France’s Zionist Prime Minister: A Review of Emmanuel

Ratier’s “Le Vrai Visage de Manuel Valls” – Part 1
February 6, 2016

Guillaume Durocher

Le Vrai Visage de Manuel Valls (The True Face of Manuel Valls)
by Emmanuel Ratier
Paris: Éditions Facta, 2014.

There is a rather surreal quality to most Western governments today. There is little pretense of
actually defending the interests of their citizens, but much blithe conforming to a smug and selfdestructive egalitarian ideology (see: Angela Merkel, Justin Trudeau . . .).
In this regard, France is no different. But senior French politicians are unusual in their eagerness
to make ever-more Judeocentric statements, a truly bizarre phenomenon. Nicolas Sarkozy, who
seeks to be reelected as President of the Republic, has said “Israel’s right to security [. . .] is the
struggle of my life” and that humanity has “contracted towards the Jewish people a debt which
cannot be extinguished.”[1]
You would think such declarations of fealty to foreign interests would disqualify someone from
seriously participating in French politics. In fact, such statements are increasingly common. The
center right Sarkozy has real competition in this regard with the Socialist Prime Minister Manuel
Valls. Here are some of Valls’ statements in recent years:

“I am by my wife eternally bound to the Jewish community and to Israel. Come on!” —
Responding to Jewish critics on the Radio Judaïca Strasbourg on June 17, 2011.
“The Shoah, the extermination of the Jews, the genocide, must be sacralized, sacred.” —
On French television in February 2014 explaining why the government was more
sensitive to anti-Semitism than to anti-Islamic or anti-Catholic actions.
“Anti-Zionism is the open door to anti-Semitism [. . .]. The Jews of France are more than
ever the Frenchmen at the vanguard of the Republic and of our values.” — Speech at an
event organized by the CRIF (the official Jewish lobby)[2] held on March 19, 2014. Valls
was flanked by CRIF President Roger Cuckierman and Bernard-Henri Lévy. The event
was attended by the Jewish Defense League (an organization banned for terrorism in the
United States of America and Israel.)
“So Madaaby [Marion Maréchal-Le Pen], until the end, I will campaign to stigmatize you
and to tell you that you are neither the Republic nor France.” — Response in the National
Assembly to the young Le Pen, on March 10, 2015.
“Why this particular bond [between France and] Israel? This bond is unique. Because we
are two sister nations.” — In a speech of January 25, 2016, at an event dedicated to
Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.

These are not exceptional statements. The French prime minister constantly broaches these
themes, always with the same message: Jewish ethno-nationalism good, French ethnonationalism bad. Again and again in innumerable speeches and television or radio appearances.
Such comments are also representative of an official policy of enthusiastic support for the Jewish
ethnostate of Israel despite its crimes and of organizing the replacement of the indigenous French
population with African and Islamic settlers. Valls also taken the lead in excluding nationalist
parties like the Front National from participating in democratic politics and persecuting critics of
Jewish ethnocentrism like Alain Soral and Dieudonné M’Bala M’bala.
All this is surreal and the begs the question: Who is Manuel Valls? Why is he the prime minister
of France?

In this, the independent French journalist Emmanuel Ratier — who passed away in August of
last year — has provided a useful little book titled Le Vrai Visage de Manuel Valls (The True
Face of Manuel Valls). Ratier specializes in documenting and archiving the statements and acts
of elite French circles, notably politicians and Freemasonry.
The basic theme of the book, largely citing official and mainstream sources, is that Valls’
meteoric rise to power has been largely due to cultivating heavily Jewish elite power networks.
Valls enjoyed a secure place on the margins of the Socialist Party, promoting “modern”
neoliberal-left ideology from a safe seat representing heavily Afro-Islamic city of Évry, playing
the tough guy as a kind of Socialist Sarkozy. He acquired a reputation as a tough operator prone
to hysterical rages against uncooperative journalists and collaborators. Though long advertising
pro-Palestinian views to pander to the citizens of Évry, Valls in 2009 performed an astonishing
pro-Zionist turn and married a Jewish second wife. He then enjoyed a meteoric rise as interior
minister under President François Hollande in 2012 and then as prime minister since 2014. The
Socialist government, being grotesquely unpopular in failing to deliver its economic promises,
appealed to Valls to present a stern image and pass right-wing economic reforms. In his speeches
and actions, he has become known for his strident attacks against nationalists.
This review will summarize Ratier’s book and Valls’ life story, while seeking to elucidate what
deeper historical forces Valls represents.
The Young Valls: Deracinated and Deracinating
Valls was born in Barcelona to wealthy Catalonian parents in 1962 and was raised in Paris. He
told a Catalonian radio station in September 2013: “We always spoke Catalan at home” (13). He
would only undertake the formalities to become a French citizen at the age of 20. His parents
never asked for citizenship themselves. Mysteriously, the family enjoyed cheap “social housing”
in a luxurious apartment in central Paris, overlooking the Cathedral of Notre Dame.
Ratier speculates that Valls may be of crypto-Jewish descent, as his family name is common
among the Marannos of the Spanish island of Majorca (whose nominally Catholic crypto-Jews
are known as Chuetas). His uncle, also named Manuel Valls, was a composer who published a
collection of Sephardic Songs (Manuel Valls, Canciones Sefarditas: Para Soprano, Flauta y
Guitarra, Unión Musical Ediciones) and composed the anthem for the F. C. Barcelona soccer
club.
Valls is completely hostile to any notion of a nation having historical or ethnic roots,
prophesying a twenty-first century of rootless cosmopolitanism. His maternal grandfather got
rich as a settler in Sierra Leone, where he had a half-caste son with a native woman. Valls writes
in his political book[3] of his uncle:
I have often told myself that my uncle was the perfect embodiment of human culture. The fruit of
my Ticino [the Swiss canton] maternal grandfather’s double life, he was Sierra-Leonian by his
mother. [. . .] Enriched by his Helevetico-African heritage, he lived in London his entire life,
which recently ended. That is, for me, the man of the twenty-first century, multicultural man.
(14)

