μ Κλαιν Στην Αργεντινη

Int J Psychoanal 2005;86:86994
Melanie Klein in Buenos Aires:

Beginnings and developments1
R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN2 and bSAMUEL ZYSMAN
Posadas 1580, Piso 13, 1112 Buenos Aires, Argentina rhetche@arnet.com.ar

b
Laprida 2073, Piso 1 3, 1425 Buenos Aires, Argentina zysman@satlink.com
(Final version accepted 30 June 2004)
a
In the rst decades of the 20th century, Freud was known and quoted in Latin America
by an elite of enlightened minds. In the 1940s a convergence took place in Buenos
Aires of European exiles with local pioneers, and thus the Argentine Psychoanalytical
Association was founded in 1942. Since then psychoanalysis has grown steadily
and has spread into hospitals and universities, inuencing culture at large. The
socioeconomic situation of that time permitted this phenomenon to develop, to the
astonishment of observers. In this paper the authors study the strong inuence of
Kleinian thought during the rst 30 years of this development. The original works of
local thinkers constitute the intellectual capital that sustains the idea of an Argentine
psychoanalytic school. During the 1970s, both society and psychoanalysis endured
deep and complex changes. Lacans teachings gained support and Kleins inuence
began to decline. At present the Buenos Aires Kleinians keep working, while their
relationship with Lacanians and other schools is calmer. Respectful discussions
became thus possible, oriented to strictly scientic differences.
Keywords: Freud, Lacan, Klein, object relations, Argentine School,
psychoanalysis, culture, political circumstances, Buenos Aires Kleinians
More than 100 years after its creation by Sigmund Freud, psychoanalysis enjoys the
recognition of the scientic community and has deeply permeated western culture.
At the dawn of the 20th century, some enlightened Latin American minds (among
them Jos Ingenieros, Anbal Ponce, Gregorio Bermann, Carlos Alberto Segun,
Honorio Delgado and Germn Greve) studied and even applied Freuds work.3
But it was with ngel Garmas arrival in Buenos Aires in 1938, and Celes Ernesto
Crcamos almost at the same time, that psychoanalysis started to be systematically
developed amongst us. These two pioneers found a fertile ground in Buenos Aires,
because Enrique Pichon Rivire, Arminda Aberastury, Arnaldo Rascovsky, Matilde
Wencelblat, Teodoro Schlossberg, Simn Wencelblat, Luisa Gambier (who would
later become Luisa lvarez de Toledo) and Alberto Tallaferro had already formed
an enthusiastic group that studied Freuds work (Baln, 1991). Luis Rascovsky,
Paper presented at Marcas Identicatorias del Psicoanalisis en Latinoamerica [Identifying traits of
Latin American Psychoanalysis], Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1819 June 2004. Translated by Judith Filc.
2
Corresponding author.
3
Germn Greve, a Chilean physician trained in Germany, presented a paper in Buenos Aires in 1910
based on Freuds theories; Freud (1914) mentions him.
1
2005 Institute of Psychoanalysis
870
R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN
Flora Scolni and Jorge Weil also joined this group (Resnik, 2001). At the end of
1942 (just after Marie Langers arrival in Argentina) the Argentine Psychoanalytic
Association (APA) was founded; it was admitted as a provisional society by Ernest
Jones, then president of the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), on 12
December that year.
This paper is concerned with the inuence of Melanie Kleins work in Buenos
Aires. By the mid-20th century, this author was the Argentine analysts main source
of inspiration and was equally inuential in all of Latin America. We will also try to
show the social context in which this occurred. Judging it pertinent to this essays
goal, we decided to gather all the relevant information from specialised journals.
We also consulted the work of Jorge Baln (1991), Elsa del Valle Echegaray (1986,
1999), Hugo Vezzetti (1989, 1996), Fidias Cesio (2000), Mariano Ben Plotkin
(2001), and Germn L. Garca (1980). The well-documented studies by Cucurullo,
Faimberg and Wender (1982); Wender et al (1995) on the history of psychoanalysis
in Argentina were also very useful to us.
The Revista de Psicoanlisis [Journal of Psychoanalysis]
When perusing this journal, whose fruitful history begins in 1943 under Arnaldo
Rascovsky, we nd the key writers of the period, namely, Freud, Karl Abraham,
Jones, Sandor Ferenczi, Victor Tausk, and so on. Melanie Klein stands out among
them, and later on Ronald Fairbairn and Donald Winnicott as well as the egopsychologists from Vienna and North America. In the rst issue of the journal we
come across Primeros estadios del conicto de Edipo y de la formacin del supery
[Early stages of the Oedipus conict and of superego formation], which corresponds
to Chapter 8 of The psycho-analysis of children (1932), the book by Melanie Klein
that Aberastury was in the process of translating at the time. Elizabeth Goode
(known after her marriage as Betty Garma) soon joined this endeavour, and in 1948
El psicoanlisis de nios was published by El Ateneo with a prologue by Arminda
Aberastury.4 On account of this translation Aberastury started a mail exchange with
Klein in 1946. Publication of this volume constitutes a milestone in the history of
Latin American psychoanalysis and in psychoanalytic literature in Spanish and
Portuguese. We should point out that this translation was mainly based on the 1937
English edition, which Marie Langer collated with the original in German.
In the third issue of the rst volume there appears Los dinamismos de la
epilepsia [The dynamisms of epilepsy] (1943) a solid essay by Pichon Rivire
which mentions Klein frequently. Pichon believed that certain epileptic symptoms
constitute transformations of night terrors, a phenomenon Klein studied thoroughly.
In the fourth issue of this volume, we may nd the book review of The psychoanalysis of children, where Aberastury expounds at great length on play technique
and its rationale. In this text, Aberastury advocates approaching the child through
the technique Klein had developed in Berlin in the 1920s, and asserts along
with Klein that the child develops an authentic transference neurosis that may
According to Ana Kaplan (personal communication), Hebe Friedenthal carried out the material task of
translating the book.
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MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES
871
be analysedmutatis mutandislike the adults. In this way, Aberastury takes

