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anticipation, the same com bative "one-liners" that she will need to adopt just
one year later to steel herself against the encroachment of prison guards.
The verisimilitude between Assata's well-known police encounters and her
experiences in civil society's most nurturing nook, the radical coalition, raises
disturbing questions about political desire, black positionality, and
hegemony as a modality of struggle.
In "The Avant-Garde of White Supremacy," Steve Martinot and Jared Sexton assert
the primacy of Fanon's Manichean zones (without the promise of higher unity), even
in the face of American integration facticity. Fanon's speCific colo nial context does
not share Martinot's and Sexton's historical or national con text. Common to both
texts, however, is the settler-native dynamic, the differ ential zoning, and the
gratuity (as opposed to the contingency) ofviolence that accrues to the blackened
position: The dichotomy between white ethics (the discourse of civil society]
and its irrelevance to the violence of police profiling is not dialectical; the
two are incommensurable whenever one attempts to speak about the paradigm
of policing, one is forced back into a discussion of particular events high-profile
homicides and their related courtroom battles, for instance.6 It makes no difference
that in the United States the "casbah" and the "Euro pean" zone are laid one on top
of the other. What is being asserted here is an isomorphic schematic relation-the
schematic interchangeability-between Fanon's settler society and Martinot's and
Sexton's policing paradigm. For Fanon, it is the policeman and soldier (not the
discursive, or hegemonic, agents) of co lonialism that make one town white and the
other black. For Martinot and Sex ton, this Manichean delirium manifests itself by
way of the u.s. paradigm of policing that (re)produces, repetitively, the
inside-outside, the civil society-black world, by virtue of the difference
between those bodies that do not magnetize bullets and those that do.
"Police impunity serves to distinguish between the racial itself and the elsewhere
that mandates it ... the distinction between those whose human being is put
permanently in question and those for whom it goes without saying."7 In such a
paradigm, white people are, ipso facto, deputized in the face of black
people , whether they know it (consciously) or not. Whiteness, then-and, by
extension, civil society cannot be solely "represented" as some monumentalized
coherence of phallic signifiers but must first be understood as a social
formation of contemporaries who do not magnetize bullets. This is the
essence of their construction through an asignifying absence; their signifying
presence is manifested by the fact that they are, if only by default, deputized
against those who do magnetize bullets. In short, white people are not simply
"protected" by the police. They are-in their very corporeality-the police.
This ipso facto deputization of white people in the face of black people accounts for
Slavery is the great leveler of the black subject's positionality. The black American
subject does not generate historical categories of entitlement,
sovereignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with
respect to the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but
not a heritage. To the data-generating demands of the Historical Axis, we present a
virtual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological
Axis. This places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is
outside the articulations of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony
in a structurally impossible position because-and this is key-our presence
works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence.
If every subject even the most massacred among them, Indians-is required to have
analogs within the nation's structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject
on whom the nation's order of wealth was built is without analog, then that subject's
presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets
out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete
disorder.nIl If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body
functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository
of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction
at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as
the map of gratuitous violence through which civil society is possible-namely, those
bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute
dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no
categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of
immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog-a past without a
heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imagi nary,
for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says
black (Sexton), and whoever says "AIDS" says black-the "Negro is a phobogenic
object."13 Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without
a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete
disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not
be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal-not at least, for a true revolutionary or for
a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move ment is
to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of
political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the
positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves,
we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil
society's junior partners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years,
but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain todayeven in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movementinvested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire
today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not
dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more
dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of
an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing
resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of
resistance function as a negative dialec tic: a politics of refusal and a
refusal to affirm, a "program ofcomplete disorder." One must embrace its
disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo rated by it if,
indeed, one's politics are to be underwritten a desire to take down this
country. If this is not the desire that underwrites one's politics, then
through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to
the word "abolition"? What are this movement's lines of political accountability?
There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of
disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by disorder
and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever
been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or
maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be embraced, and
elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness-and the state of political
movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis:
"Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all."
Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the joy of black than
there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps