majority Whip and a member of the
House Intelligence Committee, with access to
classified information. Four years earlier, on
March 20, 1984, Bonior and nine other
congressmen wrote the infamous "Dear
Commandante" letter to Daniel Ortega,
apologizing for American foreign policy in
Central America and expressing support for the
Sandinista narco-terror regime.
Like Waters and Conyers, Bonior not only toes
the Marxist policy line, but is also a reliable and
highly vocal propagandist of the left-wing cause
du jour. And no matter how grievous the sin, he
has proved himself always ready to find an
excuse to offer total absolution for his party
chief, Bill Clinton.
Congressman Bobby Rush (D-IL) was first
elected to the House in 1992 after serving eight
years as an Alderman in Chicago’s South Side.
At the time of his election to the House he was
deputy chairman of the Illinois State Democratic
Party. He has not, to date, affiliated with the
House Progressive Caucus, though his leftist
credentials are impeccable.
In 1966 Rush joined the revolutionary and pro-
Marxist Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC), remaining a member until
1968 when he co-founded the Illinois branch of
the Black Panther Party (BPP). He became its
deputy minister of defense. As the IPS-launched
Marxist weekly In These Times noted in 1992
after Rush announced for Congress, he "has
continued to support progressive policies and
has never disavowed his Panther past."
On April 8th of last year, Rush attended a
"Friends of Kwame Ture Testimonial Dinner" in
Washington to pay tribute to the ailing former
SNCC and Black Panther leader Stokely
Carmichael. Comrade Stokely had assumed the
name Kwame Ture (in honor of former Marxist
dictators Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Sekou
Toure of Guinea) after moving to Ghana in 1969.
It was Carmichael who initially urged the
establishment of an Illinois chapter of the
Panthers and enlisted Rush in the effort. Rush
described his revolutionary compatriot, who died
in Ghana on November 15th, as "probably the
last prominent Pan-Africanist who is
philosophically pure," by which he meant that
Carmichael "has not compromised with the
forces of capitalism." Rush told reporters that he
attended the event "because I want to honor and
celebrate Stokely Carmichael and thank him for
all he has done for myself and Africans all over
the world."
The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966
by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. It was
Seale’s view that "Negroes in America should
oust racist pigs from their communities and work
for establishment of a socialist state." Newton
advised that "every time you execute a white-
racist, Gestapo cop, you are defending yourself."
Although Newton was subsequently convicted of
killing a policeman during a shootout, the
conviction was overturned and the case was
eventually dismissed after two later juries
deadlocked.
When Rush announced his candidacy for
Congress in 1992, the Associated Press
inaccurately reported that he had "quit the
Panthers in 1969 after a police raid killed two
members." The two were Fred Hampton and
Mark Clark, who died during a shootout with
police. Their deaths quickly became a
Communist cause célèbre. Bobby Rush had
himself recruited Fred Hampton into the Panther
Party. AP’s claim that Rush had "quit the
Panthers in 1969" was shown to be false by a
full-page notice in The Black Panther for
November 29, 1971, announcing an upcoming
"rally for survival" "in commemoration of Fred
Hampton and Mark Clark." Listed as one of the
main speakers was "Bob Rush," who was
identified as "Deputy Minister of Defense, Illinois
Chapter Black Panther Party." That event took
place only days after Rush was released from
prison after serving most of a six month
sentence for a 1969 weapons violation.
The same AP dispatch that misled readers
about Rush’s departure from the Panthers
quoted the congressman-to-be as saying that
the Panthers were not as anti-establishment as
some might think. He stated that they "always
viewed themselves as being part of the system,
although a highly critical part of the system." In a
biographical sketch posted on the
congressman’s website, Rush does not hide his
past affiliation with SNCC and the Black
Panthers. He simply whitewashes it. His only
reference to his activity in the Panthers, for
instance, is to his operation of "the Panther
Party’s Free Breakfast for Children program"
and his work at a medical clinic which
"developed the nation’s first mass sickle cell
anemia testing program."
For the record, in 1969, the year that Rush was
apprehended on the weapons charge, about 350
Panthers were arrested for such serious crimes
as murder, armed robbery, rape, bank robbery,
and burglary. The killings of four policemen, and
wounding of nearly two dozen others, were
attributed to party members. Panther leaders
openly called for the assassination of President
Richard Nixon, and the FBI labeled the Panthers
"the most notorious and dangerous of current
militant groups." In short, Congressman Rush’s
compatriots were doing more than feeding
hungry children.
Representative John Lewis (D-GA) was first
elected to the House in 1986. He seconded the
nomination of Al Gore for Vice President at the
1992 Democratic National Convention and was
selected in 1996 to serve as one of seven
honorary co-chairs of the Clinton-Gore
campaign. He has been a fierce defender of the
President, lamenting on the day that Mr. Clinton
was impeached that "today is a very sad day for
America. Today, when I got up, I wanted to cry."
Congressman Lewis’ biographical sketch notes
that "during the height of the Civil Rights
Movement, from 1963 to 1966, Lewis was the
Chairman of the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which he
helped form." Lewis was defeated for re-election
as SNCC chairman by Stokely Carmichael in
1966, after which he left the organization.