Deracinated, atomized, global, miscegenated: That is Manuel Valls’ vision of a postnational
mankind.
Judaism does not seem to have been a major factor in Valls’ early life. He was baptized a
Catholic but his godfather, Carlo Coccioli, was an Italian convert to Judaism who had written a
homosexual manifesto in the fifties entitled Fabrizio Lupo. Valls had a Catholic education, went
to mass every week, and it was even thought he might go the seminary.
Ratier claims that Valls has embellished his past to suit the political aims of the moment,
including playing up Jewish influence in his upbringing. He quotes Valls in his authorized
biography[4] that “the only high-brow” store his dad frequented was called “Izraël” [sic] and that
“a monument to the Jewish Martyrdom” in front of his primary school “counted a great deal for
me” (45). There are numerous statements of this type in the book.
Valls’ Networks: Freemasons and Jews
Mainstream media sources emphasize that the success of Valls’ career in the Socialist Party can
be ascribed to political networks he joined in decades ago, when he was still in university. In
particular, Valls early on sealed alliances with two men who would prove to be influential: Alain
Bauer, the Freemason and “crime expert,” and the spin doctor Stéphane Fouks, both “secular
Jews.”
Le Monde reported on how the three friends divided up their future roles:
Politics for one, police and Masonic networks for the second, lobbying and marketing for the
last: It’s at Tolbiac University, in 1980, that Manuel, Alain, and Stéphane agreed on their roles
and laid the foundations for the future program of the left of the 2000s, between [neo]liberalism
and securitarianism [i.e. fighting crime].”[5] (24)
In this same article, Julien Dray, a Jewish Socialist and the founder of SOS Racisme (an “antiracist” organization opposed to the Front National) gives a romanticized account of how the
three men met at the University of Tolbiac in 1980:
I arrived one day in the Tolbiac cafeteria. I had the triumvirate before me [. . .]. Bauer confided:
“Me, I dream of becoming Grand Master of the Freemasons.” Fouks took the floor in turn: “Me,
I do not necessarily want to make politics my profession. I like communication.” Valls spoke
last: “Me, I love France, I would like to become President of the Republic. But for that, I need to
be French.” (25)
Alain Bauer is a “secular Jew” who rose in 2000 to be the youngest Grand Master of the Great
Orient of France, a major Masonic group. Bauer has claimed that Masonic influence was critical
in getting the European Union to adopt a non-Christian, deracinated identity and in supporting
Muslim Turkey’s bid to join the bloc:
If in the texts on Europe [i.e. the EU Treaties], there is no question of introducing a notion of
‘Christian cultural heritage,’ it is not by chance. The Freemasons are doing their job. [. . .] We

are in favor of accession of Turkey, which for us has always been a part of Europe. [. . .] [Former
French president Jacques] Chirac is rather philo-Masonic [. . .]. Concerning us, on the essential
values, Chirac has never failed.[6] (99)
Bauer works as an “expert” on crime, lecturing, consulting, promoting video surveillance, and so
on. He also worked as a senior official in the United States defense firm Science Application
International. Bauer’s wealth and power are thus embedded in powerful contemporary structures:
Freemasonry, the U.S. military-industrial complex fed by the “War on Terrorism,” and the
growing demand for “security” as crime-prone minorities spread across the Western world.
Bauer is a member (like many French top figures) of the honorary committee of the League
Against Anti-Semitism and Racism’s (LICRA). The nominally “anti-racist” LICRA is in fact a
Jewish-dominated hate group specializing in the persecution and defamation of both French
nationalists and more generally all critics of Jewish ethnocentrism.[7]
Stéphane Fouks is the son of one Moïse (Moses) Fouks, a Ukranian Communist Jew who later in
France gravitated to Social Democracy. The Figaro newspaper says Stéphane was raised in “an
ecumenical and secular Judaism, more cultural than religious” (104). Fouks is a stronglyidentified Jew, having been a member of the Zionist Committee of Tolbiac at university and
currently being a senior member of the CRIF, the main Jewish activist organization in France. In
the 1980s, he organized concerts for SOS Racisme. He founded his communications firm with
fellow Jews Patrick Salomon and Tony Dreyfus, highlighting the importance of ethnic
networking to professional success. Fouks then works in political and corporate advertising, and
his wealth reflects the power of ethnic networking and image-making (illusion) in the era of
mass democracy.
Fouks has been keen to use his influence to push the political culture of France to be in line with
Jewish imperatives. Marianne magazine reported in 1999:
In 1995, Fouks, child of an Eastern European Jewish lineage, pushed for the Socialist
[Aleksander] Kwaśniewski [whom he advised until 2005] to the Polish presidency against a Lech
Wałęsa surrounded by reactionary Catholics who were ambiguous on the question of antiSemitism. ‘This was very important for my story,’ [he said].[8] (107)
Kwaśniewski was a former communist, whereas Wałęsa had achieved global fame as a heroic
resister to communism.
Fouks was known as Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin’s “invisible man” between 1997 and
2002, serving as an ever-present if discrete adviser. In the 2000s, Fouks had also been working
as the spin doctor of Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the Jewish Socialist and head of the International
Monetary Fund, until the latter was embroiled in the notorious sex scandal involving a Guinean
immigrant in a New York hotel room. Strauss-Kahn had until then been perhaps the most likely
candidate to replace Nicolas Sarkozy as president.
Even mainstream publications have been troubled by the influence of political consultants like
Fouks in French politics. The center-left magazine Les Inrockuptibles in 2011 flirted with antiSemitism when discussing the topic:

The general public ignores their faces: We never see them on television, we do not hear them on
the radio, we do not read them in the press. Yet they weigh in all the media. Their obscurity
serves their glory, their underexposure in the media illustrates their strategic overexposure. [. . .]
They do not claim the titles of “guru,” nor of “magician,” nor of “kingmaker”: the titles of
“adviser” or “codecider” suit them better, but remain too euphemistic given the excess of their
operational power. We do not vote for them but it is they who decide! [. . .] [Stéphane Fouks]
[t]his Ashkenazi multimillionaire [sic], is one of the three gurus who ‘has an immense power of
influence over French political and economic life [. . . ] a real decider established in the shadow
of our democratic system.’[9] (108)
Today, the almuni of Fouks’ company, Havas Worldwide, formerly known as Euro RSCG, are
today pervasive in the cabinets and staff of the Socialist government. They are often Jewish.
Valls’ power networks have naturally grown as his career his progressed. In 1989, he joined the
Freemasons at the invitation of Jean-Pierre Antebi, a Jew and the LICRA’s treasurer at the time.
Valls apparently left the Masons in 2002. In 2001 he joined the elite “bipartisan” social club Le
Siècle. In June 2008, he joined the Bilderberg Group, having thus successfully graduated from
the rather provincial French secret societies to a global and globalist[10] networkers’ club.
The business magazine Challenges summed up Valls’ networks in December of 2012, a few
months into his new job as interior minister: “He has handed in his Freemason’s apron, but his
friend Bauer is among the brothers and beyond. He no longer eats at the Siècle, but his friend
Fouks can open his thick address book of bosses and other deciders. What is he lacking? The
ability to smile . . .” (6).[11]
End of Part 1

[1]Guillaume Durocher, “Paul-Éric Blanrue and the Jews: From Celebration to Censorship,” The
Occidental Observer, September 24, 2015. In a similar vein, German Social Democrat and
President of the European Parliament Martin Schulz has claimed that “For me, the new Germany
exists only in order to ensure the existence of the State of Israel and the Jewish people.”
[2]Conseil Représentatif des Institutions Juives de France or Representative Council of Jewish
Institutions of France. On the CRIF see Guillaume Durocher, “The Culture of Critique in
France: Anne Kling’s Books on Jewish Influence,” The Occidental Observer, May 24, 2015.
[3]Manuel Valls, Pouvoir (Stock, 2010).
[4]Jacuqes Hennen and Gilles Verdes, Manuel Valls: Les secrets d’un destin (Du Moment,
2013).
[5]Ariane Chemin, “Valls, Bauer, Fouks : le pacte de Tolbiac,” Le Monde, November 27, 2012.

[6]Nouvel Observateur, December 2012.
[7]On the LICRA, see Guillaume Durocher, “The Culture of Critique in France: Anne Kling’s
Books on Jewish Influence,” The Occidental Observer, May 24, 2015.
[8]Marianne, September 23, 1999.
[9]“Les gourous de la comm’, ces décideurs de l’ombre,” Les Inrockuptibles, March 23, 2011.
The “ashkenazi multimillionaire” reference apparently removed from the online version of the
article.
[10]The banker David Rockefeller, one of the senior members of the Bilderberg Group, has
made no secret of his globalist hopes in his 2002 memoirs: “Some even believe we are part of a
secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and
me as ‘internationalists’ and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more
integrated global political and economic structure – one world, if you will. If that is the charge, I
stand guilty, and I am proud of it.”
[11]Gaëlle Macke, “Portrait — Manuel Valls, ministre de l’Intérieur : Carré,” Challenges,
December 20, 2012.
[12]“Valls renonce au droit de vote des étrangers : ‘je préfère me concentrer sur les
naturalisations,” Fdesouche, October 28, 2015.
[13]“lobby-which-doesn’t-exist’
[14]In fact, the Jews — considered to be usurious exploiters of the peasantry, godless and
immoral, and ruthless rivals to French burghers — were expelled on numerous occasions by the
Kings of France, notably by by Philip August in 1182 and Philip the Fair in 1306 . . . but they
always came back. No one has claimed that France ceased to be France on these occasions. In
fact, both Philip August and Philip the Fair are considered major figures in the French nationbuilding process.
[15]Ironically, Valls is partially agreeing with many traditionalist critics of Jewish power in
France, such as Joseph de Maistre and Charles Maurras, who denounced Jewish elites for
promoting “republican” egalitarian and individualist values.