a denite stance regarding the 1927 controversy between Klein and Anna Freud,
a choice that constitutes a substantial change, since Aberastury analysed her rst
patients using Anna Freuds approach (Lustig de Ferrer, 1972).
The references to Klein and her school multiply in the coming years. We witness
an increasing use of her ideas to explain clinical and theoretical problems at a time
when psychoanalysis was being positively received in Buenos Airess cultured
milieus. We maintain that the development of psychoanalysis was connected to the
prevailing conditions in Buenos Aires society at the time, an issue rigorously studied
by Vezzetti (1996). In the rst issue of volume 2 (July 1944) we may nd a famous
essay by Crcamo and Marie (Mimi) Langer on female sterility that quotes both
Marie Bonapartes notion of feminine masochism and Kleins innovative ideas on
the early superego. There is no reference, however, to the deep theoretical conict
between both thinkers conception of female sexuality. When Langer refers to the
psychology of menstruation in a later article (Vol. II, number 2, October 1944) based
on the ideas of Jones and Klein, she does not hesitate to attribute the girls guilt
feelings to the oral sadism that leads her to attack the interior of the mothers body
in her fantasy, so as to strip it of children and penises. We can see here a signicant
switch toward Kleins ideas, especially in what concerns the origin and consequences
of guilt. Such inuence becomes even more evident in her Notas para el romance de
Doa Alda [Notes on Doa Aldas romance], a beautiful essay on applied analysis.
These papers express an interest of Langers that will materialise in an enduring
book, Maternidad y sexo [Motherhood and sexuality] ([1951] 1992).
In January 1946, ngel Garma publishes an essay on melancholia that includes
a review of the literature on the topic. He devotes a paragraph to Klein and her
ideas on the psychogenesis of manic-depressive states, which she presented at the
Lucerne International Psycho-Analytic Congress in 1934.5 Garma acknowledges the
originality of Kleins ideas on sadism and highlights the signicance of partialobjects. These will later converge in the total object (the mother), the source of
ambivalence and mourning. In his fruitful path as researcher and, undoubtedly, a
master of psychoanalysis in Argentina, Garma (Garma, 1993) will draw from Klein
(and from Fairbairn) the notion of persecutory inner objects. Yet he will move away
from Klein in relation to her theory of the depressive position, which he deemed
somewhat religious (Garma, personal communication).
Even though it is true that Klein appears in the Revista from its inception,
we will soon nd Fairbairns work as well, in volume 5 (19478). His article La
represin y el retorno de los objetos malos [The repression and the return of the bad
objects] (1943) may be found in the rst issue, and Las estructuras endopsquicas
consideradas en trminos de relaciones de objeto [Endopsychic structure considered
in terms of object-relationships] (1944) in the next one. At that time, the reading of
Fairbairns work was usual in Buenos Aires. The Garmas, the Pichon Rivires, Lily
and Jos Bleger, David Liberman, the Barangers, and Len and Rebecca Grinberg
This essay by Klein closes the book Psicoanlisis de la melancola [Psychoanalysis of melancholia]
compiled by ngel Garma and Luis (Lucio) Rascovsky two years later (Garma and Rascovsky, 1948).
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872
read it, and Heinrich Racker quotes Fairbairn in one of his rst essays (1948), where
he introduces his concept of the Moloch mother. Racker opposes Fairbairns ideas
on orality and aggression in early childhood, thus coming closer to Klein, even
though he disagrees with her concerning early development and primary depression.
In Algunas correlaciones entre Freud, M. Klein y Fairbairn [Some correlations
among Freud, M. Klein, and Fairbairn], Lily and Jos Bleger (1962) detail the
differences among these authors. In Freuds view, the relation of the drive to the
object is contingent, while Klein grants the object a special place without denying
drives their status as originary force, and decidedly including the death instinct.
Fairbairn, in contrast, establishes the incompatibility between drive psychology and
ego psychology in what concerns the objects, since ego psychology rejects the drive
as primary force and, of course, dismisses the existence of a death instinct.6
In the second issue of volume 5, along with Fairbarns essay there appears a
new article by Pichon Rivire that introduces the concept of primal illness, which
was very well received by the initial psychoanalytic group. As Resnik (2001)
recalls, Pichon draws the idea from Wilhelm Griesinger, who believed that every
pathological process begins with a depressive set of symptoms. Pichon enriches
the notion with psychoanalytic tools he takes from Freud (regression) and Klein
(mourning). Depression is the basic illness from which the other neurotic and
psychotic illnesses derive. The idea of a primal (or basic) illness entails a conception
of human development that starts from a unitary object. Schizoid mechanisms
come later, as Racker asserts in his Contribucin al problema de la estraticacin
psicopatolgica [A contribution to the problem of psychopathological stratication]
([1953] 1957). Bleger also supported this notion with his idea of a glischro-karyc
position7 prior to the paranoid-schizoid position, as stated in Modalidades de la
relacin objetal [Modes of the object-relation], presented at the 1961 Symposium,
which later became the third chapter of Simbiosis y ambigedad [Symbiosis and
ambiguity: The psychoanalysis of very early development] ([1967] 1990). We may
notice here an original approach by Argentine authors that diverged from Kleins
developmental theory, where the ego (or self) is split from the beginning.
In the rst issue of volume 6 (1948) we may nd Kleins essay Notas sobre
algunos mecanismos esquizoides [Notes on some schizoid mechanisms] (1946),
translated by Bella (Beba) Fridman, the APAs rst administrative assistant. In this
article, Klein completes and renes her positions theory and introduces the concept
of projective identication. If we recall that this paper was presented to the British
Society at the end of 1946, we can appreciate how fast scientic novelties reached
the Ro de la Plata. In the third and fourth issues of volume 7 (1949 and 1950), two
other extremely signicant contributions to Kleinian theory were published, namely,
Kleins El duelo y su relacin con los estados manaco-depresivos [Mourning and
its relation to manic-depressive states] (1935), which Garma had already quoted,
The essay ends with a reference to the notion of primal illness (Pichon Rivire), in which the link
between the object and the ego may be grasped in all its complexity.
7
Translators note: A notion coined by Bleger, based on the Greek terms for agglutinated and nucleus,
which refers to a position where the agglutinated nucleus predominates (see Bleger, 1972, p. 22).
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873
and Susan Isaacss classic essay, Naturaleza y funcin de la fantasa [The nature and
function of phantasy] (1948). The latter became the focus of intense debates during
the famous Controversies8 within the British Psychoanalytic Society between 1941
and 1945, compiled and discussed by Pearl King and Riccardo Steiner (1992).
That same volume also contains several papers by local analysts: Aspectos
de la interpretacin en el psicoanlisis de nios [Aspects of interpretation in child
psychoanalysis], by Betty Garma (1949), which we will discuss later; El mito
del nio asado [The myth of the roasted child], by Langer (1950); and El juego
de construir casas [House building play: Its interpretation and diagnostic value]
(1958a) and Fobia a los globos en una nia de once meses [Balloon phobia
in an 11-month-old girl] (1950), both by Aberastury. Aberastury was already
becoming a leader in child psychoanalysis, a path that would reach its peak in
1962 with her book Teora y tcnica del psicoanlisis de nios [Theory and
technique of child psychoanalysis]. An article by Marialzira Perestrello (who had
come with her husband from Rio de Janeiro to train in Buenos Aires) about a case
of infantile schizophrenia shows Kleins inuence on the young analysts of that
period (Perestrello, 1950).
The Zrich Congress
In 1949, the 16th International Psycho-Analytic Congress took place in Zrich. It

was the rst international congress since the Second World War, and the APA was
admitted there as Component Society. Betty and ngel Garma attended, along
with Arnaldo and Matilde Rascovsky and Teodoro Schlossberg, and they met
with Melanie Klein and her group.9 Betty Goode (later, Garma) discussed and
supervised with them one of her rst cases, a 21-month-old boy (Pedrito), who
was the youngest child in analysis in the whole world at the time. Betty Garma
recalls that Klein was favourably impressed with her presentation and suggested
that she settle in London for a while to be trained in child analysis technique
but Betty had to decline the offer. Later, however, this opportunity materialised
through a series of supervisions the Garmas and other members of the Buenos
Aires group shared in London.
The contact with Klein left a deep impression on Buenos Aires psychoanalysis.
Both the trips to London by Argentine analysts and the Kleinians visits to Buenos
Aires to supervise and teach seminars became a habit that still continues. We will
mention, among others, Hannah Segals trips in 1954 and 1958, Wilfred Bions in
1968, Donald Meltzers several visits since 1965, Herbert Rosenfelds and Betty
Josephs two visits, and Esther Bicks journey to Montevideo. From then on and
for almost two decades, Argentine psychoanalytic thought, always curious and
open-minded, experienced the inuence of Kleinian theory at its peak. In these
foundational times, those analysts who were starting to work with children only
had at their disposal the books by Anna Freud and Melanie Klein, and Sophie
Translators note: In English in the original.
This encounter was doubtlessly made easier by A. Garmas friendship with Paula Heimann, who had
been his fellow student at the Berlin Institute in the late 1920s.
8
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Morgensterns essays published in the Revista de Psicoanlisis.10 Betty Garma

establishes the beginning of her collaboration with Aberastury around 1945, but it
may have been somewhat earlier, as Betty Goode was born in Paysand, Uruguay
to an English family, and was teaching English to analysts (like ngel Garma) and
children of analysts.
In the early 1950s a trip to Buenos Aires was scheduled for Melanie Klein and
Paula Heimann, as stated in the letter Klein sent to Betty Garma and Aberastury
on 25 June 1952 (B. Garma, 2003), but the trip was cancelled, apparently on
the orders of Kleins physicians.11 Hannah Segal travelled in their stead, and her
visit constituted a true scientic event. Nios en anlisis [Children in analysis]
(B. Garma, 1992)12 refers to this period and constitutes a valuable document, for
it introduces us to the Argentine psychoanalytic world of the mid-20th century.
We have already mentioned Aspectos de la interpretacin en el psicoanlisis de
nios [Aspects of interpretation in child psychoanalysis], which was incorporated
as a chapter in Nios en anlisis. In this essay, Garma expounds on her technique
and points out the differences among the approaches to early childhood, latency
and puberty, illustrating them with a rich clinical material. The author follows
Kleins procedure, even though she incorporates suggestions from Anna Freuds
work, from Otto Fenichels book on technique (1941), and from Richard Sterba.
In the chapters La escuela argentina [The Argentine school] and El impacto y
la inuencia de Melanie Klein en mi quehacer psicoanaltico [Melanie Kleins
impact and inuence on my psychoanalytic work] we witness her encounter
with Arminda Aberastury and the beginning of a long-lasting collaboration. Betty
Garma does not hesitate to acknowledge Aberasturys role as a leader in child
analysis in our milieu, and states that it was Aberastury who introduced Kleinian
ideas to Argentina.
Elfriede S. Lustig de Ferrer (known as Susana) agrees on this point in the
obituary she wrote for the 1972 Revista de Psicoanlisis, a brief and penetrating
portrayal of Aberastury written after her death on 13 November 1971. Aberastury
was born in 1910. She received her education degree from the Buenos Aires
We have not been able to determine whether it was Aberastury who discovered Melanie Klein in
Argentina or if Pichon Rivirea learned man deeply versed in psychiatry and psychoanalysiswas
the rst to come into contact with the book. Betty Garma and Susana Lustig believe it was Aberastury.
We have also been unable to nd out which version of Anna Freuds book Betty Garma mentions.
Einfhrung in die Technike der Kinderanalyse was published by the Internationaler Psychoanalitischer
Verlag in Vienna in 1927. It was translated into English in 1928 as Introduction to the technique of child
analysis and published by the Nervous and Mental Disease Publishing Company. It was only years later,
in 1964, that Horm published it in Spanish as Psicoanlisis del nio. Aberastury quotes the German
original in her article Psicoanlisis de nios [Child analysis] (1946: 2), but everything leads us to think
that it was the English edition that became well known in Buenos Aires.
11
In his prologue to Nios en anlisis [Children in analysis] (B. Garma, 1992), ngel Garma asserts that
the trip did not take place because of the feud between Klein and Heimann. Alejandro Dagfal claims
that, because of this feud, Hannah Segal came to be closest to Klein, and it was Klein who suggested
that Segal travel to Buenos Aires (Dagfal, personal communication).
12
We deeply regret her passing, which occurred while this paper was being written and deprived us of
the opportunity to consult with her about certain historical data and to seek her enlightened opinion on
theoretical and technical issues.
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875
University School of Philosophy and Literature, met Pichon Rivire in 1933, and
married him in 1937, when she carried out her rst child analysis. The patient was
a girl who seemed to be oligophrenic13 and who would accompany her psychotic
mother to her treatment with Pichon Rivire at the Liga de Higiene Mental [League
of Mental Hygiene]. Ferrer afrms that this rst child analysis was carried out
following Anna Freuds teachings as depicted in her book, which Aberastury must
have read. In 1942 Aberastury begins her analysis with ngel Garma and starts
reading Kleins work. In 1946 she begins corresponding with Klein, and in 1951
supervises with her in London. Lustig believes it was Aberastury who introduced
Kleinian thought to Argentina. Yet other protagonists of that period, such as Ana
Kaplan, believe it was Pichon who brought Kleins books to our country (Kaplan,
personal communication).
In any case, there is no doubt whatsoever that the analysis of children and
of psychotic patients promoted by the Pichon Rivires permeated mid-20thcentury Argentine analytic thought and expanded in all directions. APA analysts
frequently travelled to London, and the London masters came to the APA. Among
the Argentine analysts who travelled to London we would like to highlight the
presence of Emilio Rodrigu. Rodrigu started his training with Rascovsky
and moved to London in 1947, where he was in analysis with Paula Heimann.
The latter was then a disciple of Kleins, but she would formally detach herself
from her teacher after the 1955 International Congress. Rodrigu worked with
that privileged group of which he eventually became a member. He returned to
Argentina in the early 1950s, and was one of the leaders of the Kleinian group. At
the end of that decade, the curious Rodrigu moved to the United States, where
he worked at the Austen Riggs Center in Massachusetts. He returned to Argentina
in 1963 to become president of the APA (19668) and to teach, until he left the
APA with Plataforma [Platform] in 1971.14
Alberto Campo was also in analysis with Paula Heimann, and he returned to
Buenos Aires in the mid-1950s, after having worked with Serge Lebovici and Jean
Piaget. He was the head of the Psychopathology Department at the Buenos Aires
Childrens Hospital and he worked closely with Florencio Escard and Mauricio
Goldenberg. With his unique consistency, he showed the way to many child analysts.
Among those who supervised in London we should also mention Langer, Racker,
Liberman, the Grinbergs, and many others, such as Benito and Sheila Lpez, who
did so in the 1960s. There they met R. Horacio Etchegoyen, in 1966, who was in
reanalysis with Meltzer. Salomn Resnik, a student of Pichon Rivires, went to
London in 1957, where he was in analysis with Herbert Rosenfeld for many years.
He moved from London to Paris, where he currently lives, works and teaches to a
qualied group of students that extends also to Italy.
Pichon would later introduce the term oligothymia.
Plataforma [Platform] and Documento [Document] were two groups of analysts who were socially and
politically committed, a commitment that led them to abandon the APA (and the IPA). They shared a
concern to reach a suitable integration of their political stance and their practice of psychoanalysis, and
in certain cases they placed psychoanalysis at the service of the social revolution.
13
14
876
A symposium on Melanie Klein15
Following the suggestion of ngel Garma, the 1961 APA Symposiumwhich

was held during Len Grinbergs presidencywas dedicated to Melanie Klein
(see Revista, vol. 19, nos 12). In his opening words, Fidias Cesio pointed out that
the meeting constituted a tribute to Klein, who had died recently. He also stressed
the great interest her work had aroused both in Argentina and in Latin America
as a whole, an interest made evident by the presence at the meeting of analysts
from Brazil, Uruguay, Chile and Mexico. Cesio then briey reviewed the intense
collaboration between the Argentine and British psychoanalytic groups. The 1961
Symposium evinces the maturity of the Rio de la Plata analytic group and the presence
of Kleinian ideas. The papers presented show the path taken by a distinguished
group of analysts whose contributions gave psychoanalysis the prestige it enjoyed in
Argentine society and who left a collection of works of permanent validity.
Cesio presented La disociacin y el letargo en la reaccin teraputica
negativa [Dissociation and lethargy in the negative therapeutic reaction] (1961),
a topic he would develop in other writings throughout his life. Lethargy is a
unique transferential and countertransferential reaction that Cesio refers to the
fetal psyche studied by Rascovsky and that signals a particular development
in the psychoanalytic process. It is also worth mentioning here W. Barangers
paper, Aspectos problemticos de la teora de los objetos en la obra de Melanie
Klein [Problematic aspects of object theory in Melanie Kleins oeuvre] (1961);
Jorge M. Moms Consideraciones sobre el concepto de fobia en relacin con
algunos aspectos de la obra de Melanie Klein [Considerations on the concept of
phobia in relation to some aspects of Melanie Kleins oeuvre] (1961), a research
topic that would engage Mom for many years; and L. Grinbergs, Duelo por
el yo y sentimiento de identidad [Mourning for the ego and sense of identity]
(1961). Liberman presented his unpublished paper Forma y contenido de las seis
fantasas inconscientes del pecho perseguidor y su repercusin en los diferentes
estadios evolutivos [Form and contents of the six unconscious fantasies of the
persecuting breast and their repercussions on the various developmental stages],
and J. Bleger, Modalidades de la relacin objetal [Modes of the object-relation]
(1961), in addition to the above-mentioned paper written together with his wife.
Libermans work on the reinterpretation of psychopathology that resorted to
libido and communication theories was in a budding stage, as was Blegers work,
which culminated in his notion of symbiosis and the glischro-karyc position.
This theoretical development was inuenced by the idea of the primal illness and
Blegers concept of a psychotic part of the personality, akin to Bions (1957). It
was published as an article in the 1964 issue of the Revista Uruguaya, and became
the fourth chapter of his Simbiosis y ambigedad [Symbiosis and ambiguity]
(1967). We can also glimpse the path taken by Willy Baranger, one of the best
interpreters of Kleins work until he devoted himself to a revision of her ideas
from a Lacanian perspective, a project he would begin in the 1970s.
Some papers presented and quoted in this text remain unpublished.
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Grinbergs essay on mourning and identity anticipates the fruitful investigation

of one of the most creative Argentine psychoanalysts, that would lead to the
production of a number of signicant texts, among them, Culpa y depresin [Guilt
and depression] ([1964] 1992) and Teora de la identicacin [Identication
theory] (1976). In his 1964 book Grinberg starts from Klein and follows a very
original development whereby he distinguishes two types of guiltpersecutory and
depressive guiltand develops the notions of mourning for the lost parts of the
self and non-worked-through mourning. In Teora de la identicacin, Grinberg
studies the concept of identication in psychoanalytic literature since Freud with a
special emphasis on the notion of projective identication developed by Klein and
her disciples (Bion, Rosenfeld and Meltzer), adding his own contributions (types of
projective identication, projective counteridentication, and so on).
Other presentations are no less signicant, not all of them published: El concepto
de enfermedad nica en la obra de Melanie Klein y sus continuadores [The concept
of primal illness in the work of Melanie Klein and the post-Kleinians], by Pichon
Rivire, which we have already discussed, and La posicin manaca y la organizacin
fetal [The manic position and fetal organisation], by Arnaldo Rascovsky et al.,
which summarises Rascovskys original perspective on early development. A year
before the symposium, Rascovsky had published El psiquismo fetal [The foetal
psyche] (1960), where he maintains that the child has a psychological life before
its birth and that the ego appears as the double of the id and already deals with
the phylogenetic fantasies described by Freud and Ferenczi. This research precedes
the current studies on this topic (Meltzer, Bion, Alessandra Piontelli, Elizabeth
Bianchedi, and so on), and hence represents a cutting-edge thought that the author
proposes as a development of Kleinian theory. We should not leave out other papers
devoted to clinical practice, such as Aportacin al estudio de la mana en el nio
[A contribution to the study of mania in the child], by Vera Campo, El aporte
de Melanie Klein al anlisis didctico [Melanie Kleins contribution to training
analysis], by Marie Langer, and Algunos problemas en relacin con la enseanza
de la teora de la tcnica [A methodological approach to the teaching of psychoanalysis], by Langer et al. (1964), focused on a Kleinian approach to learning
phenomena in psychoanalysis.
We have dwelled on the 1961 Symposium because we believe it places us on a
sort of vantage point, where we can glimpse the past and its foundational efforts,
the present of the 1950s and early 1960s, full of promising works, and a future
laden with possibilities that would fortunately materialise to a large extent, giving
Argentine psychoanalysis an astonishing richness. Argentine analysts could not
know then what intricate paths our discipline and our country would follow.
The Pichon Rivire Institute
After his graduation, in 1936, Pichon Rivire was admitted to the old Hospicio de las
Mercedes (Las Mercedes Hospice) and the Liga de Higiene Mental (Mental Hygiene
League). He would soon start a memorable teaching career, training an outstanding
group of students (Liberman, Edgardo Rolla, Bleger, Racker, Cesio, Joel Zac,
878
Resnik, and so on) a very original and rigorous psychoanalytic psychiatry. When he
was let go from the Hospice in 1949, Pichon founded the Pichon Rivire Institute
(better known as the Coprnico Street clinic or the little Salptrire) with the help of
Francisco Muoz (known as Don Paco), a true patron of Argentine psychoanalysis.
Willy and Madeleine Baranger, Luisa G. de lvarez de Toledo, Alberto Tallaferro,
Jorge Mom, David Liberman, Fidias Cesio, Diego and Gilberta (Gilloux) Royer de
Garca Reinoso, Danilo and Marialzira Perestrello, Jos and Estela Remus Araico,
Fortunato Ramrez, Oscar Contreras, Aniceto Figueras, Ana Kaplan, Marcela Spira,
and many more would work at the Institute. It was there that Rolla switched from
neurology to psychoanalysis. Etchegoyen would travel every Saturday from La
Plata to attend Pichons courses. The Clinics two administrative assistants, Elena
Evelson and Janine Puget, would become very prestigious analysts. Vezzetti (1996)
sketches the line that runs from Jos Ingenieros to Pichon Rivire, and highlights
the latters original contributions to psychiatry, a topic that Wender et al. (1995) and
Plotkin (2001, 2003) have also considered.
The Revista Uruguaya de Psicoanlisis [Uruguayan Journal of Psychoanalysis]
As a logical consequence of the developments we are describing, a distinguished

group of Uruguayans organised the Uruguayan Psychoanalytic Association (APU)
and invited Willy and Madeleine (Mad) Baranger to take charge of analytic training
there in 1954. It was then that the Revista Uruguaya de Psicoanlisis was founded.
In this way, a trend was started that would encompass most of Latin Americathe
inuence of Buenos Aires psychoanalysis on analytic training and on the creation
of psychoanalytic societies. Cesio (2000) designates this process as the Latin
American psychoanalytic epic [gesta].
The rst issue of the Revista Uruguaya, which appeared in May 1956,
included a classic Kleinian essay, La importancia de la formacin de smbolos
en el desarrollo del yo [The importance of symbol-formation in the development
of the ego] (Klein, 1930),16 and an article by Willy Baranger, Asimilacin
y encapsulamiento: Estudio de los objetos idealizados [Assimilation and
encapsulation: A study of idealised objects] (1956). Baranger compares
Freuds and Kleins theoretical stances concerning idealisation, dissociation and
persecutory anxiety, and their effects on the integration of the ego as a shell of
the inner object. He bases his exposition on clinical material, and we can already
see the path his research would followthe study of the metapsychological status
of the object in Kleinwhich would lead him to talk of the assembly of the
citizens of the inner world (Baranger, 1971). The problems Baranger believed
this and other Kleinian concepts such as unconscious fantasy and early oedipal
conict presented, would be predominant topics in his subsequent research, which
gradually drew him away from the English school. The theoretical production of
the Barangers, who stayed in Montevideo for almost a decade, left traces on
both banks of the Ro de la Plata. Both Argentine and Uruguayan psychoanalysis
It also contains Kleins congratulatory note, sent from London, and warm words from the Pichon
Rivires, who travelled especially for the presentation.
16
879
showed an unmistakable Kleinian stamp for a long time, their subsequent changes
notwithstanding.
The Revista Uruguaya, which will soon celebrate its 50th anniversary, always
maintained an intense rhythm of production and reected the Kleinian inuence
on local psychoanalysis for a long time. In the 1956 issue, Madeleine Baranger
publishes Fantasa de enfermedad y desarrollo del insight en el anlisis de un nio
[Illness phantasy and insight development in the analysis of a child], which follows
Kleinian theory and technique. Aberastury, in turn, publishes Detencin en el
desarrollo del lenguaje en una nia de seis aos [Arrested language development in
a six-year-old girl] (1956). It is a beautiful essay that anticipates her great text La
denticin, la marcha y el lenguaje en relacin con la posicin depresiva [Dentition,
walking and language in relation to the depressive position] (1958b), where she ties
these three developmental stages to the increase in depressive anxiety. It is during
this period that Aberastury presents her original ideas on the previous genital phase
and develops her work on prevention and elucidation in paediatric dentistry.
Other articles also deserve our attention. We would like to mention the essays
by Hctor Garbarino (1960) and Mercedes Freire de Garbarino on Klenian clinical
practice and psychosis, and the one by Marta Nieto, who is the initiator of child
analysis in Montevideo and introduces the clinical signicance of the use of
language, a distinctive aspect of Ro de la Plata psychoanalysis. Finally, we should
recall Mad Barangers Mala fe, identidad y omnipotencia [Bad faith, identity and
omnipotence], presented at the APA in 1959 and published in the 1963 volume
of the Revista Uruguaya, a paper that was part of the incipient local interest in the
psychodynamisms of psychopathies, and W. Barangers La nocin de material y
el aspecto temporal prospectivo de la interpretacin [The notion of material and
the prospective temporal aspect of interpretation] (19612), where he brilliantly
applies the concept of depressive position to clinical practice, as he does in El
muerto vivo [The living dead] (1962).
Psychoanalysis and mental health
Both the founders of Argentine psychoanalysis and the generations that followed
were highly educated and had a vast psychiatric knowledge. Their contributions
to training in the eld of mental health and to the dissemination of psychoanalysis
enhanced the psychoanalytic movement, and had repercussions on medical and
psychological training in the decades we are studying here. Many young people
who would later become analysts were among the students at the well-attended
classes at the Buenos Aires University Medical School, where they learned the basic
psychoanalytic ideas, including Kleins. These courses were held for many years,
and were taught by ngel Garma, Rascovsky and Aberastury (Antonio Barrutia,
personal communication).
In those years, which correspond to Risieri Frondizis tenure as President of
Buenos Aires University, the Psychology Institute at the School of Philosophy
and Literature became the Department of Psychology. Risieri Frondizi and his
predecessor, Jos Luis Romero, were at the helm of Buenos Aires University
880
during its most distinguished period, which ended brutally in 1966 with the night
of the long sticks, during General Onganas dictatorship.17 The Department of
Psychology became the School of Psychology in 1985 (Hugo Vezzetti, personal
communication). Psychoanalysis maintained a strong presence at Buenos Aires
University thanks to the teaching of outstanding professors such as Liberman, Len
Ostrov, Bleger, Garma, Aberastury and others, and in Rosario,18 where it was taught
by Mara Isabel Siquier and Eduardo Tper. This process also took place at the Cuyo
and Crdoba Universities,19 although the project suffered from the same difculties
as every other attempt to bring about change in our country.20
Object-relations theory was taught at universities and disseminated in a very
inuential psychiatric journal. This publication, whose prestige was due to its quality
and content, appeared in October 1954 under the title of Acta Neuropsiquitrica
Argentina, and was the result of the collaboration between Guillermo Vidal and
Mauricio Goldenberg, both of whom did so much for Argentine psychiatry. As
Vidal would explain later, after the rst few years there was a clear bifurcation
in the journals content. The psychiatric topics became prevalent, and in 1962 the
journals name changed to Acta Psiquitrica y Psicolgica de Amrica Latina]
Latin American Psychiatric and Psychological Quarterly] and reached all Spanishspeaking countries. The journal kept Vidal as its director, and its secretary was Carlos
Sluzky, Goldenbergs right hand at the Policlnico de Lans (Lans Hospital), who
would later have a brilliant career in Palo Alto, California and in Massachusetts,
and who has recently retired.21 The Actas editorial board included several Kleinian
analysts, a fact worth remembering, since it is evidence of the repercussions their
teaching to psychiatrists and psychologists had in the eld of mental health.
Jos Blegers work (also published in the Revista de Psicoanlisis and
in the Revista Uruguaya) appears often. In the rst issue of volume 4 Bleger
publishes La divisin esquizoide en psicopatologa [The schizoid split in
psychopathology] (1958), where he introduces Kleinian concepts to explain the
multiple ways in which this mechanism manifested itself. Faithful to his Marxist
ideas, Bleger studies alienation in general and compares it to mile Durkheims
notion of anomie. In alienation, says Bleger, the fate of both subject and object is
objectication, which leads to the feeling of void (sentiment du vide) described
by Pierre Janet. In the third issue of the same volume we come across Grinbergs
lecture Motivaciones psicolgicas de la supersticin y el tab [Psychological
motivations of superstition and taboo], given in July 1958 to the Student Union
Translators note: The authors refer to a famous incident of police repression ordered by the military
dictatorship against students and professors that led to the expulsion of a number of professors for their
political views, and the consequent resignation of many others.
18
Translators note: One of the largest Argentine cities, in the Santa F province.
19
Translators note: In the provinces of Mendoza and Crdoba.
20
The smear campaign against the then professor of psychiatry at Cuyo National University, R. Horacio
Etchegoyen, when he presented a paper on a psychopathy case whose theoretical understanding was
based on Kleinian ideas, constitutes a perfect example of this fate.
21
Many future analysts received a pluralist psychiatric training at the Psychopathology Department
run by Goldenberg at the Policlnico Gregorio Aroz Alfaro, in Lans [a town in the Buenos Aires
metropolitan area].
17
881
of the Buenos Aires University Medical School, then an intellectual hotbed,