Newsweek for February 10, 1969, quotes him as
saying he dropped out because "there was less
emphasis on nonviolence, less commitment to
programs that I thought would bring about
change." Yet Newsweek also noted that "Lewis
admits that an escalation of methods and
demands may be necessary for the black
movement today...."
Indeed, based on the evidence it is reasonable
to question Lewis’ commitment to nonviolence.
On December 7, 1963, the San Francisco
Chronicle reported that the SNCC leader felt that
"the possibility of violence is justified … because
‘out of this conflict, this division and chaos, will
come something positive.’" After all, the
objective was "to precipitate a crisis in
Mississippi of such magnitude that ‘the Federal
Government will have to take over the State.’..."
In February 1964, Lewis proclaimed in a
brochure that "the struggle for Freedom in
Mississippi can only be won by a combination of
action within the state and a heightened
awareness through the country of the need for
massive federal intervention to ensure the voting
rights of Negroes." And according to the Boston
Globe for April 15, 1964, Lewis "quite frankly
believes in quasi-insurrectionary tactics."
Lewis’ biography notes that he "was one of the
planners and keynote speakers at the historic
‘March on Washington’ in August 1963."
Investigative reporter Alan Stang writes in It’s
Very Simple: The True Story of Civil Rights
(1965) that Lewis’ speech on that occasion "was
marred when he was forced to delete the ripest
passages, which included such ‘non-violent’
rhetoric as: ‘We will march through the South,
through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did.
We shall pursue our own "scorched" earth policy
and burn Jim Crow to the ground — non-
violently.’"
And on February 20, 1964, during a speech at a
"freedom rally" in Nashville, Tennessee, Lewis
called for action that "would turn this Southland
upside down" to rid it of "the evil of segregation."
Specifically, he urged "those of us involved in
the freedom fight to bring about confrontations
between the federal government and the state
governments of the South."
Yet the New York Times once labeled Lewis "a
priest of nonviolence," and Time included a
profile of the congressman in an article
captioned "Saints Among Us."
On the Senate side during the impeachment
proceedings,Tom Harkin (D-IA) appeared to be
vying for the dubious honor of top Clinton
apologist and Republican basher. Or perhaps he
was merely indulging his penchant for
ideological gasbaggery disguised as
constitutional profundity with his numerous press
conferences and appearances on national
television programs to attack the House
impeachment effort. Harkin first came to national
attention in 1970 when, as a staff aide to the
House Select Committee on United States
Involvement in Southeast Asia, he accompanied
a fact-finding mission to South Vietnam and
worked with two radically leftist committee
members to develop sensational charges
regarding so-called "tiger cages" being used at
the Con Son prison complex in South Vietnam.
The alleged mistreatment of the pro-Marxist and
terrorist prisoners in the "tiger cages" was
effectively propagandized to undermine
sympathy in the U.S. for the government of
South Vietnam at a crucial point in that nation’s
struggle against Communist aggression and
subversion. Subsequent investigation revealed
that the conditions at the prison, and the
charges leveled by Harkin, were grossly
exaggerated.
The infamous "tiger cage" incident was
bolstered by photographs taken by Harkin during
a half-hour "investigation" of prison conditions.
He subsequently refused to turn the
photographs over to the House committee on
grounds that he had "a higher obligation to those
500 human beings who are jammed in those
cages." He then sold them to Life magazine for a
reported $10,000. Harkin even granted an
interview to the Daily World, official newspaper
of the Communist Party, USA, in which he made
additional charges regarding the prison situation
in South Vietnam. The Red propaganda organ
promptly put them to good use in its own
campaign to enhance the Communist position in
Southeast Asia by undermining the Saigon
government.
After losing a congressional bid in 1972 (as a
George McGovern backer), Harkin took
advantage of the Watergate scandal and won a
House seat in 1974. When the Institute for
Policy Studies threw its 20th anniversary
celebration in 1983, Harkin was one of 14
members of Congress who served on its
anniversary committee. In 1984, with IPS
network help, he won his Senate seat. Over the
past quarter century he has racked up one of the
most radical voting records in Congress. Early
that year, Harkin gave the opening remarks at a
reception hosted by the IPS concerning Central
American policy. "Now I am here to basically
thank the Institute for Policy Studies and the
people who have worked so hard over the past
couple or three years," he noted, and then
outlined his (and IPS’) agenda for our southern
neighbors. Which, not surprisingly, were
identical to the Soviet-Cuban agenda. One key
feature being to force the government of El
Salvador "to enter into real negotiations with the
FDR and FMLN," the Moscow-aligned terrorist
groups.
The following year, Harkin and Senator John
Kerry (D-MA) took one of the most scandalous
and treacherous "diplomatic" junkets ever. Forty-
eight hours before a crucial congressional vote
on a bill authorizing $14 million in aid to the
Contras, they went to Nicaragua for an agitprop
tour that helped sway Congress to kill the aid.
Lavishly attended by the major media, their
expedition garnered favorable press coverage of
supposed Sandinista reforms. The trip was
arranged by IPS staffer Peter Kornbluh. Several
days after defeating the Contra aid bill, Daniel
Ortega flew to Moscow to pick up $200 million in
aid. After witnessing this blatant deception,
Congress reversed its decision and voted for
Contra aid — but Harkin held fast to his
"principled" pro-Marxist position.
In April 1985, Senators Kerry and Harkin were
back again stumping for revolution in Latin
America, releasing a study that listed 77
instances in which the Reagan Administration
had allegedly misled Congress about its policies
in Central America. Turns out the study was
written by their Soviet disinformation friends at
IPS.
As visible and vociferous as Senator Harkin has
been in defending the indefensible outrages of
Bill Clinton, he is "moderate" compared to
Senator Christopher Dodd (D-CT). As with
Harkin and the others we have profiled in the
rogues’ gallery above, Dodd knows that when he
appears on CNN, CBS, or other networks he will
not have to worry about explaining his radical
politics or being greeted with modifiers like
"extremist," "vindictive," or "partisan" that are
reserved for the President’s opponents. No
reference will be made, for instance, to his
January 1982 trip to Nicaragua with
Representatives Michael Barnes (D-MD) and
George Miller (D-CA) to meet with El Supremo
Daniel Ortega. In preparation for their visit, the
Sandinista Foreign Ministry drafted a
memorandum for Ortega. The document,
obtained by the Council for Inter-American
Security, details how the Sandinistas sought to
manipulate sympathetic members of the U.S.
Congress.
"In the first place," the Foreign Ministry
document began, "we should remember that
these persons are friends of our revolution. Both
Congressman Barnes and Senator Dodd have
questioned and continue to question seriously,
firmly and insistently the policies of the
Administration with respect to Central America in
general, and El Salvador and Nicaragua in
particular."
Long an ardent activist in the IPS congressional
network, Dodd joined Senator Harkin in
sponsoring the 20th anniversary fundraising gala
for the Marxist institute in 1983. He is also at the
center of the Chinagate scandal. When the
Thompson Committee in the Senate began
investigating Clinton’s Chinagate connections,
Dodd was there to derail the effort. Of course,
he had a personal stake in halting that inquiry: It
would likely lead to his own doorstep and his
connection to Beijing agent John Huang.
Senator Dodd, remember, was general
chairman of the Democratic National Committee
in the 1996 election cycle, when John Huang
was brought over from the Commerce
Department to become one of the DNC’s
principal fundraisers. Connecticut businessman
and DNC contributor James Belcher, for
example, has stated that it was Dodd who put
him together with Huang. Records show that
Belcher’s $120,000 in contributions to the DNC
— in several installments — match closely his
meetings with Dodd, Huang, and Clinton. But,
employing the familiar defense adopted by the
Clintons, Dodd has claimed barely to know John
Huang.
Thomas Jefferson once observed that "it is a
melancholy truth that a suppression of the press
could not more completely deprive the nation of
its benefits than is done by its abandoned
prostitution to falsehood." His personal
experience with the media led him to conclude
that the "man who never looks into a newspaper
is better informed than he who reads them,
inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to
truth than he whose mind is filled with
falsehoods and errors." We suspect that
Jefferson would include today’s electronic media
in that evaluation were he here.
The media have ignored the extremism of
congressmen who have openly allied
themselves with a subversive network seeking
to supplant our form of government with
totalitarian socialism. Yet the same media have
branded as extremists congressmen who
supported the impeachment of our corrupt
President. The problem, in short, extends far
beyond the President to the media and
Congress and the other citadels of power. But
the problem can be solved — if only sufficient
numbers of grassroots Americans will become
involved.
The truth about the congressmen profiled above,
if widely enough known, could destroy their
effectiveness and electability. That is why the
major media, which supports their vision of a
Socialist America, cover up their records — and
that is why we must circumvent the major media.
_________________________________________
House Progressive Caucus Members
The following 58 members of the U.S. House of
Representatives also belonged to the House
Progressive Caucus during the 105th Congress.
