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http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.11.011
NBR 2305
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3-9-2015
17-11-2015
23-11-2015
Please cite this article as: Cheng, S., Werning, M., Suddendorf, T.,Dissociating
Memory Traces and Scenario Construction in Mental Time Travel, Neuroscience and
Biobehavioral Reviews (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2015.11.011
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Title: Dissociating Memory Traces and Scenario Construction in Mental Time Travel
Authors and author addresses:
Prof. Dr. Sen Cheng
Mercator Research Group "Structure of
Memory"
Department of Psychology
Ruhr University Bochum
Universittsstr. 150
44801 Bochum
Germany
Office Phone: +49 (234) 32 27136
Fax:
+49 (234) 32 14463
Email: sen.cheng@rub.de
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Germany
Faculty of Psychology, Ruhr-University Bochum, Bochum, Germany
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Abstract
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There has been a persistent debate about how to define episodic memory and whether it
is a uniquely human capacity. On the one hand, many animal cognition studies employ
content-based criteria, such as the what-where-when criterion, and argue that nonhuman
animals possess episodic memory. On the other hand, many human cognition studies
emphasize the subjective experience during retrieval as an essential property of episodic
memory and the distinctly human foresight it purportedly enables. We propose that both
perspectives may examine distinct but complementary aspects of episodic memory by
drawing a conceptual distinction between episodic memory traces and mental time
travel. Episodic memory traces are sequential mnemonic representations of particular,
personally experienced episodes. Mental time travel draws on these traces, but requires
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other components to construct scenarios and embed them into larger narratives. Various
nonhuman animals may store episodic memory traces, and yet it is possible that only
humans are able to construct and reflect on narratives of their lives and flexibly
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1 Introduction
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When Tulving (1972) first conceptualized episodic memory as memory of personallyexperienced events, he hypothesized that episodic memories could be distinguished on
the basis of the information that they contain (Fig. 1). He suggested that [e]pisodic
memory receives and stores information about temporally dated episodes or events, and
temporal-spatial relations among these events. (Tulving, 1972, p. 385) This criterion
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criterion (Suddendorf and Busby, 2003). Tulving (1972) thought that, on this basis,
episodic memories could be distinguished from other memory systems such as semantic
or procedural memory. However, Tulving (1985) later realized that the WWW criterion
was neither necessary nor sufficient to define episodic memory. It is possible, for
instance, to know what happened where and when (e.g., such as details about the battle
of Hastings) without the events having been personally experienced and recalled. He
therefore changed his definition to one that emphasized the distinct subjective
experience during the retrieval of episodic memories. Tulving (1985) suggested that the
recall of the three different types of memory: procedural, semantic and episodic is
characterized by varying levels of conscious awareness: anoetic, noetic, and autonoetic,
respectively. Roughly speaking, anoetic consciousness lacks awareness of the content of
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the memory, noetic consciousness includes awareness of the content, and auto-noetic
consciousness includes the awareness that one self has been part of the recalled event.
The experience during retrieval of episodic memories was likened to mental time travel
(MTT) into the past (Suddendorf and Corballis, 1997; Tulving, 1985), a virtual reliving
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Although it took some time to develop behavioral paradigms to test whether nonhuman
animals store memories of combined WWW information (Clayton and Dickinson,
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1998), once published, the what, where, when approach to studying episodic memory
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became very popular in animal cognition studies. The WWW criterion has been tested
in a variety of species and purportedly passed by scrub jays (Clayton and Dickinson,
1998; Dally et al., 2006); pigeons (Zentall et al., 2001); black-capped chickadee
(Feeney et al., 2009); magpies (Zinkivskay et al., 2009); mice (Dere et al., 2005); rats
(Babb and Crystal, 2005; Eacott et al., 2005); meadow voles (Ferkin et al., 2008);
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Yucatan minipigs (Kouwenberg et al., 2009); dogs (Kaminski et al., 2008); rhesus
monkey (Hoffman et al., 2009, but see Hampton et al., 2005); and chimpanzees and
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animals can be operationalized in a way similar to episodic memory in humans, then the
subjective experience is immaterial and nonhuman animals should be considered to
have episodic memory (Eichenbaum et al., 2005).
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Suddendorf and Corballis, 2010, 2008, 2007, 1997). It is consequences for fitness that
matter, and these can only be found in how certain characteristics effect survival and
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reproduction in the present and the future. Given that mental time travel into the past
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and into the future appear to draw on many of the same neurocognitive mechanisms,
they may be regarded as two sides of the same coin (Dudai and Carruthers 2005; Byrne
et al. 2007; Schacter et al. 2007; Suddendorf & Corballis, 1997). Rather than being a
system designed to capture the past, Suddendorf and Corballis (e.g., 2007) suggest that
MTT evolved primarily to enable foresight. By considering potential future events, one
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can plan and prepare in ways that convey distinct fitness benefits. Species that are
capable of episodic memory should hence be able to demonstrate flexible foresight in
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their behavior, yet there is little indication that nonhuman animals do (Suddendorf and
Corballis 2010, see also Raby and Clayton 2009).
What complicates the debate further is that the neural mechanisms of episodic memory
are still not well understood. The hippocampus is the brain region most closely
associated with episodic memory in humans (Harand et al., 2012; Nadel et al., 2000;
Scoville and Milner, 1957; Zola-Morgan et al., 1986). In rodents (OKeefe and
Dostrovsky, 1971) and bats (Ulanovsky and Moss, 2007), numerous studies have found
neurons in the hippocampus that are selectively active in certain spatial locations. A
study reported so-called place cells even in humans (Ekstrom et al., 2003). Based on the
early physiological results, OKeefe and Nadel (1978) suggested that the hippocampus
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forms a mental representation of space and that space plays such a central role in
episodic memory that the hippocampus is essential for episodic memory. However, this
view does not easily account for observations that the hippocampus is required for
temporal learning that does not involve learning spatial locations (Fortin et al., 2002;
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McEchron et al., 1998). Recently, Michael Corballis (2013), once one of the most
ardent supporters of the uniquely human hypothesis, suggested that neural sequences
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of place cells that are generated in the rat hippocampus while the animal is resting (Diba
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and Buzski, 2007; Foster and Wilson, 2006; Lee and Wilson, 2002; Pfeiffer and Foster,
2013; for a review, see Buhry et al., 2011) might be evidence of MTT. His collaborator
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Thomas Suddendorf disagrees and maintains their original position (Suddendorf, 2013a).
This controversy exemplifies the difficulty of relating neurophysiological data directly
To move beyond the current impasse, we suggest that the three perspectives (focussing
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conceptual model in which episodic memory traces are separate from the capacity to
travel mentally in time. This simple distinction creates a new perspective that is
different from each of the three previous perspective, but, at the same time, integrates
key aspects of each of them. Based on our model we postulate that some nonhuman
animals have the capacity to encode, store and retrieve episodic memory traces, while
potentially lacking other critical components of mental time travel. Tulving (2001)
suggested that nonhuman animals may have memories of specific past events, but that
this was not the same as episodic memory since they lacked autonoetic consciousness.
By contrast, we suggest that humans and nonhuman animals share the same type of
episodic memory traces, as many researchers in nonhuman animal memory would have
it. At the same time, we suggest that mental time travel involves a range of additional
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components and thus, that it remains possible that there is something distinctly human
about the capacity. In particular, there is no compelling evidence to suggest that other
species have the ability to flexibly construct and reflect on alternative scenarios of the
remote future. The first-person feel associated with episodic memory (i.e., autonoetic
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consciousness) is not essential for our distinction but can be accommodated in the
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model.
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It has been argued that mental time travel is not an encapsulated module but the product
of the workings of a number of components (Suddendorf and Busby, 2003). Suddendorf
and Corballis (2007) suggested that a theater production metaphor could help identify
the components involved in successful MTT. They pointed out that there must be mental
analogs to a stage to hold the scenario, a playwright to construct the narrative, actors
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that behave according to our notions of folk psychology, the set that is constructed
according to folk physics, a director to orchestrate rehearsals, an executive producer to
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put the play into action, and a broadcaster to communicate these scenarios. These
components of the theater metaphor can be associated with the development of distinct
cognitive capacities, such as working memory, recursive embedding, theory of mind,
executive functions and language (Suddendorf and Redshaw, 2013). However, for these
components to come together and allow us to construct events displaced in time, one
has to have some memory traces to work with. To these we therefore turn first.
survival and reproduction, MTT must be grounded in our general knowledge of the
world and in our personally experienced episodes. We refer to these two sources as
semantic information1 and episodic memory traces, respectively.