symptomatic of the renewal of university government that followed the toppling
of the second Peronist administration.22
In volume 6, nos 34 (1960), Aberastury summarises Kleins ideas for
psychologists and psychiatrists. In the same issue we nd articles by Mauricio
Abadi, Fernando Taragano, Mauricio Knobel and Edgardo Rolla. Nasim Yampey
(1962) publishes his review of Narrative of a child analysis (1961) by Klein. He
states there that Melanie Klein is undoubtedly, after Freud, the greatest gure
among psychoanalysts. This issue also contains Codicacin en los anlisis de
larga duracin [Coding in long-lasting analyses] (1962), where Rolla claims that
projective identication is the vectorial foundation of communication. In 1963
(vol. 9) we nd an essay by Etchegoyen, Hayde Sicilia, Estela DAccurzio and
Jos Antonio Valeros that studies psychological and social factors in paediatrics.
The essay starts with George H. Meads theoretical framework so as to connect it
with the notion of identication in Freud, Fairbairn and Klein.
The fourth issue of volume 13 includes a tribute to Pichon Rivire. In the rst of
this group of articles, El socratismo de Pichon [Pichons Socratism] (1967), Vidal
afrms that Pichon Rivire promoted psycho-social research, combining Melanie
Kleins new contributions with team-work modality and the use of the most modern
diagnosis, treatment, and research techniques. After essays by Bleger and Fernando
Ulloa, Pichon writes Una nueva problemtica de la psiquiatra [New problematics
in psychiatry] (1967), where he summarises his ideas, based on the work of Freud,
Fairbairn and Klein. Pichon teaches us that the new problematics in psychiatry consists
in promoting a dialectical spiral in the face of conict, whereby a genetic continuity
is established on the basis of successive syntheses that solve contradictions and open
the way for a new reading of reality. Volume 15 (1969) devotes two issues to papers
presented at the First Conference on Child and Adolescent Pychopathology, mostly
produced by members of Goldenbergs celebrated Psychopathology Department.
We nd there the bylines of Aurora Prez, Octavio Fernndez Moujn, Lea Rivelis
de Paz, Samuel Zysman, Emilce Dio and Hebe Friedenthal, along with distinguished
foreign guests (such as Leo Kanner, Leo Eisenberg, David Zimmerman and Luis
Prego Silva), and local thinkers such as Aberastury, Lustig de Ferrer and Kaplan.
The Kleinian inuence was very evident in these essays, and it served as the basis
for dialogue between psychoanalysts and psychiatrists.
In volume 26, no. 4 (1970), a tribute to ngel Garma, there are contributions by
Vidal, Aberastury and Carlos Paz. Aberastury points out Garmas use of Kleinian
ideas, and Garma presents an essay on the superego and manic reactions, where
he mentions Meltzers article Metapsicologa de los estados ciclotmicos [A
contribution to the metapsychology of cyclothymic states] (1963). In 1972, shortly
after his lamented death, Acta publishes an enduring paper by Bleger, Esquizofrenia,
autismo, simbiosis [Schizophrenia, autism, symbiosis], which summarises long
years of work. Bleger species his ideas and opposes confusion (described by
Translators note: In Argentina, public universities are autonomous agencies governed by a Council
composed of professors, graduates and students.
22
882
Rosenfeld and based on projective identication) to syncretism, a remnant of an

archaic organisation of the personality that the late Bleger called symbiosis.
Psychoanalysis and Argentine society
Argentine and foreign observers and scholars have always been struck by the
extraordinary development of psychoanalysis in Argentina since the late 1940s.
Visiting analysts from other countries were unable to overcome their astonishment
when they saw how many people were in analysis and the large numbers of
professionals who wished to train as analysts. There were times when psychoanalysis
was so prevalent that it became part of Argentine culture, with articles in newspapers
(such as La Nacin and La Opinin, this latter founded in 1971) and in magazines.
Psychoanalysis was incorporated into hospital departments and higher education
programmes. The regular presence of the discipline in local newspapers may be
traced to 1930, when the daily Jornada (which replaced Crtica, closed by General
Uriburus dictatorship) included a psychoanalytic advice column (Hugo Vezzetti,
personal communication). The famous magazine Primera Plana, founded by Jacobo
Timerman, made frequent references to psychoanalysis, and Pichon Rivire wrote a
weekly column for it in 1966 and 1967. His texts approached cultural and political
topics from a psychoanalytic perspective that was much appreciated by the readers,
as were Florencio Escards contributions. The latter introduced psychoanalysis to
the Childrens Hospital and disseminated it, along with Eva Giberti, then his wife,
at the parents school.23
The valuable advances of Argentine psychoanalysis would join those produced
in the rest of the world. As we pointed out at the beginning of this article, we believe
it is reasonable to try to establish the possible correlations between psychoanalytic
developments and social change, as other authors have done (Cucurullo et al.,
1982; Vezzetti, 1989, 1996; Wender et al., 1995; Plotkin, 2001). We have already
mentioned that in the rst half of the 20th century there were enlightened minds in
our midst familiar with Freudian theory. Some of them even mention Freuds ideas
in their work, but this state of affairs was very different from the later expansion
of psychoanalysis. Without pretending to exhaust all possible explanations, we
believe it is legitimate to claim that, from the beginning of the 1940s, a series of
internal and external factors came together in a way that enabled and maintained the
extraordinary and persistent growth of our discipline.24
In the period 1900 to 1930, Argentine society underwent structural changes not
without violence (for instance, during the so-called Tragic Week).25 These changes
led to the emergence of an educated middle class that comprised a large number
Translators note: This project involved working with parents from an approach that combined
paediatrics, child psychiatry and psychoanalysis.
24
To such a point that allows to speak of an Argentine School of Psychoanalysis.
25
Translators note: The authors refer to a week in January 1919 when a strike backing the demand
for the reduction of the working day from 11 to 8 hours, Sunday rest, and a wage rise ended in a
bloody repression that included pogroms against Jews led by the Liga Patritica Argentina, a gang of
aristocratic youngsters.
23
883
of university graduates who enjoyed a promising nancial future and cherished