All, save Independent Bernard Sanders of
Vermont, are Democrats. States and districts
represented are listed in parentheses:
Neil Abercrombie (HI-1)
Xavier Becerra (CA-30)
David Bonior (MI-10)
Corrine Brown (FL-3)
George E. Brown, Jr. (CA-42)
Sherrod Brown (OH-13)
Julia Carson (IN-10)
John Conyers (MI-14)
William Coyne (PA-14)
Danny Davis (IL-7)
Peter DeFazio (OR-4)
Diana DeGette (CO-1)
Julian Dixon (CA-32)
Lane Evans (IL-17)
Eni Faleomavaega (AS)†
Chaka Fattah (PA-2)
Bob Filner (CA-50)
Barney Frank (MA-4)
Elizabeth Furse (OR-1)*
Luis Gutierrez (IL-4)
Alcee Hastings (FL-23)
Earl Hilliard (AL-7)
Maurice Hinchey (NY-26)
Jesse L. Jackson, Jr. (IL-2)
Marcy Kaptur (OH-9)
Dennis Kucinich (OH-10)
John J. LaFalce (NY-29)
Barbara Lee (CA-9)
John Lewis (GA-5)
Jim McDermott (WA-7)
James P. McGovern (MA-3)
Cynthia McKinney (GA-4)
Carrie Meek (FL-17)
George Miller (CA-7)
Patsy Mink (HI-2)
Jerry Nadler (NY-8)
Eleanor Holmes Norton (DC)‡
John Olver (MA-1)
Major Owens (NY-11)
Ed Pastor (AZ-2)
Donald Payne (NJ-10)
Nancy Pelosi (CA-8)
Charles Rangel (NY-15)
Lynn Rivers (MI-13)
Carlos Romero-Barcelo (PR)#
Bernard Sanders [Independent] (VT-At Large)
Bobby Scott (VA-3)
José Serrano (NY-16)
Pete Stark (CA-13)
Louis Stokes (OH-11)*
Bennie Thompson (MS-2)
John F. Tierney (MA-6)
Esteban Torres (CA-34)*
Nydia Velázquez (NY-12)
Maxine Waters (CA-35)
Mel Watt (NC-12)
Henry Waxman (CA-29)
Lynn Woolsey (CA-6)
* Did not run for re-election in 1998
† Delegate, American Samoa
‡ Delegate, District of Columbia
# Delegate, Puerto Rico
http://web.archive.org/web/20011201011123/www.thenewamerican.com/tna/1999/03-29-
99/totally_radical.htm
___________________________________________________________________
Who is directly responsible for the
biggest assault on American freedom
and liberty in US history
Democratic Socialists of Congress: Meet the
Members
By JB Williams Thursday, August 13, 2009
http://www.canadafreepress.com/index.php/members/13696/Williams/
___________________________________________________________________
http://www.dsausa.org/dsa.html
READ THIS CURRENT DSA LETTER
TO ITS MEMBERS
To understand DSA USA or What is Democratic Socialism
. By David Duhalde
The Employee Free Choice Act may be voted on this
summer
in the US Senate. The legislation would allow
workers to form
unions via majority signup, implementing binding
arbitration if
labor and management cannot reach a first contract,
and increase
penalties for illegal labor practices like
firing union supporters. The bill’s
chances of passing are far from certain;
hence, grassroots support is critical to
the bill’s success.
The Young Democratic Socialists
(YDS) mobilized for EFCA with local
and national activism. YDS collaborated
with the Democratic Socialists of America
(DSA, our parent organization), Jobs
with Justice, and the Student Economic
Justice Action Coalition (SEJAC) in this
effort. The labor movement needs outside
allies like these organizations to
push reforms like Employee Free Choice.
Otherwise, organized labor will continue to be
viewed as a “special
interest,” not a social movement creating good
beyond its membership.
Together with DSA, YDS produced two fliers on the
bill
(available at dsausa.org). The documents stressed that
labor unions
play a huge role in making societies more equitable.
The economic
inequality and deregulation that facilitated current
economic crisis
directly correlates to the weakness of trade unionism.
The literature also articulated that trade unions - at
their best -
bring democracy to the workplace. Our belief in
economic and
workplace democracy coincides with our support of
this legislation.
We favor unions to balance power between labor and
capital.
This spring, YDS National Organizer Erik Rosenberg
spoke to
seven chapters about Employee Free Choice and how
it can help
mitigate this economic crisis and prevent others in
the future. Stops
on the tour included Colorado, with its undecided
senators, and
Michigan & Ohio with their deep union history. In
Boulder, he
spoke on a panel with a worker who’d been fired for
attempting to
form a union.
The nonprofit he worked for was convicted for
twelve unfair
labor practices. The punishment: an apology posted
in the form of
a flyer. With EFCA, the employer would have been
fined up to
$25,000 per violation and the worker would have
been entitled to
up to triple-back pay. Rosenberg also visited chapters
at Oak Park
River Forest High School in Oak Park,
IL, The Meadows School in Las Vegas,
NV, Indiana University at Bloomington,
and University of California at Berkeley.
In a separate event, the University of
Colorado at Boulder YDS chapter
teamed with Jobs with Justice to bring
AFL-CIO organizing director Stuart
Acuff for a talk. Stuart jazzed up the
crowd of forty, saying EFCA potentially
might return labor to the strength it once
enjoyed. The group also worked with the
nation’s biggest union SEIU to canvass
and letter write to pressure US senators
Udall and Bennett. Their worked pushed
Sen. Udall into supporting the bill.
The Wooster College YDS chapter of Ohio, in
alliance with
Jobs With Justice, also pressured their senators. They
sent 130 pro-
EFCA letters to GOP Senator George Voinovich.
While their
hopes to push Sen. Voinovich have come up short,
chapter President
Dan Buckler said their action was an excellent way to
move
beyond “the converted” and reach a wider audience
to talk about
labor law reform.
Unions are under constant attack in “right-to-work”
Kansas.
Wichita State YDS played a critical role in building
community
support for EFCA. Wichita State YDS Vice-President
Jackie
Sewell said “outside of YDS, only the unions were
pushing EFCA”
in Wichita. She added they came up against a “lack
of knowledge
about the good unions do for the economy and
people’s lives.”
They also successfully lobbied their student
government to endorse
a statement in support of campus workers’ right to
organize.
In Arkansas, former YDS Coordinating Committee
member
and current Working America staffer Kenny Grand,
facilitated the
coming together of community and labor.
Continued on 3
YDS and DSA members rally for EFCA in Boston
By David Duhalde and Erik Rosenberg
From February 27th to March 1st, Young Democratic
Socialists
held its national outreach conference, “Beyond the
Ballot: Making the
Movement Matter,” at the Academy of
Environmental Science in
New York City. The event focused on developing
strategies for building
progressive and radical social movements to pull the
Obama administration
to the left. This year, YDS successfully increased the
prominence of socialist politics in workshops and
plenaries while articulating
why building a democratic socialist organization is
necessary
to achieve even moderate reforms, let alone serious
power shifts.
Amy Goodman, host of Democracy Now!, spoke on
the plenary
“Now, the Hard Part: Movement Building Under
Barack Obama,”
with Democratic Socialists of America (DSA)
member Bill Fletcher
Jr., a veteran radical trade unionist, and DSA Vice-
Chair and Temple
University Professor, Joseph Schwartz. Reminding
the audience of the
important role that media play in making and
breaking progressive
change, Goodman encouraged activists to use
grassroots forms of
communication, while admitting the limitation of
mainstream media
in promoting anti-establishment viewpoints, even
when they are
popular. Fletcher reminded the audience that
socialism is more than
just a topic for study groups and spoke about the need
to critically
examine social movements and organizations in order
to better the
movement we already have. Schwartz proclaimed
that there is social
democracy in the United States – but that it is
restricted to affluent
American suburbs with their excellent public schools
and services. He
added that a key goal of democratic socialists is to
expand such social
benefits to all. All speakers agreed that the Obama
administration
offered an opening to social movements but that we
need to have one
foot in the system and one in the streets.
The next plenary, “Student Debt: The New
Indentured Servitude,”
reflected YDS’ national priority of expanding access
to education.
The panel featured academics Christine Kelly and
Jeffery J. Williams.
Kelly, a historian of student activism, discussed the
fight
against tuition increases in the days of Roosevelt and
afterward, noting
that only organized student bodies could successfully
fight against
raises in fees and for increased funding. Williams, in
a popular experiment,
asked the audience how many had graduate school
debt, then
undergraduate debt. Combined, a good portion of the
auditorium
raised their hands. Then he asked how many had high
school debt. No
one raised a hand.
Williams used this moment to highlight that our
society views
education as a right until the age of 18. He said that
skyrocketing debt
is a new phenomenon born over the past few decades.
He and Kelly
connected the dominance of neoliberalism to the shift
from grants to
loans in subsidizing individuals’ higher education.
When asked by an
audience member about the need to increase funding
for technical
schools because higher education is “a privilege,”
both answered that
the role of socialists and progressives is to spread the
idea
that college education is a right for those who
qualify. Kelly,
who recently joined DSA, ended by telling the
audience how
her family directly benefited from the GI Bill, which
enabled
her father to attend college. Young socialists, she
urged,
must remind a generation that grew up with anti-
government rhetoric
that the state can be a force for good.
On Sunday, DSA Youth Section (YDS’s former
name) veterans
addressed America’s weak economy and imperial
wars. Mark Levinson,
the first DSA-YS chair and current chief economist
for labor
union UNITE-HERE, and Joseph Schwartz, the first
DSA-YS national
organizer, spoke on “The Economic Crisis and the
Wars: Seeing
Through the Misdirection.” Levinson told the
students that only
starry-eyed conservative economists did not predict
the housing crisis
and the stock market collapse. He added that growing
income inequality
contributed to the crisis, as stagnating working-class
wages forced
people into debt while higher wages at the top and
deregulation of
financial instruments led to more economic
speculation. This proved
to be a dangerous combination as the economy
tanked largely due to
bad debts and poor investments. Schwartz, who filled
in for an injured
Frances Fox Piven, told the audience the “dirty little
secret” that the
U.S. could be perfectly safe with a drastically cut
military budget, as
the United States currently outspends all other
nations combined on
“defense.” Most current foreign policy dilemmas
faced by the U.S.
are not solvable by the brute use of armed force, he
argued; rather, a
sane U.S. foreign policy requires sophisticated multi-
lateral diplomacy,
sound economic policy, and intelligent “intelli-
gence” gathering.
Schwartz also said socialists should push for more
democratic
control of the capital that our government invests. He
reasoned that
since it’s our tax money, we ought to have control
over how it is used.
The closing panel was “We are an Intergenerational
Movement!”
with DSA Vice-Chair and Midwest Academy trainer,
Steve Max, and
journalist and author, Liza Featherstone. Though he
would offer no
advice to student activists on how to organize
themselves, Max did
explain that the socialist movement had helped
change the U.S. for
the better. While not always featured prominently in
textbooks, socialist
organizations have helped activists become smarter
and more
organized movement builders. Featherstone stressed
the critical role
socialist organizations play in building organic
activists and intellectuals. Both speakers
reminded us that there is a strong antiintellectual
current in American politics on
both the right and left and agreed that being active in
YDS is a great
way to build an educated democratic left. Continued
on 3
A captivated audience at the “Beyond the Ballot”
Employee Free Choice Act continued from 1
In the home state of Wal-Mart, Grand organized town
hall meetings
and canvassing, uniting unions with groups such as
ACORN
and people of faith. Grand’s efforts have elevated the
nascent
Conway, Arkansas DSA local into a serious force for
EFCA.