France’s Zionist Prime Minister: A Review of Emmanuel
Ratier’s “Le Vrai Visage de Manuel Valls” — Part 2
February 7, 2016

Guillaume Durocher

Valls planting a “peace tree” in Évry dedicated to Palestine—before becoming a fanatic Zionist
Go go Part 1.
Valls’ Early Career: A Neoliberal with an “Ethnic” Rotten Borough
Valls calls himself a “Blairite” and a “Clintonian.” This is appropriate. He indeed represents that
“right-wing” edge of the Socialist Party, the part that wants “modernize” the left by jettisoning
the White working class in favor of unabashedly conforming to globalism and indeed even
changing the name of the party. Indeed, the globalist paradigm — with unlimited open borders
for immigrants and corporations — is incompatible with traditional left-wing goals, such as
effectively taxing the rich, regulating finance, maintaining the welfare state, or protecting jobs
and wages. Thus, Valls wants a “New Left” which abandons the old dream of socialism, while
still claiming to be in some sense of the left. He represents both the Left’s selling out to global

plutocracy and a kind of realism as to what can be achieved under the constraints of open
borders.
An early case illustrates this reality well. In December 1980, Valls and Bauer attacked the
Communist mayor of Vitry-sur-Seine’s for a plan to remove immigrants from the town. Valls
was actually almost kicked out of the Socialist Party for this, as it was then allied with the
Communists. This limited opposition to immigration dissipated in the Socialist Party as the
alliance with the (effectively Stalinist) Communists was dissolved and (often Jewish) Trotskyites
and anti-racists rose in the organization. (Can we ever emphasize enough, from a nationalist
point of view, the moral superiority of Stalinists over Trotskyites?) As Vice Mayor of
Argenteuil, Valls promoted illegal immigration with a “republican baptism” of illegals at the
town hall in which supporters committed to help the lawbreakers to remain in France (32).
Valls then rose with the “modernizing” wing of the Socialist Party represented by Michel
Rocard. During Jospin’s term as prime minister, Valls was in charge of relations with the media,
acquiring a reputation for intimidating journalists who asked the wrong questions. A magazine
reported: “The methods of this Catalan of origin are sometimes brutal: fits, threats against
journalists [. . .] charged with following day by day the head of government’s action, the
Homeric rages of the young Socialist are well-known” (32).
Valls reaped the benefits of the Socialists’ slow replacement of the indigenous French population
when he was elected in 2000 as mayor of Évry, which his authorized biographers describe as “a
mosaic city, where the [ethnic] communities, numerous, have gradually become ghettoized”
(39). He thus enjoyed a kind of rotten borough through the Socialists’ appeal to ethnic blocs of
voters eager to benefit from wealth transfers from the French majority and allergic to the
conservatives’ symbolic Islam-baiting. Valls urged public subsidies for mosques and allowing all
foreigners resident in France to vote in municipal elections. (More recently as prime minister,
Valls has suggested giving up reforming the constitution to allow non-EU foreigners to vote in
municipal elections as too divisive and unpopular, and instead his focus has changed in order to
“concentrate [. . .] on naturalizations.”[12]) In 2008, he was reelected as mayor of Évry with over
70% of the vote and a staggering abstention rate of 63%. Ratier reports that 45% of residents
benefit from social housing.
Valls himself however is rather cynical about the Africans and Muslims in his “multicultural”
city. He lives in an upper-middle class White area. Like a Potemkin village, graffiti sprayed by
urban youths are hastily removed when out-of-town notables visit. In a June 2009 TV
appearance, Valls, apparently unaware he was being filmed in the streets of the city, commented
sarcastically with open scorn on the overwhelmingly non-White crowd around him: “a fine
image of the city of Évry. . . . Could you put me a few Whites, a few Whites [in English], a few
Blancos?” (40). Valls went strangely unpunished for the remark. It goes without saying that no
nationalist politician would be allowed to make such a statement without being required to atone
profusely or be excluded from “democratic politics.”
Valls’ short temper was also notorious at Évry. One municipal councilor said: “[Valls’ staff] are
scared as hell. [. . .] Manuel has a fascistic side. He is a real dominant male who has a certain
brutality. The guys obey. Sit! Don’t move [i.e. like ordering a dog]” (66).