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Semantic information are general facts that were extracted from multiple experiences. It
is mostly categorical and refers to prototypical properties of objects and relationships
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between them (Collins and Quillian, 1969; Quillian, 1966; Tulving, 1972). It can also
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as they are consistent across different episodes, such as the name of a particular person
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(Quian Quiroga et al., 2005) or information of the kind The Eiffel Tower is in Paris.
Semantic information can be highly detailed and essential for mental scenario
construction. To use the theater metaphor, semantic information, for instance, provides
the folk physics necessary to build the set: the objects of a scenario typically behave in
accordance with folk physical laws. Or it supplies the folk psychology to direct the
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that semantic memory is a distinct memory system (Squire and Zola-Morgan, 1988).
Even though semantic information is an important ingredient for mental time travel, as
we conceive it here, our model remains agnostic about the source of semantic
information as well as how and where it is stored in the brain.
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stored information might only become apparent in the future. To make it more explicit,
we use the term episodic memory trace to refer to the information that is stored in the
brain about a particular episode and episodic memory to refer to the outcome of scenario
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suggested by Klein (2013), albeit for a very different reason. Klein does not regard the
memory trace as special to episodic memory. In fact, he suggests that the same memory
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trace could be retrieved as semantic memory if the trace was associated with noetic
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recently suggested that episodic memory traces can be distinguished from other memory
traces based on their sequential nature and their link to a specific, experienced episode.
We acknowledge that there might be no clear line that divides episodic memory traces
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from semantic information (Klein, 2013; McKoon and Ratcliff, 1986; Toth and Hunt,
1999), since some cases cannot be easily categorized as either one or the other, leaving
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the possibility that the two are different by degree rather than by kind. Nevertheless, this
controversy is orthogonal to our objective here since our model does not rely on a strict
distinction between episodic memory traces and semantic information. What our model
requires is that some information is linked to one specific experienced episode (episodic
memory trace), whereas other information more generally applies to multiple,
personally experienced or not, episodes (semantic information).
A common view of memory traces is that they store most, if not all, aspect of the
experienced episode for later retrieval (Bernecker, 2010; Martin and Deutscher, 1966;
Patihis et al., 2014). This storage view contrasts with the constructive or generative
view of memory (Michaelian, 2011a, 2011b), according to which information is
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constructed during remembering and this information may bear little resemblance to the
information in the original experience. These two views do not necessarily have to be
mutually exclusive. Experimental evidence suggests that episodic memory traces store
only the gist of an episode (Bartlett, 1932; Deese, 1959; Gernsbacher, 1985; Koutstaal
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and Schacter, 1997; Roediger and McDermott, 1995; Sachs, 1967). For instance,
subjects who saw a cat crossing the road in front of their car are unlikely to remember
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later the exact coloration of the cats fur, what music was playing in the radio, whether
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there were pedestrians in the distance, or other peripheral features of the episode. We
suggest that the gist reflects the information content from the most abstract level that is
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relevant in that one episode (Koutstaal and Schacter, 1997; Oliva, 2005). The relevant
level is established dynamically for each episode depending on the context and attention.
For instance, most subjects are unlikely to remember the color of a cats nose, after
briefly seeing the cat, but they probably would if asked to pay attention to this feature
beforehand. In some cases, such as the preceding example, the most abstract level could
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in fact be quite detailed, but in most cases it is quite coarse. Frequently, the gist includes
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only highly abstract information and details, if required, are constructed from semantic
information during retrieval. For instance, subjects might report that the cat ran onto the
sidewalk after crossing the road, because in their experience most roads have sidewalks,
even if in that particular episode the road had none. Our model thus incorporates aspects
of both the storage and constructive views.