New members have gone door-to-door and phone
banked for the
legislation. They also distributed the Economic
Justice Agenda,
DSA’s topical political vision for short-term
economic change, to
connect EFCA with broader social justice issues.
Boston DSA’s work has focused on intergenerational
activity
to build local support for the Employee Free Choice
Act. I organized
a panel with Jobs With Justice and United for a Fair
economy in February. The discussion featured
speakers Elaine
Bernard, who proclaimed the importance of unions to
democracy,
and Steve Schnapp, who addressed the correlation
between unions
and social equality. After the event, DSA recruited
several
young activists. Our group has gotten dozens of
signatures for the
EFCA petition and participated in rallies for the bill
with labor.
This success has increased DSA’s profile with the
labor movement
and community groups.
This major battle for worker rights is far from over.
We’ll keep you posted on further efforts by YDS on
the legislation.
Please contact us to see how you can get involved!
By Jason Schulman
On August 13, 2008, over 135 members of the
Bakers, Confectionary,
Tobacco Workers and Grain Millers union (BCTGM)
local
50 in the Bronx—most of them Latina women and
immigrants from
Asia and Africa—went on strike. As of this writing,
nearly nine
months later, they remain on strike.
Stella D’Oro, the historic New York biscuit
company, was
bought out in 2006 by the private equity firm
Brynwood Partners.
Brynwood forced the workers at the Stella D’Oro
factory out on strike
through the extraordinary concessions demanded by
the company:
wage reduction by as much as 25 percent; the
imposition of crushing
premiums on health insurance; the elimination of
holidays, vacations,
and sick pay; and the elimination of extra pay for
working Saturdays.
Stella D’Oro management bargained in bad faith,
refusing to
consider the union’s proposals and compromises.
They proceeded to
replace the striking workers with scab labor, who are
paid a fraction
of the unionized workers’ wages and with none of
their benefits.
A strike support committee—comprised almost
entirely of members
of socialist organizations —was pulled together in
January and
has assisted the strikers in raising funds and planning
rallies and
marches, as well as publicizing the existence of the
strike and calling
for New Yorkers to boycott Stella D’Oro goods. The
Young Democratic
Socialists fundraised for the strikers at our national
conference,
“Beyond the Ballot: Making the Movement Matter”,
at the end of
February. New York YDS members have been active
on the solidarity
committee and the picket lines, too.
In March, the National Labor Relations Board ruled
in favor of
the union with regards the Unfair Labor Practice
charges filed months
before. Other New York unions have offered
solidarity and monetary
support, most notably the Professional Staff Congress
(PSC) and the
New York State United Teachers (NYSUT). Also,
activist students at
City College of New York (CCNY), faced with the
threat of budget
cuts and $1,200-a-year tuition hikes, organized a
mass walk-out of
students and faculty in April (on the anniversary of
the 1969 CCNY
Open Admissions Strike) and proceeded to stand
alongside the strikers,
connecting the right to an education to the fight for
workers to be
treated with respect.
But Brynwood, though it is feeling pressure, has yet
to agree to
negotiate in good faith. Moreover, the local police
precinct has essentially
acted as a wing of management. Most recently, at a
multi-union
picket outside the Stella D’Oro factory on April 27,
the police confiscated
a bull horn and issued tickets to some of the
supporters. Repeatedly,
the police have harassed the strikers along with their
supporters,
and protected the scabs. Perhaps most outrageously,
when strike
leader Mike Fillipo was assaulted with a car by a
scab and attempted
to file a complaint at the police station where he was
accused of being
responsible for the incident.
They have also refused the workers the right to
display a huge
inflatable plastic rat that unions use to denounce
abuse by management.
Amazingly, no striking worker has crossed the picket
line despite
the length of the strike and the hostility of the police.
The strikers and
their support committee remain determined to win
this strike. In the
meantime, the struggle continues.
Jason Schulman is a longtime DSA member and is
part of the Stella
D’Oro strikers’ support committee.
For more information see:
http://stelladorostrike2008.com/
Beyond the Ballot continued from 2
The conference also featured fourteen workshops on
labor, immigration;
gender, sexuality, and race; healthcare; the economy;
the
environment; the antiwar movement; and more. One
of the most
successful workshops was “Strike While the Iron is
Hot: How to
Build a YDS chapter.” Over twenty chapter activists
and people
interested in starting chapters from ten schools came
together to
discuss how to build a socialist organization through
political programming
and intellectual development. The attendance of
younger
chapter activists, including high school students,
showed that there
is a new generation ready to grow YDS.