Valls occupied a very strange niche: Enjoying a safe left-wing ethnic stronghold, he was free to
promote himself as a “modern” neoliberal, with policies anathema to the Socialist Party base,
such as bringing the national deficit under 3% of GDP, increasing the value-added tax, a
balanced budget amendment to the constitution, abolishing the 35-hour workweek, and so on.
Valls emphasized communications, increasing that share of the municipality’s budget by 800%.
During his term as mayor between 2001 and 2012, municipal debt increased by 70% while its
taxes shot up 45.7%.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, President Sarkozy told Valls in February 2004: “Manuel, you will see . .
. One day I ask you to work with me . . . And you will accept joining the government!” (34).
Indeed, it is striking to observe how much Sarkozy and Valls play the same role on television.
Both agree that the globalist program should be maintained — submission to the American
Empire and EU integration, giving international finance free reign and offshoring of jobs abroad,
supporting Israel and spreading chaos in the Middle East, and ultimately physically replacing the
indigenous French population with Africans and Muslims.
This process, naturally, creates enormous amounts of stress and anxiety among the French, due
to a palpable loss of national independence, to constant double-digit unemployment, and the
social dysfunction, criminality, and the cultural change the Afro-Muslims bring with them.
Sarkozy and Valls are more television personalities then empowered statesmen, appealing to
these anxieties by playing the tough guy in the media, empowering the surveillance state and
removing civil liberties, without addressing the underlying globalist causes.
Valls won less than 6% of the vote in the Socialist Party’s 2011 primaries to choose their
presidential candidate. He remained a fairly marginal figure until he was propelled to the interior
ministry and finally the office of prime minister following his fellow Socialist François
Hollande’s election as president in 2012.
Valls the Pro-Palestinian
Ratier carefully documents a very curious aspect of Valls’ career: That before becoming Zionistin-Chief in the government, he was as mayor of Évry a staunch supporter of Palestine and a
fierce critic of Israel. With its heavily Afro-Muslim demographics, Évry is a leading bastion of
pro-Palestinian sentiment in the country, and Valls was happy to pay lip service to this cause for
years.
Évry-Palestine, founded in 1988, was the largest pro-Palestinian organization in France. It was
subsidized by the municipality and even promoted the Boycott-Divestment-Sanctions (BDS)
movement, which today is outright illegal under French law on grounds of “national
discrimination” (this same boycott, obviously, was considered a perfectly legal tool when it was
applied to South Africa in the 1980s). Évry was symbolically twinned with the Palestinian
refugee camp of Khan Yunis.
After being elected mayor in 2001, Valls helped to organize the “Six Hours for Palestine”
festival at the town hall. He also hosted senior Palestinian officials. In November 2002, he
participated in a meeting of EuroPalestine — a hodgepodge of pro-Palestinian figures presenting

lists in the European elections — and signed a petition for the suspension of the European
Union-Israel Association Agreement. Valls’ speech from the occasion is worth quoting. He
referred to Israel’s “terrible oppression over another people” and said the Israeli Labour Party
was “making a terrible mistake which has made it lose its soul by participating in the coalition
led by [Ariel] Sharon.” He continued, noting
the conscious destruction of the Palestinian Authority, the terrible repression and its trail of
deaths, the occupation and destruction of towns, villages, and houses, the continuation of
[Jewish] colonization which violates international law and which indeed has never ceased, the
unemployment, social and sanitary misery which the Palestinians experience. [The Israelis] want
to destroy the infrastructure, memory, and future of this people. This is unacceptable and
requires the mobilization of the entire international community. [. . .] Israel must respect the
UN’s resolutions. For this a show of force is indispensable and so yes we must convince
parliaments and governments to suspect the European Union-Israel Association Agreement. (4953)
The speech is remarkable in both the intensity of its moral condemnation of Israel and its urging
of, in effect, economic coercion. (The EU-Israel agreement gives Israel greater access to the
European market and various funds). Actually putting material pressure on the Israelis to respect
human rights, as opposed to just voicing empty platitudes, is a big no-no both for stronglyidentified Jews and for “liberal” Jewish organizations in France.
This was not an isolated event. In February 2003, Valls demanded that France use her veto to
block any United Nations resolution authorizing an invasion of Iraq and expressed concern about
the humanitarian impact of the longstanding embargo of the country. In 2006 he again coorganized and attended Six Hours for Palestine. In 2007, he urged support for the Hamas-backed
National Unity Government of Palestine and demanded that the West “undo the blockade
imposed on the Gaza Strip which condemns almost 1.4 million people to live in a ghetto”
(53). He went on to attack “the construction of a shameful wall, the continuation of
colonization.”
All this has changed however, and today Valls enthusiastically meets with the hardcore Jewish
racial nationalists who rule Israel, such as Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Foreign
Minister Avigdor Lieberman. And that is besides the shockingly unconditional declarations of
support for Israel and Zionism.
Valls’ Zionist Turn: Love or Interest?

Valls advertising his new Jewish wife.
Valls’ turn towards Israel was first evident in his decision, in January 2009 at the height of the
Israelis’ murderous Operation Cast Lead against the Gaza Strip, announcing Evry’s twinning
with an Israeli town. In November 2009, he declined for the first time to host Six Hours for
Palestine at the town hall.
Having divorced his first wife after having four children, Valls remarried with the Romanianorigin Jewish violin-player Anne Gravoin in 2010. The marriage apparently unlocked
considerable networking opportunities for Valls. One attendee of the wedding reported that: “It
was fun, the town hall was chock full. Anne, of Jewish origin, had invited a branch of her family,
orthodox Jews. [. . .] [There were] men who wore kippas, coming from Manhattan or London,
and imams from the Essonne [the county Évry is located in]” (21, 44). One magazine reported
that “Anne Gravoin opened to her husband her ‘cultural’ networks, show-business, and does not
hesitate to say in socialite dinners that ‘Manuel’s career’ owes her a great deal” (20). Valls was
keen to advertise his new love interest, appearing in Paris Match with a full-page photograph of
them kissing.
There have been many claims that Gravoin has played a major role in her husband’s embrace of
Zionism and in particular in his relentless persecution of the Cameroonian-French comedian
Dieudonné. Former foreign minister Roland Dumas — who had served under President François
Mitterrand, himself highly critical of Jewish power[13] — claimed that Valls was “under Jewish
influence” through his wife.
While women often command a powerful influence over their husbands, I tend to think that
Valls’ Zionist turn is more hard-headed: Simply, he is pandering to the most powerful ethnic
networks in the country. His wife is complementary to that end. As he rose in the Socialist Party,

his constituency shifted from the anti-Zionist Afro-Muslims in the party’s base, to the Zionist
Jews that are critically overrepresented among the party’s elite. Valls apparently calculated this
Zionist turn was necessary to having a successful national career, with support both in the party
and the media. As a typical “democratic politician,” Valls was willing to prove perfectly
unprincipled and change his opinions to suit the constituency of the moment.
In February 2010, Évry municipality’s subsidies to Évry-Palestine were cut. In November he
cosigned an editorial in Le Monde entitled “The Boycott of Israel Is a Shameful Weapon.” In
March 2011, he blocked the holding a debate organized by Évry-Palestine. In June 2011, he gave
his infamous Radio Judaïca Strasbourg interview in which he declared:
My family has deep ties with Vladimir Jankélévitch [a Jewish philosopher], who has written the
most beautiful book one can write on the unpardonable and on the Shoah. By my wife I am
eternally bound to the Jewish community and to Israel. Come on! So I do not come here to be
lectured on the fight against anti-Semitism. (112)
Ratier speculates that Valls chose this particular media as it was listened to by the Jewish
community but not by the French public at large. In any event, Valls’ unusual declaration of
identification with Jews and Israel went viral on the Internet. Later, Front National spin doctor
Florian Philippot alluded to Valls’ statement during a prime time television debate in February
2014: “These foreigners, if one day they become French, [I want] them to be proud of being
French, eternally bound to France; come on, Monsieur Valls” (113).
In April 2012, Valls signed an incredibly one-sided “Friends of Israel” charter. In May 2012, he
told a CRIF dinner: “When a Jew of France is attacked, the Republic itself is attacked” (60). At
an event with CRIF President Richard Prasquier, he said he would “fight anti-Zionism, this antiSemitism which aims to negate Israel” and that he was “proud to be part of a government which
wants to build a strong friendship with Israel.” In September 2012, Valls told a synagogue: “the
Jews of France can be proud to wear their kippa” and “the Jews of France’s carnal attachment for
their country could obviously not prevent ties uniting them with the land of Israel.” He has
elsewhere said that, in the name of secularism, “[t]he [Islamic] veil [. . .] but remain for the
Republic an essential struggle.”
In November 2012, Valls was hosted as the guest of honor at the annual gala of Radio J (a
Jewish radio station), at which he declared: “The Jewish community is France and France with
the Jewish community is no longer exactly France” (61). Valls has repeatedly made statements
of this type.[14] In January 2013, Valls stated: “France without French Jews would not be France
[. . .]. There is a Judaism of France, nourished by numerous sources and steeped in the values of
our Republic. This Judaism has deeply influenced France, her culture, her literature, her music,
her society” (61).[15]
In September 2013, Valls told the Jewish Central Consistory: “Anti-semitism and anti-Zionism [.
. .] are the same thing” (63). In January 2014 he said on television: “The Shoah is a sanctuary,
one cannot desecrate it.” In February 2014 he told a newspaper that he was “worried by a kind of
desacralization of the Shoah” (81).

Finally in March 2014, there was his infamous appearance at a Jewish rally in Paris in which he
declared: “Anti-Zionism is the open door to anti-Semitism [. . .]. The Jews of France are more
than ever the Frenchmen at the vanguard of the Republic and of our values.”
More generally, Valls has been keen to meet with American Jewish organizations such as the
American Jewish Committee, the Anti-Defamation League, and the Simon Wiesenthal Center. In
February 2013, he and Hollande hosted Ronald Lauder, the Jewish-American billionaire and
head of the World Jewish Congress, at the Élysée Palace, where Lauder received the Légion
d’Honneur. Valls eagerly hosts media events when a real or imagined anti-Semitic attack has
occurred somewhere, no other ethnic community in France enjoying such careful attention. Valls
has cordial relations with ultra-Zionist Jewish member of the National Assembly Meyer Habib, a
nominal conservative.
The Zionist Rises: Valls Enters the Government

Manuel Valls in a synagogue, with his trademark intensity.
Manuel Valls was appointed as interior minister in May 2012, following François Hollande’s
election as president. Hollande later conceded he had been elected by default as the alternative to
Sarkozy, not by any popular enthusiasm. Valls was promoted to prime minister April 2014 by
the hopelessly unpopular Hollande, with approval ratings constantly hovering around 20%.
The character and brands of the two men are indicative of wider trends in French society. The
flabby Hollande is the ultimate non-entity. He has never, in his entire career, done anything
original or outside of Socialist Party orthodoxy. The result: absolute impotence. Hollande has
had no direction in his career other than to represent the Socialist Party and to respect the
Maastricht Treaty negotiated by his predecessor François Mitterrand. Maastricht, in exchange for

a hollow promise of “European Union,” established neoliberal (free trade, free movement of
capital, privatization) and ordoliberal (state dependence on financial markets, unaccountable
central bank, making employment secondary to low inflation). These principles became
enshrined in the Constitution and thus immune to the whims of changing majorities.
Thus, Hollande represents the Socialist Party’s impotence and empty promises: Having abdicated
control of whole swathes of economic policy, the party is powerless to protect the French against
the negative winds of globalization or to defend the masses’ purchasing power and welfare
payments — the latter being redoubt of a bourgeois democracy. Hollande’s inability to resolve
the financial/euro crises or reduce unemployment, his central campaign plank, have been deeply
damaging to the Socialists. This was after Hollande had promised to to take on German
Chancellor Merkel and create a more Keynesian Eurozone (in fact, he quietly accepted Merkel’s
balanced budget amendment into French basic law, humiliatingly accepting a merely symbolic
concession of pseudo-stimulus from Berlin). This is also after Hollande had campaigned
declaring: “My enemy is the world of finance.”
Years later, Hollande remains impotent. There is little indication that EU regulation will tame the
financial markets and the unfathomably frequent capital flows. The EU’s proposed financial
transactions tax remains stuck at the drawing board. Nothing was delivered.
All that was left was for Hollande to tax the rich a bit more, a measure which in over-taxed
France has become self-defeating and futile when the rich (like Gérard Dépardieu) can exile
themselves abroad. There was nothing left but “social” measures (such as legalizing homosexual
marriage, at best irrelevant) and using the last vestigial military and diplomatic powers of the
French state in service to the American Empire and international Zionism. Thus, Paris has been
trying to make itself relevant by arming Islamic fundamentalists in Syria and by approving
sanctions against Russia. France has lost arms sales to Russia, but won some in the Arab petromonarchies.
In all this, Valls has been in the background, steadily being built up by the media, portraying him
as the tough guy the French want (notably during the “Leonarda Affair” in which he deported an
Albanian Kosovar family).
Hollande appointed Valls prime minister in March 2014, perhaps in the hope of a more effective
government, or of benefiting from his relatively greater popularity. Being unable to achieve any
of his left-wing promises besides man-on-man marriage, Hollande also no doubt saw the appeal
of reassuring the French with a TV-tough guy like Valls — an angry neoliberal who might be
better able to coerce his narrow parliamentary majority to pass right-wing economic reforms
made necessary by the open borders and overvalued euro regimes.
Valls’ “Hatred of Nationalists”

A sweaty Valls condemning Alain Soral and Dieudonné in a speech.
The Valls government has thus abandoned any pretenses of being able to defend social justice.
But it has also failed to reduce unemployment, maintain wages, or reduce crime. Valls has
therefored turned to anti-fascist theatrics to rally the Socialist Party’s depressed left-wing base.
Thus sweaty, impassioned, and angry Valls threatened Alain Soral and Dieudonné at the party’s
summer conference of 2013:
This struggle [against the far-right] will continue. When a journalist, Frédéric Haziza [a stronglyidentified Jew and Zionist], is insulted, defamed, tarnished, on the Internet, by Mister Soral, who
has inspired the far-right, who finds curious ties with others, I think of Dieudonné, that means
indeed that the struggle is not over and that we will pursue it because it is necessary for the
Republic, the liberty of the press, and democracy.
Thus Valls also likes to rant, in an almost Hollywood-Hitler fashion, against nationalists.
Dieudonné has had much fun parodying Valls’ appearances in the National Assembly, shouting
endlessly and unable to control his hand’s nervous shaking.
Valls has in general spent a rather inordinate amount of time harassing and persecuting
nationalists. Indeed, Ratier speaks of Valls’ “hatred of nationalists.” There was fairly rough
treatment, including use of tear gas, against peaceful protesters opposing homosexual marriage.
There was the disproportionate response to accidental death of the skinny antifa provocateur
Clément Méric during a fight he had instigated against a nationalist. After this, Valls simply
dissolved the Jeunesses nationalistes révolutionnaires (Nationalist Revolutionary Youth) and
Œuvre française (French Work) groups.
Valls has also upped persecution of Dieudonné and Soral, with repeated and politicallymotivated tax investigations. In January 2014, Valls moved to ban Dieudonné’s comedy show Le
Mur, saying: “The struggle against racism and anti-Semitism is one of the Government’s
essential concerns and demands an energetic action” (115).

