GODDESS WORSHIP IN HINDUISM AND THE

POSITION OF WOMEN IN INDIAN SOCIETY

Aishwarya Pramod
TYBA 155
110126

ABSTRACT
My paper will examine the influence of Hindu goddess worship on Indian society, especially
with regard to the position of women. I focus on the variety and diversity of goddess imagery
prevalent in Hinduism, the modes by which women relate to, identify with, or approach the
goddesses as well as the social changes that arise based on womens relationship with the divine
feminine. I conclude that the goddess worship has the capacity to reinforce patriarchy but also
transform womens position in society; ultimately, it is all contingent on womens method of
worship and form of identification with goddesses, and social formations that exist alongside
these identifications and practices.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful for the opportunity provided to me by St. Xaviers College to carry out this
dissertation. I extend my sincere thanks to Professor Vinita Bhatia for her valuable guidance, and
to my interviewees for their cooperation and help. I also thank my family for their support.

CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION

LITERATURE REVIEW

I. Goddesses as Serving Patriarchy

II. Goddess Traditions as Possibly Empowering

11

III. Summary of the Literature Review

15

GODDESS WORSHIP AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN HINDU SOCIETY

17

I. Multiplicity of Hindu traditions and goddess worship

17

II. Theoretical orientation of the paper

18

III. Vaishnavism

19

IV. Shaivism

21

V. Shaktism

22

VI. Tantricism

24

VII. Village and folk goddesses

25

VIII. Interviews with urban middle class Hindus in Mumbai

28

CONCLUSION

30

NOTES

32

BIBLIOGRAPHY

34

INTRODUCTION
An oft repeated line one hears is, India is a country where we worship women as goddesses and
yet burn them for dowry and kill girls in the womb. On the other hand, Indian goddesses are
becoming a resource for the feminist movement, largely in the West but also increasingly in
India. My paper will examine the influence of Hindu goddess worship on Indian society,
especially with regard to the position of women. It will ultimately seek to explain whether or not
the prevalence of goddess worship is empowering for women or not, and give reasons for the
same.
Within and outside academia, there is a raging debate going on with regard to goddess worship in
Hindu society. Hindu nationalists wish to mobilize women through goddess imagery, while ecofeminists relate goddess imagery to anti-capitalist and environmentalist struggle. Western
feminists turn to Indian goddesses for their spiritual needs, while Indians cry that this amounts to
cultural appropriation. Gandhian, leftist, eco-feminist, nationalist, and postmodern scholars all
have very different takes on Hindu goddesses. And each has a different definition of
empowerment based on his or her political and theoretical allegiances.
The literature review summarizes the positions of various writers on the relationship between
goddess worship/goddess imagery and gender relations in Indian society. The literature review is
divided into two parts following the introduction. In the first, I broadly summarize the views of
those authors who look on goddess traditions with suspicion and view them as propping up or
reinforcing patriarchal norms. In the next section I will cover the views of those authors who
take a positive view of the role of goddesses in the lives of Hindu women, or at are least
somewhat mixed or ambiguous in their views about the goddess potential to empower women.

LITERATURE REVIEW
The objective of the literature review is to examine the perspectives of different scholars on this
issue and sketch out the different trends in the sociological writings pertaining to Hindu goddess
culture. This topic is of great interest to scholars of South Asian studies and feminist studies, who
have written extensively on it.
6

The history of Hinduism in India has not been monolithic and did not develop in a single,
coherent, linear fashion. David Kinsley (1987) provides a long list of goddesses in different
Hindu traditions, the history of their chronological evolution, as well as explanations of various
Hindu philosophical concepts. Some branches of Indian religion that worship goddesses claim
that there is a single transcendent Great Goddess, the ultimate reality and a powerful cosmic
force, and every goddess and god is in fact simply one of her manifestations. But there are also
other traditions, especially of lower caste and tribal people, which do not believe in an
overarching Great Goddess and worship local or village goddesses. Hinduism often represents
the Goddess as the feminine principle (Hiltebeitel & Erndl, 2002).
Not all goddesses are written about equally in academia; until recently, folk goddesses and
village goddesses were ignored largely ignored by scholars up until the point their worship was
Brahminized or their name was mentioned in a Sanskrit texts.1 Indian scholars too did not pay
much attention to folk goddesses until they were first written about by Westerners (Rajan, 1998).
Additionally, writers also have differing opinions on what feminism and empowerment
mean. While some authors consider womens empowerment in terms of their legal rights,
literacy, access to resources, etc., other scholars maintain that the primary function of goddesses
and mythical female role models such as Sita, Savitri, etc. is not to impart rights but to provide
psychological comfort. Gross definition of feminism is the idea that women are human beings in
their own right, unlike in androcentric scholarship where men are the only genuinely human
subjects. Other scholars who study womens historical position in Hindu society with respect to
goddess worship use feminism predominantly as a hermeneutical method. There is also a focus
on the ecological feminism of goddesses and village women, especially amongst scholars with a
Gandhian bent of mind. Thus, which group of people chooses which goddess(es) to represent
themselves is a reflection of political situation in any given case.

I. Goddesses as Serving Patriarchy

Lack of identification of human women with goddesses
Feminist scholars like Christ (1983) and Daly (1973) criticize religious traditions that have only
male divine symbols because the image of divinity as exclusively male leads people to think that
it is appropriate for men to hold all important positions of authority in society, and reciprocally,
the fact that men have more power in society reinforces the notion that divinity is most
appropriately conceptualized as male. In other words male dominated theologies and male
dominated societies are mutually reinforcing. Using Geertz idea of symbols as being able to
produce powerful, persuasive and long-lasting moods and motivations in people, Christ suggests
that goddess symbolism and imagery supports the idea of human women as powerful and can
profoundly impact womens position in society.
However, others scholars like Pintchman (2002) and Humes (2002) find this kind of
interpretation to be too literal. Pintchman says that symbols can have multiple, even
contradictory meanings and interpretations based on the cultural context. Hindus do not interpret
the goddess symbol to mean female power, because in the Hindu worldview, goddesses and
women inhabit separate realms and do not share a common nature. So, Hindu women do not
directly associate or identify themselves with the goddess to find empowerment, i.e. goddesses
do not serve as role models.
Humes carried out a survey of Shakta worshippers (54 men and 25 women) of Mahadevi about
how the Devi compared to human females. She showed that peoples perception of Devi differs
greatly from their rather misogynistic view of human women. Pintchman similarly found a lack
of identification between women and goddesses through her field research in Benaras on
priestesses officiating at a goddess temple. Many priestesses of a goddess consider their role
appropriate, not because they are closer to the goddess by virtue of any shared power, but
because they do not intrude upon her while seeing her naked icon. Several priestesses espoused
traditional patriarchal views and idealized the pativrat ideal. In fact the women had not chosen
independently to become priestesses, but had married into families that owned the temple, where
it was the traditional duty of the daughter-in-law to serve as a priestess, as an extension of their
duty to their husbands and in-laws.
8

Goddesses as the embodiment of patriarchal fears and desires

Pintchman, Humes, Menon and many others argue that goddesses, instead of promoting
resistance against the system, in fact serve to keep patriarchy standing. Many of these scholars
classify Hindu goddesses into two types: one, married goddesses who are benevolent, devoted
to children and husband, givers of life and wealth. Two, unmarried goddesses, who in the
absence of a consort, are sexually unbridled, bloodthirsty and dangerous. When the female
dominates the male the pair is sinister; when male dominates female the pair is benign (Babb,
1975:225).
A large number of Indian feminists, influenced by socialism and dialectic materialism, subscribe
to this view of religion as a kind of superstructure for patriarchy. Feminine divinity is the
embodiment of male desires in a female figure, i.e. the subordination of female sexuality enacted
through goddesses. Subservient mythical figures like Sita (who in some parts of India is
considered a goddess) are praised for their fidelity and submission to their husbands, and are
adopted by women as role models (Menon & Shweder, 2002).
Indian feminists are also critical of nationalist projects that claim to empower women by
associating women with powerful goddesses. Rajan (1998) points out that while nationalist
Hinduvta organizations encourage women to identify with Kali or Durga and play their part in
ridding the world of evil (which in this case takes the form of the Muslim Other), they also try to
socialize women into the benevolent roles of wife and mother through role models like
Lakshmi, Saraswati, Sita, etc. Rajan points out that far from womens empowerment, the Hindu
nationalists invocation of goddess imagery is simply an usurpation of womens agency by these
very organizations, for their own ends. Furthermore she points out that apart from promoting
violence and majoritarian communalism, Hindutva is primarily an upper-caste ideology. Thus it
alienates Dalit women from the upper-caste women, preventing the formation of any kind of
united womens movement in India.
Glorifying voluntary submission: the co-opting of shakti by patriarchy
The dichotomy of pure and polluted in Hinduism has existed since later Vedic times, with
women being identified with pollution especially due to the biological fact of menstruation. This
dichotomy has served to stratify society and oppress women. But there seems to be some hope
9

for women in the concept of shakti or the power or potentiality that exists within women.
Often it is associated with womens creative, productive and reproductive capabilities, and
therefore with their sexualities. Several writers note that the concept of shakti lies outside the
pure/polluted dichotomy and in instead linked up with the less hierarchical axis of
auspiciousness/inauspiciousness. So shakti could potentially empower women (Erndl, 2002).
But as Rita Gross (2002) observes, this kind of empowerment eludes women, as a new axis of
power/authority emerges, where women have power and men have authority. It is important to
realize that women do not necessarily control shakti and are sometimes not even aware that
they posses it. According to Erndl (2002), Hindu patriarchy is based on the recognition that
women are powerful, and therefore need to be controlled. Sexually unbridled women are
especially frightening to Hindu patriarchy. So, benevolent goddesses are those who have
transferred control of their sexuality to their husbands. Susan Wadley (1977) notes that Hindu
mythology is replete with stories of the wifes chastity being the source of her husbands power.
Women are considered shaktidayanis (givers of strength or power) but it is also recognized that
female power is destructive, dangerous and needs to be controlled. Stri shakti does not
necessarily refer to womens agency but rather womens potentiality that can be tapped by
patriarchal society. Many authors thus feel that shakti now needs to be rescued from its
patriarchal prison (Erndl, 2002).
Even apart from simply existing as a source of power for men, women are further encouraged to
give up their power to men through willful, active acts of subordination. Hindu mythology shows
us that men may often lose control of a situation, but women through their own willful
subordination and naturally moral constitution, control themselves and return power to the men.
Menon and Shweder (2002) carried out a survey in Bhubaneshwar asking people for their
interpretation of the relationship between Kali and Shiva. The gods had sent Kali to fight the
demon Mahisha, without telling her that she would have to strip, as Mahisha could only be killed
by a naked woman. When Kali finds out, she strips and kills Mahisha, but also goes on a furious
killing spree. At the gods behest, Shiva lies down in front of Kali, who steps on him. She is
overcome with lajja (shame and respectful restraint) at stepping on her lord and stops her
rampage. Potentially, she had the power to continue killing, and Shiva did not actually have the
power to stop her. But she voluntarily controlled her own power and is thus is subservient to
10

Shiva here. In this way, Hindu women are encouraged to believe that voluntary submission is
their duty.
Suffering as ennobling to women
The concept of womens natural inferiority and acquired self-discipline together give rise to the
idea that suffering ennobles women. The women surveyed by Menon and Shweder believed that
women control their own emotions better than men and can show more restraint. They accepted
their natural inferiority due to menstruation. But with a lifetime of practice, the women felt that
they have become so adept at controlling themselves that even men, the natural superiors, have
to accept the moral superiority of women. Thus women may start off as naturally inferior but
work to transcend it, and eventually make themselves morally superior to men. Thus women
believe that when they submit themselves willingly to male domination they are exercising self
control, discipline and restraint. Many of the people surveyed, both women and men, readily
accepted that women shoulder much heavier burdens of work than men do, and also suffer more
than men do. But the people also believed that the ability of women to suffer through any
situation only reflected their iron self control. So even though women may suffer, since such
suffering is voluntary it ennobles rather than degrades then.
Rajan (1998) points out that even if goddesses serve to psychologically comfort women, this too
could be seen as ultimately functioning to preserve the patriarchal system. The idea that women
(and other disadvantaged groups) engage in religious practices and experience spiritual
empowerment is a kind of consolation prize for losing status in the real, material world where
they have very few rights.
In material terms, this entire concept seems to be nothing but an ideological justification for the
inordinate amount of debasement that women have to go through in Hindu societies. In other
words, it is extremely convenient for patriarchy if women nobly suffer through dowry
harassment, domestic violence and heavy work burdens. Therefore, Menon and Shweder answer
the question, Is the goddess a feminist? by saying Mostly, no.

11

II. Goddess Traditions as Possibly Empowering

Breaking of stereotypes and a celebration of womens creative power
Scholars who assert that Hindu goddess(es) can be considered feminist, first of all emphasize the
plurality and richness of Hindu tradition in contrast to the single patriarchal god of JudeoChristian tradition (Rajan, 1998). Hinduism breaks gender stereotypes by attributing power to a
feminine divinity, no matter what kind of power whether it is unruly, negative, sexually
unbridled, or maternal, protective, asexual. According to some scholars, the positive
constructions of femininity found in goddess imagery, and in the related imagery of the
virangana or heroic woman have created a cognitive framework for Hindus to accept and
accommodate powerful female figures like Indira Gandhi and Phoolan Devi. The same would
not have been possible in Western religious traditions (Gross, 2002).
The diversity of Hindu society is also reflected in the fact that each caste and class of society has
different forms of goddess worship. Rajan notes that goddess worship is highly prevalent
amongst lower castes, women and even non-Hindus, thus clearing certain spaces of alternative
belief and practice in the monolith of Brahminical Hinduism. Rajan quotes Kancha Iliah, who
suggests that the autonomous and independent Shudra goddesses of Dalits are especially
conducive to a democratic, progressive kind of womens empowerment. Iliah gives the example
of Pochamma, a popular dalitbahujan deity in Andhra Pradesh who protects people from diseases
and cures them. She is an independent goddess without any husband, who relates to nature,
production and procreation. People can communicate with her in their own language and there is
no need for a Brahmin priest.
Rajan writes that several scholars, including Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, mention that the
worship of a mother-goddess like figure constitutes a matriarchal culture. This means that both
men and women in the culture acknowledge the power of women as life-givers and sources of
activating energy.
The importance of interpretive context
Several authors argue that goddesses can be interpreted to both empower women and
disempower them. Gross (2002) writes that if the goddess devotees are feminist, then the
12

goddesses will be feminists and vice versa. The goddess by herself cannot be considered a
feminist or a non-feminist. It is only if her devotees are feminist, that she is feminist, and if they
are not, she is not. Pintchman (2002) even contends that religion with exclusively male divine
imagery are not necessarily against womens empowerment; they only end up oppressing women
because their interpretation takes place in a patriarchal context.
According to Sherma (2002), it all depends on the choice of divine model that a Hindu woman
identifies with. Thus, while women often identify with the subservient Lakshmi or the longsuffering Sita or the goddess Sati, there are also examples of identifications which empower
women to break free of orthodox norms (for example the autonomous, revered Tantric yoginis,
or the poetess-saint Mira Bai). These women are characterized by self-assurance and
independence that mirrors contemporary feminist spiritual longings.
Several authors noted that the phenomenon of possession by the goddess is used by some
women to effectively resist oppression by claiming spiritual powers (Erndl, 2002; Gross, 2002).
Divine possession is one of the few culturally accepted forms of avoiding marriage in Indian
society. Married women simulated possession especially at the time of pregnancy to wrest
concessions from their families for special food. There are also accounts of women who used
possession to reform alcoholic husbands or to obtain more money for household expenses.
Thus the goddess is, in a way, a traditional source of power for women.
Sherma (2002) contends that womens religious aspirations found a voice in those periods of
Hindu history which emphasized the divine feminine and provided women maximum access to
divine feminine models. She writes that the availability of models of the divine feminine has
been instrumental in the emergence of female spiritual adepts throughout Hindu history, and cites
examples from the Bhakti women saints and from the powerful yoginis of Shakta-Tantra. Gross
(2002) emphasizes the difference between a theology of identification and the theology of
reciprocity", the former of which is infinitely more empowering to women than the latter. The
theology of reciprocity revolves around a reciprocal relationship between deity and worshipper.
Various articles are procured to please the goddess and the priest is the agent of the worshipper.
This is seen in traditional Shaktism dominated by Brahmin priests (textual experts). However, in
both Bhakti and Tantric traditions, there is no mediator or interpreter with oneself and the divine.
Bhakti emphasized personal devotion and identification, while Tantric rituals were the sacred
13

presence is to be phenomenologically experienced. Thus the worshipper directly identifies with

the goddess instead of attempting to please the transcendent deity through offerings in exchange
for blessings.
Hinduism as recognizing womens humanity
Gross (2002) gives her own definition of feminism as the idea that women are human beings in
their own right, unlike in androcentric scholarship where men are the only genuinely human
subjects. Androcentric scholarship classifies and analyzes women as if women themselves have
no consciousness, no sense of self and no ability to name reality. Thus feminism focuses on that
which promotes and recognizes womens humanity, though there is considerable disagreement
on what women want or need as human beings.
According to Gross there is no stronger indicator of womens humanity than divine female
imagery, as this shows that woman is good enough to be represented as divine. Often, womens
status and well being is evaluated in terms of autonomy and self determination, in spheres like
law, politics, economics, etc. However in Indian society which values individualism, neither men
nor women have much autonomy. Thus the role of the goddess is not to provide high status or
rights of women, but their psychological comfort first and foremost. The presence of divine
female figures, even submissive ones like Sita, should be considered feminist because they
promote womens humanity and provide psychological comfort to women, which is the first and
foremost function of religion. Even the submissive goddess Sita provides Hindu women a
comforting model of wifehood that they can identify with. Sitas subservient nature does not
automatically mean that she has been a negative factor in the lives of Hindu women. In fact the
life of a Hindu wife would be much bleaker if she did not have her divine counterpart as an
example and source of solace.
Gross goes as far as to question the pervasiveness of Indian patriarchy and suggests that perhaps
mythical male dominance is a more apt descriptor for India. This means that established
authority may be in the hands of men but women still do wield considerable influence and power
though neither women nor men overtly realize this.

14

The oppressed Hindu woman as a Western category

According to Miranda Shaw (2002), western scholars have to some extent misinterpreted Indian
goddess traditions due to the use of western prism and western categories. She uses the example
of Tantric Hinduism and Buddhism. The prevailing Western view has been that women of Tantric
Buddhism were dominated, marginalized and exploited by their male cohorts. However Shaw
writes that this view is a result of ethnocentric and andocentric western interpretations of Tantra.
Using feminist hermeneutical analyses the author explains how Tantric Buddhism was
empowering for women in the religious, spiritual, social and also sexual sense.
She elaborates on some of the reasons for misinterpretations of Indian goddesses and Indian
social systems due to the limitations of the dominant western frameworks of analyses:

In a lot of western analyses, it is assumed that female images and women themselves

function as the objects of male desire and consumption. There is no room for creative female
subjective experience, which is actually a more accurate understanding of the Tantric texts.

Another reason is the patriarchal fallacy which assumes that patriarchy is a cultural

universal or that patriarchy necessarily takes the same form in every society. The gynocentric
Tantric religion is an example of women who charted the course of their own religious lives and
equated their own bodies with the goddess, enjoying complete freedom of lifestyle, livelihood
and relationships without answering to any male authority.

The construct of the oppressed Indian woman as obvious and self-evident is in fact a

colonial construct which justified the racial superiority of the Europeans and upheld colonialism
and imperialism. This image of the oppressed Indian woman as a universally accepted idea still
thrives today.
Thus western feminists actually capitalize upon the devaluation of Indian women and represent
themselves as liberated, autonomous agents compared to the powerless victimized Third World
woman. Feminist scholarship has still not fully acknowledged the material and historical
heterogeneities of Indian women. According to Shaw, scholars should carry out analyses that are
geographically localized and culturally contextualized, where the Hindu women themselves get
to act as authorial subjects who engage in self definition.
15

Religious symbols and the Indian Feminist movement

Many Indian feminists are now promoting shakti to generate feminist consciousness among a
broad base of women (Erndl, 2002). Erndl clarifies that this does not mean that Indian feminists
are cynically exploiting religious images for their own ends but rather, they are expanding their
own visions of feminism to include a spiritual dimension and are finding powerful resources
within their own traditions. The most prolific press publishing books for women is in fact called
Kali for Women. Mahila Mandals often draw upon the concept of womens shakti. Shakti,
being an almost universal Hindu category, could be used to unite Indian women of different
social strata.
Certain Indian lesbian feminists have even gone as far as to locate a positive lesbian identity in
ancient myths of goddesses and other figures, which they argue were then obscured by
Brahminical hegemony and colonialism. The point here is not to ascertain whether such claims
are actually historically valid. Rather, it shows the extent to which Indian feminists are now
probing their own traditions and recover and embrace certain elements of these traditions. In
recent years, the womens journal Manushi has carried more articles related to goddesses, bhakti
women saints, and other Indian cultural resources unlike its earlier years where it took a more
socialist viewpoint that totally denigrated religion as oppressive to women.

III. Summary of the literature review

To summarize, many scholars view goddesses as simply tools of patriarchy. The literature
especially focuses on the control of female sexuality that is justified through goddess myths and
imagery. Other important themes were the idea of women being ennobled through suffering
and the usurpation of womens agency by the Hindu chauvinist nationalist movement.
There are also scholars who hold that goddess worship has a positive impact on womens lives.
They focus on the importance of the feminine principle in Hinduism, the importance of
interpretive context and the role of colonial discourse in creating an image of the universally
oppressed Hindu woman.

16

Finally, even amongst scholars who hold that goddess imagery has not been particularly
beneficial to women in Hindu society, there is still possibility and potential for feminist
interpretations of these symbols that could serve to empower women.
Therefore different scholars have a variety of different opinions on the relationship between
goddesses and womens empowerment. Their analysis depends not only on their own social
location and their own political and theoretical affiliations, but also on which sect of Hinduism
they chose to study.

17

GODDESS WORSHIP AND THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN HINDU SOCIETY

From the vast amount of literature available on the topic of goddess worship and women in
Indian society, one pattern is noticeable: i.e., scholars who make a claim either supporting or
disputing the idea that goddesses empower women, mainly do so on the basis of analyzing only
one kind of Hindu tradition and only one kind of woman. Many scholars study only one
particular Hindu sect or tradition, but seek to generalize their findings to the whole of Hindu
society. Any kind of nuanced analysis of Indian society would have to recognize the cultural
differences, complexities and multiple identities that exist within it. In fact the Indian society is
illusive to define. Therefore I find the need to first and foremost outline the various threads of
Hindu goddess worship throughout India, which differ on the basis of class, caste, and the ruralurban divide. One must keep in mind the large variety of Hindu schools or sects, and the
prevalence of both Dravidian and Aryan influences on Hinduism, to understand the great
diversity of divine feminine imagery in Hinduism.
After outlining the diversity which exists, I go on to outline the theoretical underpinnings of my
paper. Then I take up four major forms or trends of worship in Hinduism: Vaishnavism,
Shaivism, Shaktism and Tantricism. For each of these I explain how they theologize the divine
feminine, how women relate to the divine feminine, and what the relevant social impacts are. I
then take up the issue of goddesses and gender relations specifically in an urban context, which I
believe to be highly influenced by Vedanta philosophy, and has also seen the greatest benefits of
the Indian feminist movements in terms of legal rights and socio-economic advancement.
Finally, I conclude that the goddesses play an ambivalent role in Indian culture, and an analysis
of goddess culture with respect to gender relations is highly dependent on the specific traditions
being studied, and the social formations that accompany these traditions.

I. Multiplicity of Hindu traditions and goddess worship

The historical development Hinduism has seen religious influences from at least two different
time periods and cultures: the indigenous Dravidians and the Sanskrit-speaking Aryans who
migrated from Central Asia (Keay, 2000). Since Dravidian, Aryan and even other global cultures
have been intertwined for centuries, it is not possible to clearly demarcate Hindu practices as
18

either one or the other. Most Hindu traditions bear the influences of both. For example, Diesel
(2005) mentions that even though Kali and Durga have been adopted into mainstream
Brahminical practice, but their roots are pre-Vedic.
The Aryan influence is generally associated with the Sanskritized and Brahminical culture of the
now mainstream Hindu schools of worship, while the strong vestiges of Dravidian culture are
present in the traditions of village goddesses or folk goddesses (Diesel, 2005). Often the
worshippers of folk goddesses are influenced by Sanskritic culture and try to draw a connection
between their local deity and a Sanskritic goddess, positioning their local goddess as a
manifestation of the great goddess. This is perhaps to increase the local goddess credentials in
their own minds as being an important part of the greater cosmic order, or to make their goddess
more understandable to an outsiders reference point (Kinsley, 1987). Furthermore, the Sanskritic
culture in itself is not monolithic but has various different forms of worship within it such as
Shaktism, Vaishnavism, Shaivism, etc., each of which have different theological orientations and
different hierarchical structures accompanying them.

II. Theoretical orientation of the paper: self-definition and the matrix of domination
I hold patriarchy to be one of the axes of oppression that women experience, some others being
class, caste, etc., all of which intersect in the form of a matrix of domination (Collins, 1990).
Economy, law, political, socio-cultural norms, language and religion are all different systems of
oppression that work together as well as against each other to influence the lives of women in
Indian society. Religion as a system of oppression operates at multiple interrelated domains of
power: structural, hegemonic and personal/interpersonal. At a structural level, religion is
organized in such a way as to give men the maximum authority, for example the official position
of Brahmin priests or positioning the male as the head of the household. Hegemonically, it
legitimates this oppression through various justifications of existing power relations, for example
by justifying womens inferiority by referring to their biology, or else idealization of the
pativrat and stri-dharma. Oppression is reinforced in everyday interactions at the
personal/interpersonal level, but this is also the domain that offers maximum avenues for

19

resistance as it has the potential to provide safe spaces in which women can engage in selfdefinition and oppose hegemonic constructions of womanhood.
Though gendered oppression is near-universal, it is very important to note that the historical and
situation context of the matrix of oppression vastly differs from one section of Hindu society to
another. Keeping this framework in mind, my primary interest in studying goddesses and religion
is to see what kind of opportunities it provides women to engage in self-definition, and the
results of this self-definition for society in general. To analyze this, I will take up different
strands of Hinduism separately and analyze them individually for the relationship between
women and goddesses in each tradition.

III. Vaishnavism
Vaishnavism, Shaivism and Shaktism are three of the most common and mainstream Hindu
traditions. In many of these traditions, the godhead is divided into two complementary parts, one
of which is identified with a male god and the other with a goddess. The male part of the pairing
is associated with stillness and inactivity. Shakti, associated with the female part, is understood
to mean the active dimension that allows the godhead to create the world and display itself
(Kinsley, 1987). In Vaishnavism and Shaivism, which focus on worshipping Vishnu and Shiva
respectively, these parts are interdependent, but shakti has greater importance in Shaivism than in
Vaishnavism.
Vaishnavism and Shaivism to a great extent are Sanskritic practices mediated by Brahmin priests,
and the accompanying social norms are quite patriarchal in both religious and material terms.
The rise and influence of the Bhakti movement gave relatively more opportunities to women:
since there was a resurgence and revitalization of the divine couple, women began to identify
with the feminine half of the divine couple (Sherma, 2002). A Vaishnava example, is the
extremely popular cult of Radha, which involved a strong identification with Radha and
indirectly put a premium on womanhood as such. All of this served to spiritually empower
women and destabilize traditional (male) Brahminical authority to a degree.

20

Another important example that one must explore when it comes to Vaishnava traditions is Sita.
In many parts of India, both rural and urban, Sita is seen as the ideal woman and a goddess. One
the one hand, the idealization of Sita can be seen simply as a hegemonic practice that helps
reinforce the idea that women must be submissive to their husbands and meekly withstand any
abuse dealt out by their husbands. Conversely, it is acceptable for a man to mistreat his wife and
still expect her to faithfully serve him (Sutherland, 1989).
However it is also useful to closely analyze how exactly women relate to Sita. Women view Sita
as someone whose sense of dharma or duty is superior even to Rams. Sita is seen as flawless
while Ram is flawed because of his behavior towards his wife and children. When it comes to
Sitas refusal to go through with a second agni-pariksha, Rams rejection of Sita is almost
universally condemned while her rejection of him is held up as an example of supreme dignity
(Kishwar, 1997). Sen (1998) in her study of womens folk songs in Marathi, Telugu, Bengali and
Hindi, noted that Bengali women go as far as to call Ram mad and sinner. Womens nearuniversal criticism of Ram and veneration of Sita indicates that women do not believe that men
should get a free pass for mistreating their wives.
Sens study of folk songs also examined how women use the myths of Sita to explore their own
conditions, and express their hopes and fears about various issues in their own lives including
orphanhood, marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, domestic abuse, abandonment and loneliness.
These songs deal with the most difficult stages of a womans life where she is under considerable
risk and insecurity. They use the mythology of Sita to sketch out the stories of their own lives
and share it with each other. They identify their own suffering with Sitas, and by engaging in
these processes of self-definition, they derive comfort from Sitas forbearance, which lends a
feeling of dignity to their own hardships.
But ultimately Vaishnavism still believed in the concept of stri dharma and kept women within
the confines of traditional social structures exemplified by the great level of pressure initially
faced by Mira Bai to have a traditional family life. Similarly with the issue of womens
identification with Sita, even if helps them cope with the realities of their own lives, it is highly
questionable whether this leads to change in any other facet of their lives. Even though Ram is
acknowledged to have mistreated Sita, the tenets of dharma themselves are never challenged.