The atmosphere of that workshop and the entire
conference was
one of hope – even if that hope was cautious. Gone is
the anger and
resentment of youth activism under
Bush. YDS is ready to play a strong
and visible role in building progressive
social movements and a democratic
left under Obama. We know that
we are socialists and Obama is not –
no matter what the right wing says.
“Beyond the Ballot: Making the
Movement Matter” only emphasized
our belief that elections play an important
but limited role in social change. Obama’s election
created
many opportunities for social change. Now our job is
not only to
convince him that our ideas are right but also to build
the movements
to make him enact them.
____________________________________________________________________
Q
Private corporations seem to be a permanent
fixture in the US, so why work towards socialism?
In the short term we can't eliminate private
corporations, but we can bring them under greater
democratic control. The government could use
regulations and tax incentives to encourage
companies to act
in the public interest and outlaw destructive activities
such as exporting jobs to low-wage countries and
polluting our environment. Public pressure can also
have a critical role to play in the struggle to hold
corporations accountable. Most of all, socialists look
to unions make private business more accountable.
Q
Won't socialism be impractical because people will
lose their incentive to work?
We don't agree with the capitalist assumption that
starvation or greed are the only reasons people work.
People enjoy their work if it is meaningful and
enhances their lives. They work out of a sense of
responsibility
to their community and society. Although a long-
term goal of socialism is to eliminate all but the most
enjoyable kinds of labor, we recognize that
unappealing jobs will long remain. These tasks would
be spread
among as many people as possible rather than
distributed on the basis of class, race, ethnicity, or
gender, as
they are under capitalism. And this undesirable work
should be among the best, not the least, rewarded
work
within the economy. For now, the burden should be
placed on the employer to make work desirable by
raising
wages, offering benefits and improving the work
environment. In short, we believe that a combination
of
social, economic, and moral incentives will motivate
people to work.
Q
Why are there no models of democratic socialism?
Although no country has fully instituted democratic
socialism, the socialist parties and labor movements
of other countries have won many victories for their
people. We can learn from the comprehensive
welfare
state maintained by the Swedes, from Canada's
national health care system, France's nationwide
childcare
program, and Nicaragua's literacy programs. Lastly,
we can learn from efforts initiated right here in the
US,
such as the community health centers created by the
government in the 1960s. They provided high quality
family care, with community involvement in
decision-making.
Q
But hasn't the European Social Democratic
experiment failed?
For over half a century, a number of nations in
Western Europe and Scandinavia have enjoyed both
tremendous prosperity and relative economic equality
thanks to the policies pursued by social democratic
parties. These nations used their relative wealth to
insure a high standard of living for their citizens--
high
wages, health care and subsidized education. Most
importantly, social democratic parties supported
strong
labor movements that became central players in
economic decision-making. But with the
globalization of
capitalism, the old social democratic model becomes
ever harder to maintain. Stiff competition from low-
wage
labor markets in developing countries and the
constant fear that industry will move to avoid taxes
and strong
labor regulations has diminished (but not eliminated)
the ability of nations to launch ambitious economic
reform on their own. Social democratic reform must
now happen at the international level. Multinational
corporations must be brought under democratic
controls, and workers' organizing efforts must reach
across
borders.
Now, more than ever, socialism is an international
movement. As socialists have always known, the
welfare of working people in Finland or California
depends largely on standards in Italy or Indonesia. As
a
result, we must work towards reforms that can
withstand the power of multinationals and global
banks, and we
must fight for a world order that is not controlled by
bankers and bosses.
2
What Is Democratic Socialism?
Q
Aren't you a party that's in competition with the
Democratic Party for votes and support?
No, we are not a separate party. Like our friends and
allies in the feminist, labor, civil rights, religious,
and community organizing movements, many of us
have been active in the Democratic Party. We work
with
those movements to strengthen the party's left wing,
represented by the Congressional Progressive
Caucus.
The process and structure of American elections
seriously hurts third party efforts. Winner-take-all
elections instead of proportional representation,
rigorous party qualification requirements that vary
from state
to state, a presidential instead of a parliamentary
system, and the two-party monopoly on political
power have
doomed third party efforts. We hope that at some
point in the future, in coalition with our allies, an
alternative
national party will be viable. For now, we will
continue to support progressives who have a real
chance at
winning elections, which usually means left-wing
Democrats.
Q
If I am going to devote time to politics, why
shouldn't I focus on something more immediate?
Although capitalism will be with us for a long time,
reforms we win now--raising the minimum wage,
securing a national health plan, and demanding
passage of right-to-strike legislation--can bring us
closer to
socialism. Many democratic socialists actively work
in the single-issue organizations that advocate for
those
reforms. We are visible in the reproductive freedom
movement, the fight for student aid, gay, lesbian,
bisexual
and transgendered organizations, anti-racist groups,
and the labor movement.
It is precisely our socialist vision that informs and
inspires our day-to-day activism for social justice. As
socialists we bring a sense of the interdependence of
all struggles for justice. No single-issue organization
can
truly challenge the capitalist system or adequately
secure its particular demands. In fact, unless we are
all
collectively working to win a world without
oppression, each fight for reforms will be
disconnected, maybe
even self-defeating.
Q
What can young people do to move the US
towards socialism?
Since the Civil Rights movement of the 1950s, young
people have played a critical role in American
politics. They have been a tremendous force for both
political and cultural change in this country: in
limiting
the US's options in the war in Vietnam, in forcing
corporations to divest from the racist South African
regime,
in reforming universities, and in bringing issues of
sexual orientation and gender discrimination to
public
attention. Though none of these struggles were
fought by young people alone, they all featured youth
as
leaders in multi-generational progressive coalitions.
Young people are needed in today's struggles as well:
for
universal health care and stronger unions, against
welfare cuts and predatory multinational
corporations.
Schools, colleges and universities are important to
American political culture. They are the places where
ideas are formulated and policy discussed and
developed. Being an active part of that discussion is a
critical
job for young socialists. We have to work hard to
change people's misconceptions about socialism, to
broaden
political debate, and to overcome many students' lack
of interest in engaging in political action. Off-
campus,
too, in our daily cultural lives, young people can be
turning the tide against racism, sexism and
homophobia, as
well as the conservative myth of the virtue of "free"
markets.
What Is Democratic Socialism?
Q
If so many people misunderstand socialism,
why continue to use the word?
First, we call ourselves socialists because we are
proud of what we are. Second, no matter what we call
ourselves, conservatives will use it against us. Anti-
socialism has been repeatedly used to attack reforms
that
shift power to working class people and away from
corporate capital. In 1993, national health insurance
was
attacked as "socialized medicine" and defeated.
Liberals are routinely denounced as socialists in order
to
discredit reform. Until we face, and beat, the stigma
attached to the "S word," politics in America will
continue to be stifled and our options limited. We
also call ourselves socialists because we are proud of
the
traditions upon which we are based, of the heritage of
the Socialist Party of Eugene Debs and Norman
Thomas, and of other struggles for change that have
made America more democratic and just. Finally, we
call
ourselves socialists to remind everyone that we have
a vision of a better world.
Join Us!
Democratic Socialists of America
75 Maiden Lane, Suite 505
New York, NY 10038
212-727-8610
dsa@dsausa.org
www.dsausa.org
4
What Is Democratic Socialism?
http://www.pdfdownload.org/pdf2html/pdf2html.php?url=http%3A%2F
%2Fwww.dsausa.org%2Fpdf%2Fwidemsoc.pdf&images=yes
____________________________________________________________________
http://canadafreepress.com/index.php/article/13629
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
Nancy Pelosi
Speaker of the House
Steny Hoyer
Office of the Majority Leader
Jim Clyburn
Office of the Majority Whip
John B. Larson
Democratic Caucus Chair
Article: Pelosi nixes healthcare deal with Blue Dogs (The Hill)
Article: Obama Works Phones For Health Care Bill (CQ TODAY)
Article: Why We Need the Public Option, and Why Co-ops Don't Fit
the Bill (Daily Kos)
Article: Liberal Dems have 57 votes against Blue Dog plan (The Hill)
http://cpc.grijalva.house.gov/index.cfm?
ContentID=161&ParentID=0&SectionID=4&SectionTree=4&lnk=b&ItemID=159
___________________________________________________________________
http://cpc.grijalva.house.gov/index.cfm?
ContentID=161&ParentID=0&SectionID=4&SectionTree=4&lnk=b
&ItemID=159
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
September 8, 2009 5:18 PM
(CBS)
Earlier today, President Barack Obama spoke to the
nation's students in a widely-awaited address. In the runup
to the speech, some Republicans had expressed qualms that
the president was seeking to indoctrinate America's
children to his socialist agenda." The White House
ridiculed the claims, saying President Obama wanted to
send a message to students to assume responsibility for
their education. Now there's no more mystery. With the text
finally in hand, we can uncover the socialist subtext hidden
within. (I've annotated the more revealing excerpts.)
Translation Tell
it to Hillary. We've already
heard how it takes a village. Look, Dan
Quayle warned everyone about Murphy
Brown, but did you listen? Now we're reaping
what your Hollywood fellow traveler friends
sowed.
The President: "So I wasn't always as focused as I should
have been. I did some things I'm not proud of, and got in
more trouble than I should have..."
Translation Of
course you had opportunities.
That's what happens when the state doles out
rewards based upon politically correct
diktats.
The President: "But at the end of the day, the
circumstances of your life – what you look like, where you
come from, how much money you have, what you've got
going on at home – that's no excuse for neglecting your
homework or having a bad attitude. That's no excuse for
talking back to your teacher, or cutting class, or dropping
out of school. That's no excuse for not trying...."
____________________________________________________________________
FELLOW AMERICANS, IS THIS
WHAT YOU WOULD LIKE TO
SEE HAPPEN TO AMERICA ??
Looks like Kruschev was right on
target.
*****
TELL ALL OF THEM TO
SHUT UP & THEY ARE
ALL FIRED IN
NOVEMBER 2010 !!
WE ARE MAD AS HELL
and WE ARE NOT GOING
TO TAKE ANYMORE
CRAPS FROM THESE
GANG OF COMMUNIST !!
____________________________________________________________________