There was then a surreal sequence of events as judges moved, with incredible speed, to
preemptively censor Dieudonné and ban his appearances on the extraordinarily vague and
arbitrary grounds of “threat to public order,” “human dignity,” and “national cohesion.”
Numerous jurists were disturbed by the decision as an attack on free speech. These included
people with no love for Dieudonné, including the Jewish homosexual Socialist former minister
of culture Jack Lang, who called the verdict “a profound step backwards.”
After the Charlie Hebdo massacres in January 2015, Valls helped organize massive
demonstrations in Paris in defense of free speech and moved to subsidize the obscene, Muslimbaiting weekly. The very next day, he moved to arrest Dieudonné for publishing a mysterious
joke on Facebook: “I feel like Charlie Coulibaly,” expressing common feelings with both the farleft cartoonists and the Islamic terrorists.
Valls’ tenure has also seen the criminalization of the quenelle gesture, which roughly means “up
yours,” despite no law to this effect, including prosecution of high level dissidents like Soral and
of ordinary people (including of one man who performed a quenelle in front of Valls).
Speaking of Dieudonné and Soral, Valls said in January 2014 that “French democracy will know
how to defeat, sooner or later, the little businessmen of hatred” (86).
All this “anti-fascist” agitation has not, however, helped the Socialists maintain their popularity
or their dwindling supporters’ devastated morale. Already many years ago, the former Socialist
prime minister Lionel Jospin conceded that the Front National was not a fascist party and
“therefore any anti-fascism was merely theater.” The Socialist Party is then crusading against
imaginary demons to shore up its inability to deliver its economic promises.
The Front National has steadily, but far too slowly, risen under Valls’ watch, winning
unprecedented votes in European, municipal, and regional elections. But, at just over a quarter of
the national vote, Valls has been able to safely exclude the FN from any effective participation in
French politics.
Conclusion: The Bushification of France
Valls-the-tough-guy embodies the gradual return of the French state’s authoritarian and bellicose
streak during recent years. He has completed the “neocon-ization” or “Bushification” of France.
There has been the passage of new legislation to spy on citizens. Twitter has agreed to grant the
government access to messages upon a simple email request. After the recent Paris attacks by
Muslims left over 130 Frenchmen dead, the government declared an indefinite “state of
emergency” rendering habeas corpus rights null and void. Valls declared, aping Bush to
perfection, that France was “at war with terrorism.”
The state of emergency is to be retroactively legalized by an amendment to the French
Constitution. Valls informs us it will endure “until we have gotten rid of the Islamic State,” in
other words indefinitely. Again: We cannot emphasize enough how much Western leaders’
“strategy of chaos” — spreading chaos in the Middle East and Islamic colonization in the West
— ultimately strengthens their power by legitimizing the need for wars in support of Israel and
for liberticidal counter-terrorism measures.

Valls represents the harnessing, on the left, of French patriotism and the authoritarian French
state for alien causes: The American Empire, Israel, and global plutocracy. His stated model is
Georges Clemenceau, prime minister during the final years of World War I. This is an entirely
appropriate model: There, a deracinated, anti-European form of French patriotism was subverted
for a great battle against the sister nation of Germany, leaving millions of dead. And to whose
benefit? To the Bolsheviks ruling Russia. To the United States, that increasingly Judaized liberal
and financial empire. And to the Zionists, who had secured the Balfour Declaration from Britain
to establish a Jewish ethnic homeland in Palestine. In each respect, Jews were among the major
beneficiaries. Today things are little different, but one can echo Karl Marx’s bon mot on history
repeating itself: The first time as a tragedy, the second as a farce.
Time will tell if Valls’ political career will survive much longer. The economy is weak,
unemployment is still down, and petty crime is up. His popularity rating with the general public,
which long held up, has now fallen to less than 30%. He continues to pander to Zionists with
repeated declarations of fealty to Israel. The Franco-Israeli relationship is increasingly coming to
resemble the American-Israeli one, with no official distinction between the two countries’
interests. But it is uncertain whether this will be enough to keep Valls in office or whether “the
System” will soon be through with him.
Probably Valls is hoping that President Hollande, having failed to reduce unemployment, will
not run for reelection 2017. Then, he could present himself and, facing a divided right-wing vote,
might be lucky enough to go to the second round against Marine Le Pen, against whom he would
unfortunately surely be the winner (as a result the FN’s systematic demonization by the media,
its equally systematic marginalization by the rest of the political class, and, it must be said, by
some self-marginalizing FN policies which play well to the fringes of the electorate but alienate
mainstream voters).
Valls’ tenuous hold on power could then be maintained by the French regime’s curious
insistence on maintaining the sham of the two-party political system, the conservatives and
Socialists defending basically identical policies, with the only real political alternative, the
nationalist, being safely excluded from participation. Unpopular with the Socialist base, Valls
could well endure to play the left-wing tough-guy on television and preserve the myth of
France’s two-party democracy.
More broadly, if we take mainstream French media accounts at face value, Valls’s attainment of
power through his networking with Bauer and Fouks reflects the power of secretive networks
and of ethnic networks in a mass media democracy like contemporary France. Valls’ power and
repeated incredibly pro-Jewish and pro-Zionist statements reflect an imbalance: There are no
more ethnocentric power networks on this planet than Jewish networks, these same networks are
hysterically opposed to non-Jewish nationalisms and, partly as a result, ethnic Europeans are
simply not allowed to openly profess ethnocentrism.
Valls the politician is of little import, apart being an exemplar of how low politicians in the West
will sink in order to achieve power, fame, and fortune. But the forces he answers to and
represents are much deeper and promise, if left unchecked, to destroy both France and indeed all
Western nations.

[12]“Valls renonce au droit de vote des étrangers : ‘je préfère me concentrer sur les
naturalisations,” Fdesouche, October 28, 2015.
[13]“lobby-which-doesn’t-exist’
[14]In fact, the Jews — considered to be usurious exploiters of the peasantry, godless and
immoral, and ruthless rivals to French burghers — were expelled on numerous occasions by the
Kings of France, notably by by Philip August in 1182 and Philip the Fair in 1306 . . . but they
always came back. No one has claimed that France ceased to be France on these occasions. In
fact, both Philip August and Philip the Fair are considered major figures in the French nationbuilding process.
[15]Ironically, Valls is partially agreeing with many traditionalist critics of Jewish power in
France, such as Joseph de Maistre and Charles Maurras, who denounced Jewish elites for
promoting “republican” egalitarian and individualist values.

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