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Abstract
Issues of deviance, delinquency, disorder, and incivilities have occupied politicians and policy makers for many years.
The current widespread policy focus on antisocial behavior draws heavily on theories, which advocate early intervention for
low-level nuisance and disorder, to break perceived links with more serious subsequent criminal behavior. This widening of
the net of forms of social control associated with these issues has necessitated that social workers curb the behavior of alleged
unruly people. This control function potentially places practitioners at odds with widely held social work ethics and value
and has implications for social work practice and education.
Sociology tended to rest heavily upon the idea that deviance leads to
social control. I have come to believe that the reverse idea, i.e. social
control leads to deviance, is equally tenable and the potentially
richer premise for studying deviance in modern society.
(Lemert, 1972: p. ix)
What Is ASB?
What to some are the highest reaches of the welfare state are to others
the furthest extension of social control.
(Lipsky, 1980: p. 11)
Introduction
Issues such as deviance, delinquency, disorder, incivilities,
and nuisance have occupied theorists, researchers, politicians,
and policy makers for many years. In 1959, Barbara Wootton
suggested that:
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then. Rather, it reemerged as a result of a complex combination of inuences (Burney, 2005: p. 20) including a focus on
social exclusion and victimization and the residualization of
social housing. Tracing the development of the concept
through the 1980s and 1990s, Squires and Stephen also
highlight the Broken Windows inuence, and suggest that,
by arguing for the need to break the links between juvenile
delinquency and persistent adult criminality and intervene
early, Labour merely succeeded in strengthening already
perceived links in the minds of the electorate. This move
placed Labour in the center of the law and order debate
initiated earlier by the Conservative government, especially
under Michael Howard as Home Secretary, about being
tough on law breakers, as it maneuvered for electoral success.
As Squires and Stephen note, the rediscovery of the term
ASB tted with the wider New Labour focus on social
exclusion, which was subsequently critiqued as a vague
concept, which houses competing discourses (Levitas, 1998).
The concept has also been useful in mobilizing communitarian government projects such as New Labours Together
and Respect Agendas, which called on active citizens to
utilize and develop their social capital and play a role in
supporting state agencies to tackle ASB and instill the old
fashioned virtue of respect in an apparently wayward younger
generation.
The links between ASB and social exclusion highlight
that criminal justice policies are not developed in isolation,
away from other social and economic policies. David Garland
has highlighted that the same premises and purposes that
transformed criminal justice are evident in the programmes of
welfare reform that have been adopted by governments (and
opposition parties) on both sides of the Atlantic (Garland,
2001: p. 196). He argues that the social democratic solidarity project of the middle decades of the last century has
given way to a more reactionary, less ambitious one of
reimposing control (2001: p. 199). This has led to poor
people and criminals being again viewed as members of
a culturally distinct and socially threatening underclass, in
which all of the pathologies of late modern life are concentrated (2001: p. 196). Mobilizing the concept of othering
(see Lister, 2004 for a discussion on this specically in relation to poverty), he argues that so long as offenders and
claimants appear as other, and the chief source of their own
misfortune, they offer occasions for the dominant classes to
impose strict controls without giving up freedoms of their
own (2001: p. 198).
This labeling of others as somehow different and, more
usually, deviant (Becker, 1963) has been extended, in the
United Kingdom at least, from a focus primarily on ASB to
include the other pathologies that Garland alluded to, with
a range of perceived familial failings identied as worthy of
state intervention. This is most acutely demonstrated in policy
programmes designed to tackle troubled families or families with multiple disadvantages, in which ASB features
prominently.
Following the riots in a small number of towns in England
in 2011, something akin to a moral panic ensued and 120 000
families that had previously been identied as having
multiple disadvantages became known as troubled families,
with a large centrally organized programme operationalized
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Antisocial Behavior
Care or Control?
As I have noted above, the development of social policy does not
take place in an intellectual or political vacuum and it therefore
follows that these policies cannot be applied without consideration of broader social, economic, and political concerns. Policies need to be implemented rules need enforcers and social
workers, in a broad sense, are the professionals tasked with
implementing a range of social and welfare related policies.
Tensions can, however, occur when professionals whose primary
role is to ensure the welfare of their clients are tasked with
carrying out the function of controlling certain kinds of individuals or families and/or their behaviors.
In his classic work The Policing of Families, Jacques
Donzelot (1997) argued that social workers were gradually
taking over from teachers in civilizing members of society. He
suggested that, although social workers are scattered
throughout a multiplicity of inscription sites they focused
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