21

Sita is seen as having a superior sense of dharma, but dharma itself is based on the subordination
of women to mens authority.
According to Kishwar (1997), women hardly have any authority in their marital homes and if
they are mistreated by their husbands, they need support from their in-laws and other extended
kin. They can get this support only by setting themselves above any kind of reproach, i.e. by
establishing themselves as Sita-like ideal women so that their transgressing husbands look like
the cruel and unjust Ram. She goes on to say, By shaping themselves in the Sita mould, women
often manage to acquire enormous clout and power over their husbands and family. However in
my opinion, when a woman tries to fit into the Sita mould, it is not truly empowering; it is
nothing but a patriarchal bargain, i.e. a tactic in which a woman accommodates and upholds
patriarchal norms that disadvantage women overall, but maximizing her own power and options.
Acceptance of the inherently oppressive family structure is a poor strategy in the long run for
women as a group to increase their power and influence. Identification with Sita only made it
easier to enter the patriarchal bargain.2 Vaishnava women, having to ultimately live up to the
hegemonic ideals of stri-dharma exemplified by the model wives, Lakshmi, Sita and Radha, have
not been able to use religion as a stepping stone to oppose oppression and discrimination in the
economic and political spheres of their lives.

IV. Shaivism
In Shaivism, though Shiva is the supreme reality, the ultimate ground of the absolute is a
blissful union of Shiva and shakti. Shiva and shakti have equal importance and in some branches
of Shaivism, shakti (often represented in the form of Parvati, Kali, Durga, etc.) acquires
iconographic and ritual prominence (Kinsley, 1987).
The higher status given to shakti in Shaivism is reflected in the relationship between Shiva and
Parvati, which is more equal than those found in Vaishnava traditions. Shiva and Parvati are
often depicted together as a single deity called Ardhanarishvara, "the Lord whose half is
woman". Of course, this does not represent literal gender equality, but that Shiva (the male half
of the godhead, associated with stillness and inactivity) needs shakti (the female half associated
with creativity) to manifest in the world. In popular culture, Parvati is seen as drawing Shiva out
22

of his asceticism, influencing his domestic and non-domestic decisions. Women see Shiva as an
affectionate husband who is not domineering or bossy (Kishwar, 1997).
Since shakti is given more importance than in Vaishnavism, women have more autonomous
models to draw from and enjoy greater freedom in Shaivite tradition, especially under the
influence of the Bhakti movement. Lalla Ded, a famous Kashmiri Shaiva saint, who through her
identification and self-definition as shakti, was able to break several of the structural barriers that
women traditionally face. She escaped from her abusive marriage and became a yogini or
wandering ascetic. She conversed with the greatest male religious authorities of the age on an
equal footing. At the same time she used simple language to express herself which is directly
accessible to people without any mediating Brahminical authority (Khan, 2010). Sherma (2002)
mentions that Lalla Ded even wandered around without clothes (which to her represented
attachment to societys approval and disapproval), which I see as her way of transcending
societys sexualization and demonization of womens impure bodies.
This is not to say that Shaiva women have complete equality with men in every sphere of life.
But it does mean that religion provided an avenue for self-definition that destabilized the
hegemonic constructions of the ideal family and the ideal woman. Since oppression works
through a number of systems (economic, political, familial, cultural, religious, etc.), challenging
patriarchal hegemony in only one of those spheres does not immediately lead to emancipation
from the matrix of domination. However, the high status given to these women saints who
identified with an autonomous, powerful shakti complementary to Shiva, can be seen as an
insiders resistance that began in one sphere of life (religion) and had the potential to challenge
oppression in many other spheres, i.e., the familial, the economic, the political, etc.

V. Shaktism
In Shaktism, shakti refers to the ultimate reality of the world and not as one of two
complementary poles. Shaktism worships Mahadevi (shakti), the great goddess, who if ever is
related to a male deity, he will play a subservient role. Mahadevi is not only the ultimate reality,
but the source of all divine manifestations (gods and goddesses but especially goddesses),
through whom she governs the world (Kinsley, 1987). The shakti in Shaktism has full
23

autonomy and agency (Sherma, 2002). Devi is a benevolent mother, granting wisdom,
embodying female physical beauty or as the source of food and nourishment. She is also a
ferocious warrior, with an emaciated body indicating a desire to consume everything, and is
often referred to as drinking intoxicants. Shaktas worship Devi in benevolent forms like Lakhsmi
and Parvati, but most commonly in her ferocious aspect as Durga. Some texts despite their
description of Devis female characteristics assert she is beyond all categories including male
and female.
A literalistic interpretation of Shakta symbolism would assume that Shakta women would
identify themselves with Devi and have greater autonomy, as envisioned by champions of
goddess symbolism like Daly (1973) and Christ (1983). However, in my opinion, such scholars
may have a Western bias. The New Age goddess worship movement in the West often strongly
encourages women to identify with goddesses (Simos, 2004), so these Western scholars, many of
whom have a background in this kind feminist theology, assume a similar identification of
women with goddess in India as well.
Humes (2002) carried out a survey of 54 men and 25 women about how the Great Goddess
compared to human females. Most respondents did not see a similarity between the two, citing
differences such as the way they are created and their power to create and protect life and levels
of spiritual awareness. Humes notes strikingly that they did not even bring up a similarity
between the Goddess mothering of her followers and a human mothers caring for her children.
Neither did any of the respondents bring up the concept of shakti, let alone say it was present
in both the Goddess and women. Four of the men in fact contrasted Goddess and women through
shakti, by saying that while the Goddess was shakti, the same was not applicable to human
women.
Mainstream Shaktism is dominated by Brahmin male priests. In the Devi Bhagavatam, a key
Shakta text, Mahadevis own voice describes the nature of women as reckless, deceitful, cruel
and foolish (Sherma, 2000). Even though Shaktism venerates shakti in the form Mahadevi much
more than Vaishnavism and Shaivism, the latter two can be said to be more empowering to
women, spiritually and perhaps even in other spheres of their lives.