ambitious projects such as the development of analytic training and the founding of
a psychoanalytic society. At the same time, crucial events were taking place in the
rest of the world. In Europe, after the fall of the Weimar Republic and the fragile
communist enterprises in Germany and Hungary, fascism and nazism had begun their
expansion. That is when the diaspora of analysts from Continental Europe started.
These analysts emigrated to Great Britain, the United States, and also to Argentina.
In this way, ngel Garma, Langer, Racker, and also Ludovico (Vico) Rosenthal (a
future translator of Freud into Spanish) arrived in Argentina, and Adelaida Koch in
Brazil (in 1930).
Sebreli (2002) describes how the local scene echoed ideological conicts in
other parts of the world. At rst a conict arose between third- and fourth-generation
Argentines and the immigrants, who were discriminated against and persecuted for
their libertarian, socialist or anarchist ideas, and for defending social justice. The
immigrants views were antagonistic to those of the Argentine dominant classes,
who saw themselves as patrician and aristocratic and who shared the views of the
equally conservative Catholic Church. This was the Argentina of Alejandro Korn,
Anbal Ponce, Manuel Glvez and Jos Ingenieros, as well as Hiplito Yrigoyen,
Marcelo T. de Alvear, Alfredo Palacios, Juan B. Justo and his wife Alicia Moreau,
Manuel A. Fresco, General Agustn P. Justo, Jos F. Uriburu and Lisandro de la
Torre. Knowledge of Freuds work was limited, bearing witness to the humanistic
education of a progressive elite.
Later, the deep chasm between fascism and anti-fascism expanded and crystallised
in a struggle between the local Axis supporters and their democratic opponents, a
struggle that entailed a series of alliances and contradictions that recongured former
differences. It is at this conjuncture that Peronism emerges.26 We certainly cannot
analyse this process here. We will only try to show how, in our view, it inuenced
the development of psychoanalysis in Argentina. After winning the presidential
election in 1946, Peronism settled as a popular regime that ended the patriotic fraud
of the so-called Infamous Decade (Dcada infame)27 and recognised the rights of
the working class. Yet despite these positive measures, Perns government started
persecuting its opponents. Among them were the rst local psychoanalysts andit
is worth recallingthose who had arrived from Europe as political refugees.
Due to the characteristics of the rst Peronist administration, ideological
persecution operated at the public level, as evinced by the expulsion of university
professors and chiefs of hospital departments, who were replaced by loyal
Peronists. If they did not expose themselves to public attention through political
activism, health professionals could withdraw into private practice, keeping out
of public ofce. Many did this and created a ourishing professional practice. A
paradigmatic case was that of Enrique Pichon Rivire, who, having been deprived
Tulio Halpern Donghi, a distinguished historian, dealt in depth with this subject in his book La
Repblica imposible (The impossible Republic), 2004.
27
Translators note: In 1930 the rst military coup took place in Argentina, starting a cycle of military
and civilian governments that would last 50 years. The 1930s were designated the infamous decade
due to the combination of fraud, corruption and repression that characterised the period.
26
884
of his department at the Hospicio de las Mercedes, opened his own clinic sponsored
by the Francisco Muoz Foundation, as mentioned above, where he continued his
fruitful teaching. Ramn Carrillo, the Minister of Public Health, forced the APA
to admit only physicians for psychoanalytic training. The Association acquiesced,
but also obtained permission for non-physician analysts who had already nished
their training to continue to be members. The incipient Argentine psychoanalytic
movement may have beneted to a certain extent from this forced retreat into the
intimate realm, which allowed analysts to focus on their specic task in the manner
of the early Freuds splendid isolation.
The unity of the initial psychoanalytic movement (led by enlightened and
resolute gures) was not as solid as it seemed at rst sight. There existed from the
beginning a latent split between its two great leaders, one a militant exiled atheist,
the other a native and Roman Catholic. Thinking in terms of the basic assumption of
ght and ight (Bion, 1961), we might conclude that the politically hostile external
world of the period may have served to reinforce unity. In any case, the breach
led to Crcamos departure, leaving ngel Garma in command of the political
scene. Crcamo, who was a classic Freudian analyst and deeply believed in the
need to respect ones fellow human beings, soon became the reference point for a
large group of analysts (some of them Roman Catholic) who, unlike their mentor,
participated in the Associations activities. At the same time, Crcamo himself kept
up friendly relationships with other colleagues with whom he spent weekends in
Escobar, where Marie Langer, Len and Rebecca Grinberg, the Rackers and other
analysts owned weekend homes.
The group led by ngel Garma and Arnaldo Rascovsky, which constituted the
majority in the rst years, held a distinctive view of psychoanalysis. Both Garma and
Rascovsky rmly believed that the full and joyful practice of sexuality was evidence of
mental health, and regarded genitality as its goal. Interpretations aimed at moderating
the action of the superego and fostering instinctive satisfactionrestricted by various
forms of inhibition and by the subjection of a masochistic ego to a sadistic superego
were common. These analysts posited goals to achieve in the working, nancial and
erotic areas, and considered social success a proof of the therapeutic effectiveness of
psychoanalysis. The nancial prosperity Argentine society enjoyed during those years
contributed in a way to support this perspective. As Kleinian ideas on the structuring
function of the depressive position and its reparatory ability began to take hold and
were expressed in interpretations and in the importance attributed to the setting, the
Escobar group, led by Langer, started to take shape and to acquire political weight in
the Association. Even though Crcamo was not at all Kleinian, his point of view on
society and ethics brought him close to this group.
On the other hand, another group of analysts clustered around Pichon Rivire
among them, lvarez de Toledo, Liberman, Bleger, Zac, Resnik, Rolla, the Garca
Reinosos and Ulloa, all members of the Coprnico Street Clinic. Pichon was
very learned in psychiatry, psychoanalysis and art. Because of his origins, he was
streetwise (tena calle), and on the basis of his life experience he built a unique
psychoanalytic psychiatry that greatly valued social interaction. Even though he
was basically a Kleinian analyst, the inuence of Harry Stack Sullivan and Fairbairn
885
was evident in his ebullient personality. His approach was also rooted in French
psychoanalysis and psychiatry, as Wender et al. (1995) and Plotkin (2001) point
out. The recognition Pichon enjoyed in France is illustrated by Hernn Kesselmans
narrative of a group trip to Europe: Jacques Lacan, knowing that Pichon is in
France, cuts his vacation short and summons his students for a historic meeting with
his fellow-student (1975).
lvarez de Toledo, a patient of Crcamos, occupied an outstanding place in
this group. Her essay El anlisis del asociar, del interpretar, y de las palabras
[The analysis of associating, interpreting and words] ([1954] 1996) was
written several years before the transcendental studies by philosophers of language
J.L. Austin and John Searle. Based on Pichons concept of communication and on
this essay, Liberman carried out his outstanding research, which crystallised in
two fundamental books, namely, La comunicacin en teraputica psicoanaltica
[Communication in psychoanalytic therapy] (1962) and Lingstica, interaccin
comunicativa y proceso psicoanaltico [Linguistics, communicative interaction, and
psychoanalytic process] (19702). Libermans work constituted a serious attempt
at construing a psychoanalytic psychopathology that would integrate Freuds and
Abrahams libido theory and Kleins notions of persecutory and depressive anxiety
by means of an interdisciplinary approach of great epistemological consistency.
Soon after that, Ernesto Csar Liendo and Mara Carmen Gear begin their extended
research, which relies on the ideas of Pichon, Liberman and Gregorio Klimovsky in
its search for a psychoanalytic psychopathology, and whose results may be found in
their book Semiologa psicoanaltica [Psychoanalytic semiology] (Gear and Liendo,
1975) as well as in many other works by them.
At the end of the 1940s Racker launched a research project that proposed a theory
of countertransference that unsettled the prevailing ideas on the psychoanalytic
process. His work culminated in his Estudios sobre tcnica psicoanaltica [Studies in
psychoanalytic technique] (1960), which Grinberg would later expand in his papers
on projective counteridentication. It is worth recalling here the clever way in which
Racker mediated between Crcamo and Garma regarding their religious differences.
In a carefully thought-out 1955 essay, the atheist Racker considers that Freuds attitude
towards religion may also be understood in the light of his own oedipal complex and
his conict with his father. In this way, the author concludes in a Solomonic way, that
unconscious mechanisms may lead both to religion and to atheism.
The arrival of Lacan
The late 1960s and the 1970s were marked by social and political changes of great
magnitude, accompanied by a state of social violence and decay whose effects can
still be felt today. This state of social upheaval impacted on psychoanalytic thought
and practice. The risk of losing their lives during the leaden years28 forced analysts
into a new retreat that was very different from the earlier one. A large sector of the
Translators note: Los aos de plomo, a phrase that is commonly used to describe the 197683
dictatorship.
28
886
Argentine intelligentsia, including many analysts, saw Perns return to power as a

positive alternative. We have already referred to Plataforma and Documento, two
groups that proposed the inclusion of psychoanalysis in socialist political projects.
Their members nally resigned from the APA in 1971, convinced of the Associations
reactionary and authoritarian nature and of its inability to change in accordance with
social transformations. Even so, Kleins remarkable inuence was also present in
these attempts to articulate psychoanalysis and social concerns. Hernn Kesselmans
essay La responsabilidad social del psicoterapeuta [The social responsibility of the
psychotherapist] (1969) suggests that analysts understand this responsibility on the
basis both of sociological concepts and of the psychoanalytic ideas of Freud, Klein,
Fairbairn and Bion.
In any case, a wide turn occurs in this social context that signals the waning
of Kleins inuence and the boom of Jacques Lacans ideas. The rst mention
of Lacans oeuvre in Argentina seems to be Emilio Pizarro Crespos review in
Psicoterapia (Psychotherapy), a journal Gregorio Bermann published in Crdoba
in the 1930s. In Buenos Aires, Lacan started to be known in the 1960s thanks to
renowned Argentine literary critic Oscar Masotta, whom Pichon Rivire brought
into contact with the writings of the French thinker (Andrs Rascovsky, personal
communication). Masotta founded the Freudian School in 1974, and his inuence
may be traced in Germn L. Garcas thorough study (Garca, 1980).
During this period, many analysts who saw Lacan as the great revolutionary within
psychoanalysis found his teachings very suitable for their goals concerning a social
revolution. Lacan always criticised Heinz Hartmann and the ego-psychologists, but he
was never particularly hostile to Klein. Argentine Lacanians, however, chose her as a
target in their struggle because she represented the APA Establishment. In the face of
the increasing social commotion, these analysts attacked her for her emphasis on the
inner world to the detriment of social reality. They also made use of the dogmatism
of the Kleinian group as a key argument. Lacans break with the IPA in 1964 was
read in Buenos Aires as a revolutionary and anti-imperialist move, for Buenos Aires
Lacanians connected Lacans theoretical consistency with the expectations of the 1968
French social movement. We cannot forget here the signicance of the Cordobazo,
a popular revolt that shook Onganas dictatorship.29 This complex social process led
to the progressive replacement of Kleinian clinical practice by Lacanian theory, and
Lacanian clinical practice was seen as a logical and necessary step.
The creation of the Buenos Aires Psychoanalytical Association (APdeBA)
Readers can understand from the facts just summarised that Argentine analystsand
the country as a wholewere enduring difcult times. The end of the 1960s and the
beginnings of the 1970s, still under the shadow of the Cordobazo, not only announced
the coming years of terror but were also the scenario where diverging points of view
Translators note: The Cordobazo was named after the city of Crdoba, where it took place. It
consisted of a series of demonstrations in which the student movement, the workers and other social
forces united to protest repression, and it marked the beginning of a strong popular movement that
lasted till the early 1970s.
29
887
took form in the APA. Once the split of Plataforma and Documento took place,
there remained, however, some of their proposals to be considered: on one side, the
political issues, such as the membership categories in the Association and the right to
vote; and, on the other, those related to the Institute and its functioning (the teaching
curricula and the teaching system). These critical opinions were addressed in a reform
proposal presented by Jorge Mom together with Willy and Madeleine Baranger under
the banner of scientic and ideological pluralism.
This proposal, which coincided and was contemporaneous to the candidates
views, was implemented in the mid-1970s and produced deep changes that brought
about discomfort to some members who gathered in the Ateneo de Psicoanalistas
de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires Psychoanalytic Atheneum). It began functioning
in 1975 and nally led to another splitting in the APA. In 1977, the XXX IPAC in
Jerusalem accepted the Buenos Aires Association as a provisional society. This was
indeed a different splitting, since it did so with the APAs approval.
APdeBA was considered for some years a predominantly Kleinian institution.
The reality is that, while admitting the strong inuence of Kleins theories, analysts
of all schools coexisted there from the beginning and all important authors have
taught in its Institute.
Some conclusions
This paper attempts to sketch the landscape of Argentine psychoanalysis during

the years when Kleinian and post-Kleinian ideas predominated. Regardless of
our personal limitations, this is a difcult task because of the abundance of events
and protagonists that distinguished this period. That is why we have been forced
to leave some of these events and protagonists out. We have tried to portray
events in an objective way while knowing that our choices are debatable, and
that each persons own predilections and conicts always inuence decisions
as to what to include and what to leave out. We have tried to achieve a balance
and weighed our choices carefully, but only the reader can judge whether or
not we have been successful. In reviewing the history of those years, Melanie
Kleins notorious prominence became striking to us. We know very well that
other scholars may offer different versions of this period, but we believe that
ours is a plausible one.
In sum, we believe that it is valid to assert that Klein exerted a powerful
inuence on Argentine analysts and their theoretical and technical developments.
What follows are some signicant examples to support our contention:
Persecutory objects play a key role in ngel Garmas theories on the dialectics
of a sadistic superego and a masochistic ego;
Arnaldo Rascovskys notion of a foetal psyche penetrates into the most archaic
region of the psyche and precedes the paranoid-schizoid position;
Pichon Rivires psychoanalytic psychiatry always unfolds within the parameters
of persecutory and depressive anxiety, while his notion of primal illness
completes and modies Kleins theory by locating the beginning of development
in an initial moment of integration of the ego;
888
Heinrich Rackers contributions to psychoanalytic technique and his great

discovery of countertransference as a technical instrument relied of course on
Freuds work, but also on Kleins, Anna Freuds and Fairbairns;
Resniks and David Rosenfelds work on psychosis (Resnik, 1978 and on;
Rosenfeld, 1992 and on) is inscribed in the footsteps of Pichon, Klein, Herbert
Rosenfeld and Bion;
David Libermans concept of communicative interaction and his theory of
communicative styles have the ideas of Pichon Rivire and lvarez de Toledo
as their starting point, but Freud and Abrahams libido theory and Kleins
notion of the paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions constitute their
background;
Len Grinbergs conception of mourning is based on Kleins notion of the
depressive position, but it adds the concept of the mourning for the lost parts of
the ego and redenes guilt as depressive and persecutory. Moreover, Grinberg
particularly studies identity, illuminating it from the perspective of positions
theory and ego psychology, especially Eriksons views;
Jos Blegers syncretism theory and his notion of the glischro-karyc position
once again accounts for the archaic psyche, and discriminates fusion (ambiguity)
from confusion (projective identication);
the ideas on child analysis developed by Aberastury, Betty Garma, Rodrigu,
Campo, Rebecca Grinberg, Evelson, Delia Faign, Kaplan, and others follow a
manifestly Kleinian path, as we have already shown;
the Barangers eld theory is developed on the basis of not only the ideas of Kurt
Lewin and Merleau-Ponty, but also of the notions of introjective and projective
identication;
the studies on psychosomatic medicine that are distinctive to the Argentine
school (on asthma, sterility, gastric ulcer, hypothyroidism, and so on) have
always had Kleins work as an unavoidable point of reference;
we can also nd the Kleinian stamp in the work of Etchegoyen, Campo and
Zac (1973) on psychopathy, which was discussed along with mania in the 1964
symposium;
the studies on female sexuality launched by Langer decidedly embrace Joness
and Kleins ideas, and strongly criticise the phallic monism in Freudian theory.
Melanie Klein today
Buenos Aires Kleinian and post-Kleinian analysts continue to work and develop
new lines of research. Interest on the ideas of Bion, Meltzer, Segal, Betty Joseph,
Roger Money-Kyrle, and Herbert Rosenfeld is high. Furthermore, the inuence
of Gregorio Klimovskys teaching on epistemology (1994 etc.), Alex Kacelniks
teaching on ethology, and Osvaldo Guariglias teaching on ethics and hermeneutics
is very visible among many Kleinians. We may also nd an expansion of the Kleinian
practice of the observation of babies following the ideas of Esther Bick.
The April 2002 meeting Melanie Klein en Buenos Aires: Desarrollos y
perspectivas [Melanie Klein in Buenos Aires: Developments and perspectives],
889
organised upon Samuel Zysmans initiative together with Horacio Etchegoyen,

Elizabeth T. de Bianchedi, Clara Nemas, Virginia Ungar and Roberto Oelsner, which
attracted a large number of psychoanalysts and involved distinguished Ro de la
Plata analysts, is proof of the importance Kleins ideas still have in the Buenos Aires
analytic community. This meeting comprised a historical perspective, a clinical
perspective and a theoretical perspective.
To conclude, we believe it is fair to say that, just as there was a rich (and
sometimes tumultuous) period of growth and expansion of psychoanalysis in our
midst, this period was followed by a stage of perhaps less accelerated development,
in accordance with changing socio-political circumstances. Nonetheless,
equally signicant transformations took place during this period. What seemed
like insurmountable differences and irreducible personal resentments among
members of different groupsoften depending on institutional conicts, the
struggle for power and unresolved transferencesgave way to more respectful
and fruitful discussions that focused on theoretical and technical problems in
psychoanalysis.
In the last few years, a constructive dialogue began between Jacques-Alain
Miller and R. Horacio Etchegoyen, which started at a meeting fostered by Juan
Carlos Stagnaro and Dominique Wintrebert in 1996. At this opportunity, the then
IPA president and the president of the Association Mondiale de Psychanalyse (World
Psychoanalysis Association) initiated a dialogue that was published in Vrtex (1996)
and later in a booklet entitled Se rompe el silencio [The silence is broken] in 1997.
This meeting was followed by another, at the Hotel Bauen in Buenos Aires in July
2000, with the participation of Graciela Brodsky, Elizabeth Tabak de Bianchedi,
Eric Laurent, and Samuel Zysman. The large audience worked in groups under
the co-ordination of Rodolfo Moguillansky and Ricardo Nepomiachi to discuss
the mutative effect of the psychoanalytic interpretation (Stagnaro and Weintrebert,
2001).
In 2001, to commemorate Lacans centennial, Miller and Etchegoyen held a
new conversation (Lacan argentino [Argentine Lacan]).
Distinguished Argentine Kleinian analysts such as Clara Nemas, Virginia Ungar,
and Carlos and Mara Adela Ros attended the meetings on Donald Meltzers work
in London (1998), Florence (2000) and Barcelona (2002). In 1999, moreover, a
symposium on Bions work took place in Buenos Aires, following an international
trend that continued soon in So Paulo. Finally, we would like to mention the
participation of several Buenos Aires Kleinian analysts in the international clinical
seminars Roberto Oelsner organises in London every year with the participation of
distinguished Kleinian analysts from the British Society.
We may say that there is a more civilised and harmonious coexistence today,
and that inter-theoretical dialogue is beginning to constitute a healthy habit.
Present-day Kleinian analysts in Buenos Aires share an approach especially
focused on a clinical practice enriched by the contributions of the post-Kleinian
analysts (as we have already mentioned) and of other thinkers from younger
generations. The current theoretical production is extensive and diverse, but we
will leave its analysis to future studies.
890
Translations of summary
Melanie Klein in Buenos Aires. Anfnge und Entwicklungen. In den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20.
Jahrhunderts war Freud in Lateinamerika einer Elite aufgeklrter Geister bekannt und wurde von ihnen
zitiert. In den 1940er Jahren fanden sich in Buenos Aires europische Exilanten und lokale Pioniere
zusammen, und so wurde 1942 die Argentinische Psychoanalytische Vereinigung gegrndet. Seither hat
sich die Psychoanalyse stetig weiterentwickelt, Verbreitung in Krankenhusern und Universitten gefunden
und die Kultur insgesamt beeinusst. Die soziokonomische Situation jener Zeit ermglichte es, dass sich
dieses Phnomen zum Erstaunen seiner Beobachter entwickeln konnte. Dieser Beitrag versucht, den starken
Einuss des kleinianischen Denkens whrend der ersten 30 Jahre dieser Entwicklung zu erforschen. Die
ursprnglichen Arbeiten der lokalen Denker bilden ein intellektuelles Kapital, das es rechtfertigt, von einer
argentinischen psychoanalytischen Schule zu sprechen. In den siebziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts
haben die Gesellschaft und die Psychoanalyse tief greifende und komplexe Vernderungen erfahren.
Lacans Lehren fanden zunehmende Untersttzung, whrend die Zahl der Klein-Anhnger abnahm. Derzeit
sind die Kleinianer in Buenos Aires weiterhin aktiv, und ihre Beziehung zu den Lacanianern und anderen
Schulen ist ruhiger geworden. Auf diese Weise sind respektvolle Diskussionen mglich geworden, die sich
konsequent an wissenschaftlichen Meinungsverschiedenheiten orientieren
Melanie Klein en Buenos Aires. Comienzos y desarrollos. En las primeras dcadas del siglo XX Freud fue
conocido y citado en Amrica Latina por una lite ilustrada. En los aos 40 convergieron en Buenos Aires
analistas exiliados de Europa y pioneros locales, fundndose as la Asociacin Psicoanaltica Argentina, en
1942. Desde entonces el psicoanlisis ha crecido sin pausa y se ha expandido en hospitales, universidades,
y la cultura en general. La buena situacin socioeconmica de aquel tiempo permiti el desarrollo de este
fenmeno, para asombro de sus observadores. Los autores estudian la fuerte inuencia del pensamiento
kleiniano durante los primeros 30 aos de este desarrollo. Las originales aportaciones de los pensadores
locales constituyen un capital intelectual que justica la idea de una escuela psicoanaltica argentina.
Durante los aos 70 tanto la sociedad como el psicoanlisis argentinos sufrieron profundos y complejos
cambios. Las enseanzas de Lacan ganaron adeptos y las de Klein empezaron a menguar. Hoy los kleinianos
de Buenos Aires siguen trabajando, mientras que su relacin con los lacanianos y otras escuelas es ms
serena. Esto permite discusiones respetuosas, que se orientan a las divergencias estrictamente cientcas.
Melanie Klein Buenos Aires. Dbuts et volution. Dans les premires dcennies du 20me sicle, Freud
ntait connu et cit en Amrique Latine que par une lite desprits clairs. Dans les annes 1940, des
europens exils se regroupaient avec les pionniers locaux de Buenos Aires, et sest ainsi que lAssociation
Psychanalytique Argentine tait fonde en 1942. Depuis, la psychanalyse a gagn en prestige, elle sest
diffuse dans les hpitaux et les universits, et inuence plus largement le domaine culturel. La situation
socioconomique de lpoque a permis ce phnomne de se dvelopper, au grand tonnement des
observateurs. Le prsent article a pour objet ltude de la grande inuence de la pense kleinienne pendant
les trente premires annes de ce dveloppement. Les travaux originaux des penseurs locaux constituent un
capital intellectuel qui conrme lide dun cole psychanalytique argentine . Pendant les annes 1970,
aussi bien la socit que la psychanalyse ont subi des changements profonds et complexes. Lenseignement
de Lacan a gagn en audience tandis que celui de Klein a commenc dcliner. lheure actuelle, les
kleiniens de Buenos Aires continuent travailler et leurs relations aux lacaniens et aux autres coles sont
plus sereines. Des discussions dans le respect de lautre sont ainsi possibles, orientes exclusivement vers
les diffrences scientiques.
Melanie Klein a Buenos Aires. Gli inizi e levoluzione. Nei primi decenni del Novecento, in America
Latina Freud era conosciuto e citato da una lite di menti illuminate. Negli anni quaranta la convergenza a
Buenos Aires degli esuli dallEuropa con i pionieri locali port alla fondazione, nel 1942, dellAssociazione
Psicoanalitica Argentina. Da allora la psicoanalisi, in Argentina, ha avuto una costante crescita, diffondendosi
negli ospedali e nelle universit ed esercitando il suo inusso sulla cultura in generale. La situzione socio
economica di allora consent lo sviluppo di questo fenomeno, che lasciava stupefatti gli osservatori. Questo
articolo si propone di studiare il forte inusso del pensiero kleiniano nei primi trentanni di quel processo
evolutivo. Le opere originarie dei pensatori locali costituiscono un capitale intellettuale che giustica
lidea di una scuola argentina di psicoanalisi. Negli anni settanta sia la societ sia la pscoanalisi subirono
profonde e complesse trasformazioni. Gli insegnamenti di Lacan presero impulso e quelli di Melanie Klein
incominciarono il loro declino. Attualmente i kleiniani di Buenos Aires continuano a lavorare e il loro
rapporto con i lacaniani e i seguaci di altre scuole meno turbolento. Sono cos possibili discussioni pi
rispettose, orientate sulle differenze strettamente scientiche.
891
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Int J Psychoanal 2005;86:86994

Melanie Klein in Buenos Aires:

Posadas 1580, Piso 13, 1112 Buenos Aires, Argentina rhetche@arnet.com.ar

2005 Institute of Psychoanalysis

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

be analysedmutatis mutandislike the adults. In this way, Aberastury takes

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

In 1949, the 16th International Psycho-Analytic Congress took place in Zrich. It

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

Morgensterns essays published in the Revista de Psicoanlisis.10 Betty Garma

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

A symposium on Melanie Klein15

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MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

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MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

of the Buenos Aires University Medical School, then an intellectual hotbed,

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Rosenfeld and based on projective identication) to syncretism, a remnant of an

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of university graduates who enjoyed a promising nancial future and cherished

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

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MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

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R. HORACIO ETCHEGOYEN AND SAMUEL ZYSMAN

Heinrich Rackers contributions to psychoanalytic technique and his great

MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

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MELANIE KLEIN IN BUENOS AIRES

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Kesselman H (1975). La psicologa operativa [Operational psychology]. La opinion cultural 22

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Racker H ([1953] 1957). A contribution to the problem of psychopathological stratication. Int

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