The proposed distinction between episodic memory traces and episodic memory allows
us to separate the content of episodic memory from other components necessary for
mental scenario construction. There is now considerable evidence that various species
store episodic memory traces, as they are conceptualized here. We discuss some of this
evidence in section 3.1. Their mental time travel capacities may, however, be limited
because of shortcomings in other components involved in scenario construction.
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(Cheng and Werning, 2015; Werning and Cheng, 2014), is different from the concept of
scene construction, which Hassabis and Maguire (2007) introduced. The latter refers
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to scenes that are static spatial arrangements while we view scenarios as extending in
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time as well as space. Another difference is that scenes are isolated entities, whereas
scenarios can be embedded to allow constructions of larger narratives and reflection
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spatial layout and the sequence of events. For instance, when we put down our keys, we
frequently do not make a conscious effort to remember where we placed them. Later
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when we are looking for our keys, we might be able to reconstruct our actions around
that time to infer where the keys are. Thus, the construction of mental scenarios allows
us to make new inferences that we did not make at the time when the episode occurred.
MTT into the future and the past use largely overlapping neural mechanisms (Byrne et
al., 2007; Dudai and Carruthers, 2005; Schacter et al., 2007; Suddendorf and Corballis,
2007) but differ in the objective. During MTT into the past, scenarios are constructed
that more or less accurately represent a past episode. However, since episodic memory
traces only contain the gist of the episode, we hypothesize that semantic information is
typically used to aid scenario construction. This process occurs even if subjects are
explicitly instructed only to retrieve a past experience and might account for the
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unreliable nature of human episodic memory (Loftus and Pickrell, 1995; Loftus et al.,
1978; Roediger and McDermott, 1995; Schacter, 2002; Zaragoza and Lane, 1994).
During MTT into the future, the motivation is to construct and compare scenarios about
potential future episodes that can guide behavior. One way to imagine future episodes is
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simply to think that past events will reoccur. But humans can do much more. Humans
can mentally construct scenarios they have never experienced before by combining and
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recombing basic elements into novel constellations and comparing them in terms of
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likelihood, desirablity and so forth (e.g. Gilbert, 2007; Suddendorf and Corballis, 2007).
After all, the future is uncertain and often involves entirely new situations for an
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individual. Nonetheless, scenarios of future events are often based in part on episodic
memory traces. For instance, episodic memory of having packed too much luggage for
the last vacation, might lead us to try to avoid that error during preparation for our
upcoming vacation. Through repetition of this process, we form semantic information
about what to pack for vacations, such that we may no longer need to construct specific
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scenarios when packing for future vacations. The relative contributions of episodic
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memory traces and semantic information during scenario construction may vary
depending on availability, the task demand, and other factors (c.f. Szpunar et al., 2014)
It is important to note that the mechanisms involved in mental scenario construction
enable more than just access to what happened and what might happen..For instance,
they allow us to consider counterfactuals that could have occurred in the past but did not
(De Brigard et al., 2013). They also allow us to imagine the perspectives of other people
(Suddendorf and Corballis, 1997), and even to entertain entirely fictional scenarios that
do not relate to actual past, present nor future situations (Hassabis et al., 2007;
Suddendorf et al., 2009).
Given the complexity of the MTT system, it may not be a fruitful approach to ask
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whether a species does or does not have episodic memory (Beran, 2014; c.f., Templer
and Hampton, 2013). Rather, we propose to focus on studying the extent of their
scenario building capacities and on how these abilities correlate with the extent to which
the components underlying MTT are developed. This kind of analyses has been
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For instance, to construct and explore mental scenarios, one needs a sufficient working
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memory capacity (Baddeley, 2000; Baddeley and Hitch, 1974). Ones working memory
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capacity limits the number of information chunks that can be used while constructing
scenarios and therefore the detailedness and spatio-temporal extent of the scenario. It
has been estimated that adult human working memory capacity is as small as 4 chunks
(Cowan, 2001), and lower in other great apes (Balter, 2010; Read, 2008), although the
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objects, actions and actors requires generativity, i.e., recursive capacity, which is limited
by the embedding depth. The embedding depth in turn depends on the working memory
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of all of the parameters discussed above, and likely by additional factors that we have
not considered here.
Our current model does not require a priori that episodic memory retrieval is
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example. An eye witness who is recounting the details of a crime that she experienced
first-hand and a judge who is recounting the same crime after reading the eyewitness
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account. According to Tulving, the eye witness remembering the crime is accompanied
by autonoetic consciousness, whereas the judges remembering the crime is
that autonoetic consciousness in humans has the function to indicate the presence of
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related to the person, and the scenario includes her own reactions. The involvement may
be minimal, as in the case of a witness who is merely present in the episode but does not
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influence its course. By contrast, the judge in our example might be able to construct a
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scenario of the crime, but that scenario does not have a first-person perspective, her
body is not at the center of the scenario, and the events in the scenario are not related to
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(Harman, 1990; Metzinger, 2003; Moore, 1903; Werning, 2010). An occurring mental
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phenomenally transparent if, and only if, her having that experience is for her just as if
the scenario were present (Werning, 2010). Having the experience is in particular not
for her as if, in addition to the scenario, a representation of the scenario were present.
When the judge reads about the crime, she has access to the crime and its properties, i.e.
the properties of the content of the court record. However, there is something else she
has access to while reading: namely the words of the court record, which is the
representation: the bearer of content. The situation is very different for the eye-witness:
Unless one wants to appeal to a sense-datum theory of perception, she has direct,
unmediated access to the crime. Proponents of the phenomenal-transparency view, hold
that most perceptions, but also certain hallucinations (as in the phenomenon of hearing
voices, in which subjects take these voices for real), are phenomenally transparent,
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whereas many other mental states, e.g., imaginations are typically not (Werning, 2004).2
When you imagine a gun, you not only access the properties of the gun, but also have
access to the mental image, i.e., the representation or content bearer.
Even though experiencing a scenario during remembering is not as transparent as a
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autonoetic consciousness.
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Our central hypothesis that the process underlying MTT can be dissociated into episodic
memory traces and scenario building makes a number of testable predictions, which we
compare to experimental results in the following. The proposed dissociation is
consistent with evidence suggesting that episodic memory emerges gradually during
human development (Suddendorf and Redshaw, 2013). Even though children appear to
In an fMRI study with schizophrenic patients, Dierks et al. (1999) compared auditory
possess adult-like episodic memory only by the age of about four (Hayne and Imuta,
2011; Nelson, 1993; Perner and Ruffman, 1995; Scarf et al., 2013), children as young as
2 years old show evidence for storing and retrieving episodic memory traces (Bauer et
al., 1998; Wenner and Bauer, 1999). In these latter studies, the children were able to re-
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enact a complex sequence of actions after observing it only once. Importantly, the
sequence was arbitrary, and therefore the children could not use semantic information
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about the natural sequential order of events to reproduce it. If, however, there are so-
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called enabling relations between the elements of the sequence, even younger toddlers
(in these studies, 16 months olds) could remember the sequence. Our interpretation of
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these results is that children are first able reproduce a sequence based on semantic
information, then develop the ability to store and retrieve arbitrary sequences as
episodic memory traces, and later develop the capacity to construct nested scenarios and
to destill more complex semantic information. The final stages of the development of
episodic memory continue well after age 4, when increases in working memory capacity,
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among others factors, lead to the construction of more complex episodic memories and
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central property of episodic memory (Clayton et al., 2003; Crystal, 2010). Our model
leads to, at least, three major implications about hippocampal function that are well
supported by observations in humans and other mammals, in particular rodents.
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First, the responses of hippocampal neurons are invariant with respect to the details of
the presented stimuli. In rodents (OKeefe and Dostrovsky, 1971) and bats (Ulanovsky
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and Moss, 2007), place cell activity is independent of the view that the subject sees at
that location and specific details of the environment (Muller et al., 1994). Furthermore,
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Quian Quiroga et al. (2005) found that hippocampal neurons in humans are activated
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when subjects see photos of certain people, irrespective of their hair style, clothes, and
pose; and even when only their written name was presented. These results suggest that
hippocampal neurons responds to the gist in the stimuli, rather than to their visual
details (Cheng and Werning, 2013; Werning and Maye, 2007).
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temporal gaps. Experimental studies suggest that the hippocampus is required for
sequence learning (Fortin et al., 2002), trace eye blink conditioning in humans
(McGlinchey-Berroth et al., 1997) and in rodents (Weiss et al., 1999), and trace fear
conditioning in humans (Clark and Squire, 1998) and in rodents (McEchron et al., 1998).
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activation during trace as compared to delay conditioning (Cheng et al., 2008). For a
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We conclude that there is strong evidence that the hippocampus plays an important role
in the storage of episodic memory traces in both human and nonhuman animals.
Scenario construction of past episodes during the retrieval of episodic memories has
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reconstructed based on semantic information rather than solely on the basis of episodic
memory traces. Early evidence for this effect was reported by Bartlett (1932) who
observed that English subjects over time did not remember details of the Canadian
Indian Folklore "War of the Ghosts" as they were in the original story, but adjusted them
to their own cultural expectations. Better controlled laboratory studies into the
reconstructive nature of memories are provided by the DeeseRoedigerMcDermott
(DRM) paradigm (Roediger and McDermott, 1995). After studying a list of
semantically related words, subjects will name other semantically related words that
were not on the study list when trying recalling the study words.
Second, information from different episodic memory traces are pooled together during
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episodic memory retrieval. Confabulations often do result, but need not, when distinct
episodic memory traces are combined fallaciously. Imaging experiments suggest that
episodes indeed form units of human cognition in that brain activity patterns are more
similar within an episode than patterns from distinct episodes (Ezzyat and Davachi,
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2011). It is noteworthy that this occurs even when subjects are not consciously aware of
the fact that episodes were defined by hidden statistical rules (Schapiro et al., 2013).
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information that they were exposed to during two distinct episodes. This was mostly
studied using the misattribution paradigm, where information that was provided in post-
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session questions was fallaciously attributed to the original session (Loftus et al., 1978;
The results of psychological experiments thus support our model, in which, during
episodic memory retrieval, scenarios are constructed based on episodic memory traces
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enriched with semantic information. The ultimate reason why episodic memory may be
vulnerable to integration errors and biases may be that scenario construction evolved
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primarily to enable flexible simulation of future situations, rather than the faithful
recreation of the past (Schacter and Addis 2007; Suddendorf and Corballis 2007).
We acknowledge that it is far simpler to obtain evidence for scenario construction in
humans since they can use language to communicate the scenarios they produce. Indeed
humans capacity for flexible communication may have evolved for that very purpose
(Suddendorf et al., 2009). However, behavioral evidence for scenario construction could
be obtained by other means in principle. It is just that previous attempts at obtaining
such evidence have not been compelling (Suddendorf and Corballis, 2010). Recent
eletrophysiological findings in rodents are also inconclusive. While hippocampal place
cells are activated in sequences that were never experienced before (Dragoi and
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Tonegawa, 2011; Gupta et al., 2010), there is no indication that these serve a function. It
remains possible that these neural sequences are generated randomly by a neural
network (Azizi et al., 2013) . More relevant, perhaps, is the observation that, in familiar
environments, place cell sequences predict upcoming movement trajectories (Pfeiffer
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and Foster, 2013). However, these sequences appear to correlate with planning a
trajectory to a current goal rather than reflect the flexible construction of scenarios. In
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animals.
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4 Conclusion
We have suggested that disparate findings from human and nonhuman animal studies in
episodic-like and episodic memory can be integrated into a fruitful model. We propose
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components that are important for MTT, but that episodic memory traces can exist
without these other components and may be present early in human development as
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5 Acknowledgements
This work was supported by a grant from the Stiftung Mercator to S.C. and M.W., grant
SFB 874, project B2 from the German Research Foundation (Deutsche
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7 Figure Captions
Figure 1: Schematic of three different models of episodic memory. See the main text for a
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with Mental Time Travel (MTT). S&C 1997: Suddendorf and Corballis, 1997
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more detailed description. The dashed box indicates the components most closely associated
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