THE RISE OF NEW LOCAL POLITICAL ELITE IN POST-COMMUNIST

ROMANIA.
RMNICU VLCEA MUNICIPALITY 1990-1996
Phd. Candidate Ruxanda (Albu) Mihaela
Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

ABSTRACT
The purpose of the research is to present a comprehensive account of comparative indicators of local
political communist elite conversion at local level, in order to see if the findings fit the theoretical approaches in
the domain. Although the 1989 events appeared to be a break-up of the old social and political hierarchies, the
former local communist elite preserved an important degree of political power and succeeded in dominating the
decision-making process within the provisional local institutions created in the very moment of the revolution.
Thus, the idea of this research came from the desire to verify to what extent the existing specialized studies on
the issue on conversion and reproduction of national communist elites can be applied at local level. Moreover,
how can we define Romanian local political elite, who are these local political actors?
Key words: local elite, political elite, post-communism, reproduction, Romania.

1. INTRODUCTION
Post-communist transitions are multi-level processes1, where the path to a democratic
regime depends on the performance of local actors and elites. In Putnams view it is necessary
to analyse the local level of politics and its administrative structure in order to have a clear
view of how democracy works at national level 2. Moreover, the political changes in postcommunist countries depend crucially on the configuration/reconfiguration of sub-national
elites3.
A local case study reveals important features about the nature of regime transition that
have been hidden by national studies. The dominant perspective for understanding the postcommunist state is derived from comparative studies of democratic transition that focus on
national state level and emphasises how national actors, elites sustain regime change4.
Consequently, the present research explores the conversion of local communist elite in
Romania during 1990-1996, in order to see if the existing specialized literature on the issue of
conversion and reconfiguration of national communist elite can be applied at local level.
Moreover, it deals with a thorough analysis of the elite reproduction and circulation
1

James HUGHES, Sub-national elites and post-communist transformation in Russia: A reply to

Kryshtanovskaya & White, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 49, No.6, 1997, pp. 1017-1036, p. 1018.
2
Robert D. PUTNAM, Cum funcioneaz democraia. Tradiiile civice ale Italiei moderne , trad. Diana Istrescu,
Polirom, Iai, 2001.
3
James HUGHES, op.cit., 1997, pp. 1017-1036
4
James HUGHES, Peter JOHN, Gwendolyn SASSE, From plan to work: Urban elites and the post-communist
organizational state in Russia, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.41, 2002, pp. 395-420, p. 396.

theories, which detects a particular tendency in the Romanian local elite case. The wealth of
evidence derived from this enterprise brings to the fore new issues to be tackled, new actors
whose behavior explains the present reality and solutions which could demonstrate their
viability.
In Romania the political elites have been perceived as followers of the exnomenklatura, the disruption of the old birocratic structures have been indecisive 5. Moreover,
the communist political elites managed to retain their power even after the first democratic
elections, and the present socio-political profiles of the new elites cannot be understood
without taking into consideration the communist political culture6.
Because of the vast area of investigation, this paper analyses one local community,
namely Rmnicu Vlcea municipality. The choice of this case was determined not only by a
high degree of familiarity with the specifics of this town, but also due to its relevance for the
theme. As such, the purpose of the research is to present a comprehensive account of local
political communist elite conversion in the country under discussion. Although the 1989
events appeared to be a break-up of the old social and political hierarchies, the former local
communist elite preserved an important degree of political power and succeeded in
dominating the decision-making process within the provisional local institutions created in the
very moment of the revolution.
The present study has three main sections. The first one deals with methodological
design. The second part provides a theoretical perspective concerning the concepts of political
elite, local political elite, elite reproduction and circulation theory. The last section is the
actual study case on the local post-communist elite from Rmnicu Vlcea municipality
between 1990 and 1996.
2. METHODOLOGICAL DESIGN
To serve the objective of this research, the methodological tools employed attend to
the requirements of a qualitative study, with a limited use of quantitative data meant to
support the arguments and observations drawn throughout the paper. Basically, the research
unfolds as a cross-national analysis at the micro-political level centered on local structures of
political power, following the deductive approach. The unit of analysis is the Rmnicu Vlcea
municipality.
Despite the shortcomings, the present research aims at developing a coherent
argument based on empirical observation derived from a variety of sources at hand. The
methods chosen are qualitative content analysis and secondary analysis of statistics and data
5

Vladimir TISMANEANU, Stalinism pentru eternitate. O istorie politica a comunismului romanesc, Editura
Polirom, Iasi, 2005, p. 280.
6
Vladimir TISMANEANU, op.cit., pp. 280-281.

collected by other researchers. The primary sources consist, at large, of official documents
from 1989-1996 from the city hall archive, local legislation, mass media outputs, virtual
outputs, and data from the Countys Agency of National Archives. Regarding the secondary
sources, it covers volumes and studies published in volumes and academic articles. The local
political elite from Rmnicu Vlcea are represented by mayors, prefects and presidents of the
County Council between 1990 1996.
In this context, the research question that arises is to what extent the conversion of
local communist elite influenced the emergence of new political elite? There are at least two
reasons why this question is relevant. First, there is a theoretical and scientific stake which is
important in order to understand this subject. Thus, the research investigates the extent to
which the current local elites belong to the old nomenclature. Second, there is a conceptual
stake, as this study tries to determine the relationship between the communist local elites and
the post-communist ones.
This inquiry leads to the following working hypothesis standing at the basis of this
study: the old networks of the Communist Party continued to serve the base for the
recruitment of the new political elite. In order to validate this hypothesis, there is realized an
examination of the dynamics of local communist elite reproduction between December 1989
and 1992 (when the first post-communist local elections were held in Romania), a period
which set up the new post-communist elites in Romania. However, the analysis of
mechanisms of post-communist elite formation in a former communist country implies a
return to the communist sociology, to the extent that the actual elites power and success is
rooted in those of the past
3. LITERATURE REVIEW
A society in transition can be characterized as generating a new political class, and a
plurality of political parties with different ideological and political programs.7 This type of
regime change is based on the relations of the national elites who determine whether the
transition is a success or a failure 8. But Rustow, in his work Transitions to democracy:
toward a dynamic model, goes beyond this definition of transition, adding that the prospects
of regime change depends as much on the metropolitan elites or sub-national elites and the
development at this level9.
7

Ctlin ZAMFIR, O analiz critic a tranziiei, Polirom, Bucharest, 2004, p. 101.

John HIGLEY, Michael G. BURTON Elite variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns,American
Sociological Review, 54 (1), 1989, pp. 17-32.
9
Dankwart RUSTOW, Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model, Comparative Politics, Vol. 2,
No.3, 1970, pp. 337-363.
8

In a study from 2001, Three Elites of the Central-East European Democratization, of

Jacek Wasilewski emphasizes that this part of Europe is characterized by three stages of social
and political change: a. Transition; b. Transformation; c. Consolidation10. These stages
correspond to three types of elites. Different elite groups must adapt to the socio-political
changes, for instance transition period requires different elites than the consolidation period.
Through the first stage, the author refers to transition as a relatively brief period
between two regimes, during which new rules of the political game are established 11.
Transition is a period when strategic choices are made. The transformation stage is a period
when processes and decisions are taken and implemented they emerge out of a
recombination of available resources, through a process of transformation of already existing
components12.
To continue with, there are two theoretical perspectives which this study employs. On
one hand there is the reproduction elite theory during the transition and on the other hand the
circulation elite theory. The first theory, formulated by Jadwiga Staniszkis13 and Elemer
Hankiss14, sustained the idea of a general reproduction of the communist elites by the
conversion of the political capital into the economic one. According to them, the old political
elite transform it into a new capitalist bourgeoisie by using the power of their offices and their
social connection to accumulate economic assets. Both authors argue that in the aftermath of
the collapse of communist institutional structure, members of the nomenklatura were able to
use their political influence to accumulate wealth. These members have metamorphosed into
private capitalists due to the fact that their positional power has allowed them to appropriate
productive assets and because the social networks of which they were members has provided
them with advantages in emergent markets15.
There is another opposing image of elite reproduction advanced by Erzsebet Szalai,
who focuses on the division of the old elite into two groups. These groups are the old
bureaucrats recruited into positions of power on the basis of political loyalty and the young
technocrats recruited on the basis of technical competence16.
10

Jacek WASILEWSKI, Three Elites of the Central-East European Democratization, in Radoslaw

MARKOWSKI, Edmund WNUK-LIPINSKI (eds), Transformative Paths in Central and Eastern Europe,
Friederich Ebert Stiftung, Warsaw, 2001, pp. 133-142.
11
Ibidem, p. 134.
12
Ibidem, p. 135.
13
Jadwiga STANISZKIS, The Dynamics of the Breakthrough in Eastern Europe, Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford,
University of California Press, 1991.
14
Elemer HANKISS, East European Alternatives, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1990.
15
Eric HANLEY et. al, The making of post-communist elites in Eastern Europe, Working papers of the research
project social Trends, No. 4, 1998, pp. 4-5.
16
Erzsebet SZALAI, The power structure in Hungary after the political transition, in Christopher G.A. Bryant
and Edmund Mokrzcki (eds.), The new great transformation? Change and continuity in East-Central Europe,

In 1993 a comparative study of elite recruitment in four post-communist countries

(Russia, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary) was conducted by Ivan Szeleny and Donald
Treiman17. The results did not confirm a massive reproduction of communist elites within the
post-communist power structure and infirmed the predictions of Hankiss and Staniszkis. After
1989, a part of the members of this group could be found in the new economic and political
elite, and another part was stopped in 1989 to accede in institutional power structures.
Therefore, excepting Russia, there was no reproduction of elites, but more a circulation.
Starting from this assumption, Gil Eyal, Ivan Szeleny and Eleonor Townsley
formulated the circulation elite theory, the second theoretical point of view of this study.
According to this, the former nomenklatura did not succeed in transforming into strong postcommunist elite who could rule the society18. The new elites are formed by people who
converted their cultural capital into a economic and political one.
The theory of elite reproduction holds that changes in Eastern and Central Europe did
not have an impact on the composition of elites, since the members of the nomeklatura was
able to stay at the top of the power structures and become the new elite, whereas, the theory of
elite circulation the key positions are occupied by new people on the basis of new principles19.
This discussion of elite reproduction and circulation points toward the national
dimension, and the local dimension was not addressed in-depth in theories of elite
reproduction and circulation.

4. STUDY CASE: NEW LOCAL POLITICAL ELITE IN RMNICU VLCEA MUNICIPALITY

Our case study of local political elites investigates Ramnicu Valcea. In analyzing the
emergence of new post-communist elite, we selected this municipality because of its status as
one of the most important cities from Oltenia region. Moreover, a structural legacy of
communist central planning left the city with a specialized industrial and economic structure.
In this study, the sample selection is based on more pragmatic considerations, such as
which local administrative institutions are important in the decision-making process. The
main selection has been made from the leaders of these institutions with the greatest political
London, Routledge, 1994.
17
Ken JOWITT, New World Disorder. The leninist extinction, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of
California Press, 1992, p. 294.
18
Gyl EYAL, Ivan SZELENY, Eleonor TOWNSLEY, Making Capitalism without capitalists: The New Ruling
Elites in Eastern Europe, Romanian Edition, Omega Press, 2001.
19
Ivan SZELENYI, Szonja SZELENYI. The Circulation or Reproduction of Elites during the Post-Communist
Transformation: An Introduction. , in Theory and Society, 1995, p. 616.

and administrative importance at local level. The elite selection from different administrative
institutions constitutes a rather representative sample of the local urban elite. Therefore, we
selected top administrative/political elites represented by mayors, prefects and presidents of
County Council.
In Rmnicu Vlcea the revolution started on 21-22 December, when flyers and
manifests against the Ceausescu regime appeared on the streets. On 22 December citizens
gathered in front of White House, headquarter of the Vlcea County Committee of
Romanian Communist Party. 20 When the national television announced the run of the
dictator, the crowd entered the headquarter of the Communist Party, occupying the building,
beating the people from there, including the general secretary of the Party, destroying
documents, portraits of the dictator, books and other. Participation of the local citizens in
these events can be summarized as follows: what happened in Bucharest and several
important cities in Romania, with scenes of bloodshed and violence, in Rmnicu Vlcea the
revolution was peaceful21, but following at small-scale the same pattern as at national level
occupying the headquarter of the Communist Party and other buildings of the leadership,
prolonged demonstrations in front of the local institutions, drilled flags, speeches against the
regime and dictator.
On December 23 it was constituted the County Council of the National Salvation
Front22. Symptomatic for a political organization like National Salvation Front the
transformation into a genuine political party brought to light different interests and political
strategies. This Council was composed of 14 members, out of whom two were military cadres
during the communist regime, nine were former members of the nomenklatura not so
influential during the communist regime, and the other two had no connection with the exnomenklatura. The first president was economist Marian Maciuca, and immediately after, he
was replaced by Colonel Mihai Dumitrescu23, who ran the Council for six months (December
1989 June 1990).
On 18 of February 1990, on the base of Law no. 81/1990, it was decided that the old
County Council of the NSF to become the Provisional Council of National Unity of Vlcea
(Consiliul Provizoiru Vlcea de Uniune Naional). The Council was formed as follows: half
of its members being composed of the members of the already existing Council, and the other
half from parties and minorities organizations representatives. Therefore, it was decided that
20

C. BURLACU, Amprente enigmatice pe obrazul revoluiei. Un ordin clar ntr-o situa ie neclar, in
Reporter, No. 55, 1992, pp. 2-10.
21
Local press, scuh as Orizonturi Noi, urged to peaceful participation from the citizens.
22
Orizonturi Noi, 23rd of December 1989, p. 4.
23
Orizonturi Noi, 23rd of December 1989, p. 4.

from the old Council to remain 51 members, plus 36 parties representatives (3 representatives
from each political party existent at that time in Vlcea from a total number of 12). The
Council ceased activity in August 1990.
According to Law no. 8/1990 from January 7, issued by the National Salvation Front
Council, is proposed 7 members for the city hall. Traian Dumitrascu mayor, one vice-mayor,
one secretary, and other 4 members (local councils). Traian Dumitrascu held this position
from January 1990 to August 1990. In September 1990 it was proposed for this position
Eugen Iordache, two vice-mayors, one secretary, and five members. In January 1992, until the
local elections, Emilian Ionescu held the position of mayor of Rmnicu Vlcea. Before 1989,
these local political elites held different positions in the local administration, industrial and
economic sector. This discontinuity of personnel is probably a consequence of the weakened
confidence of the local citizens in these leading elites. This aspect could be measured through
opinion polls, and in February 1990 it was conducted the first free opinion poll from Vlcea.
The results showed that the mayor was not seen well than the mayor of the county (now
prefect), as the first one was constantly associated with the function of manager he held on a
local enterprise during 1981-198824.
In 1990 it was adopted Law no. 5 regarding the representative of the government at
local level, named at the beginning mayor of the county (later known as prefect). Between
January 1990 December 1996 there had been appointed three prefects one of them with
two mandates25. All of them had been members in the second echelon of the local organization
of the Communist Party.
The successor party organization, National Salvation Front, from the local level was
favored in the institutionalization and consolidation process, because it was able to co-opt
members from the old nomenklatura or from the administrative communist apparatus
(especially members from lower stratum), persons who beneficiated of a certain decisional
savoir-faire and who had access to the resources. A group formed by former officials of the
party administration became the most important. It gathered people of the same generation,
experienced in the party administration and with more contacts within the administration
structures. The local structure of the Romanian Communist Party dissolved by it, without
being officially dissolved and thus much of the communist elite enjoyed the advantage of not
being in danger of any convictions or any lustration law. Consequently, in the period
following the events of 1989, many organizations were formed around individuals who
occupied positions of responsibility in the communist regime, associating with local political
24

Curierul de Valcea, 3rd of February 1990, p. 3.

Corneliu TAMA, A treia revoluie romn. Cteva zile din decembrie 1989 n judeul Vlcea, Rmnicu
Vlcea, Conphys, 2006.
25

elites uninvolved in communist political life, strengthening the party. After 1989 the local
political elites, who gained their social and political status under communism, tried to reinvent
their legitimacy.
In the former local nomenklatura, as at the national level, recruiting individuals was
not made on professional and meritocratic grounds, but by creating a permanent subordination
to the higher functions. Immediately, after 1989 the communist party and ideology were no
more mentioned in the public discourse, or explicitly condemned. Romanian Communist
Party disappeared from the local political scene26. Its formal dissolution did not involve a
downgrading of the local nomenklatura. Persons who had leading positions in the communist
apparatus disappeared from the political life. From the data collected from the local press,
some of them beneficiated from early retirement and others moved to economic or cultural
sectors27.
At a closer analyze we can observe the existence of three types of former communist
elite that perpetuated in the post-communist local administration structure. First, there was an
active member of the nomenklatura, faithful to Ceausescu, but who was marginalized and
never during the communist regime held superior position. After 1989 this type of elite
infiltrated in the new political structures created.
Second, there were those who constituted the leading revolutionary figures of the
revolution in Rmnicu Vlcea. They were those who were part of the communist party and
who represented a sort of passive dissidence to the dictatorship of Ceausescu. This type local
elite possessed sufficient prestige and expertise to take over the political power after the fall
of Ceausescu.
Third, this type of elite is atypical, and it is represented by the military personnel.
Surprisingly, they held important military positions during the communist regime, and after
1989 revolution they were identified with key political positions at local level. Probably the
explication resides from the fact that the Army was seen by the local citizens as an ally, as a
friend. This type of elite was active in the process of gaining independence as well, and in this
way it was supposed to acquire further legitimacy from the local citizens, necessary to
continue in running the public administration.
The brief analysis presented in this paper demonstrates a reproduction of communist
elites into the political elites of 1990 and 1996 in Rmnicu Vlcea. However, the demise of
state socialism stopped the entry of true newcomers into administration offices, especially for
those who did not occupy public offices before 1989. By and large, post-communist political
26

Ibidem.
C. BURLACU, Amprente enigmatice pe obrazul revoluiei. Un ordin clar ntr-o situa ie neclar, in
Reporter, No. 55, 1992.
27

elite consisted of individuals who had pursued cadre careers during communism, from
political, economic and military arenas. The degree of elite reproduction thus varied according
to the elite type in question.
5. CONCLUSION
The present analysis has taken further steps into a debate yielded by a number of
interlocking mutations such as the communist heritage on local communitys political elites
and the growth of the clientelism at local level. Basically, it entailed an application of the
reproduction/circulation elite theory on one particular local community, Rmnicu Vlcea, by
distinguishing the presence of this phenomenon after 1989 as such, by tracing the
particularities of each model with a regard to possible deviations, and concluding whether
these two theories apply to this case. From the conceptual level towards the actual
investigation of the case, the main purpose was to present a comprehensive account of local
political communist elite conversion in Romania.
The equilibrium between political institutions and actors has been altered by an
evolution towards a personalized style of doing politics. With a higher frequency, the
political arena witnesses personality-based conflicts in a competition between power and
opposition out of which the leaders have much more to gain or much more to lose. The 1989
events from Rmnicu Vlcea have changed the social hierarchies and led to the appearance of
an elite, who, more or less, was part of the communist power structure. Nomeklatura managed
to become able to take over the leading positions within the community, on the background of
a weak and absent civil society.
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10