24

VI. Tantricism
Tantricism is not a sect or a theology, but a method of worship that has influenced practices in
various Hindu sects, including Vaishnavism, Shaivism, Shaktism, and even other religions like
Buddhism and Jainism. Its methods and outlook are unique enough that in my opinion, it
deserves a separate category of study despite not being a separate theology. In Tantra, the
worshipper performs rituals that attempted to evoke a sense of sacred presence and heighten the
awareness of the immanence of Shakti within ones own mind-body complex (Gross, 2002).
Gross characterizes Tantra as involving a theology of identification where the worshipper tries
to identify directly with the divine being, whereas orthodox worship involves a theology of
reciprocity where various attempts are made to please the deity to procure rewards in return.
Often a textual expert (a priest) is required to conduct worship in the theology of reciprocity.
The theology of identification, according to Gross, is more empowering to women than the
theology of reciprocity.
Orthodoxy and orthopraxy in Hinduism is based on asceticism and transcendence of physical
reality, which are in turned based on the dichotomy between mind and body. We have already
seen how the impurity of womens bodies was then used to justify womens inferior status. In
Tantricism on the other hand, ultimate truth is itself embodied in the mind-body complex and
was phenomenologically experienced.
Historical analysis shows that gynocentric Tantric influences on different schools of Hinduism
often raised the status of women in that school. For example Sherma (2002) notes that the
development of Bengal Vaishanvism, notable for its inclusion of women in leadership roles,
coincided with increasing influence in the region of Sahajayana, a Buddhist Tantric school.
Similarly, Kanphata Nathism, also significantly influenced by Tantricism, allowed for widow
remarriage in a time when this right was not allowed for the majority of Hindu women. Any
woman of any caste, whether unmarried, married or widowed, could be initiated into the
Kanphata sect. This is in contrast to the denial of upanayanam (ritual of the sacred thread) in
orthodox Hinduism to women. Tantra often took a strong stance against the disrespect, abuse and
exploitation of women.

25

Shakta-Tantra unlike mainstream Shaktism totally identifies women with the goddess, and
women (and men) practiced rituals that attempted to evoke the presence and awareness of shakti
in their own selves. In Tantric-influenced Shaivism, men are called upon to worship women (i.e.
shakti) by associating themselves with Shiva.
Shakti is both benevolent and bloodthirsty. It would make sense to assume that the women who
identified themselves with this concept of shakti would not be constrained by the social
stereotypes that applied to most other women in that era because they had the option of
identifying with the beneficent or malevolent aspects of shakti at different points of time.
Numerous Tantric women, whether in Hinduism, Buddhism or any other religion, have chartered
the course of their own religious lives and also enjoyed complete freedom of lifestyle, livelihood
and relationships without answering to any male authority. In her study of Tantric Buddhism,
Shaw (2002) maintains that Tantric women zealously guarded their hegemony in Tantric religion,
imposing numerous requirements of displays of respect and homage from men who would
approach them, practice with them or seek to apprentice themselves to them.
In the case of Tantricism, it is clear that womens complete identification with shakti
accompanied changes not only in the religious sphere (for example in the form of a very high
number of female adepts and religious teachers) but in other spheres of life (for example, taking
a stance against the exploitation of women, allowing for widow remarriage, etc.). Though these
small markers of womens empowerment seem a far cry from total and complete equality, we
must view these development as the effects of a radical equality in the religious sphere spilling
over into other spheres, which is a great achievement considering the extent to which women
face oppression in all spheres of Indian society.

VII. Village and folk goddesses

The Indian population is primarily rural, so the majority of Hindus are to be found in villages.
One of the features of village life in India is the presence of the gramadevta or village deity, with
whom the villagers usually have a special connection. While some of these deities are prominent
throughout the region (for example, Mariyamman and Draupadi Amman in South India, and
26

Manasa in North India) while other deities are restricted to only a single village (Kinsley, 1987).
As mentioned in Section I, people often try to connect these goddesses with a major goddess
from the Sanskritic pantheon, but this is thought to be only a later development that took place
with the spread of Aryan cultural influences into non-Aryan traditions.
Characteristics of village or folk goddesses
Kinsley (1987) notes that one of the most noticeable characteristics of the gramadevtas is that
most of them are female. Kinsley goes on to make some more key observations about village
deities as follows: first, they are usually not represented anthropomorphically but in natural
objects such as stones, trees or small shrines that do not contain an anthropomorphic image.
Secondly, in rural areas, these goddesses are worshipped with more fervor and intensity than the
great gods of the Sanskritic pantheon. The great gods are seen to be in charge of the greater
cosmic order of the universe, but the villages immediate, everyday, material interests are
overseen by the local goddess. Thirdly, these goddesses are often associated with disease and
disasters. When the village is threatened by various catastrophes, especially epidemics, the
goddess is said to be manifesting herself. She has an ambivalent role with respect to these
disasters, for sometimes she is seen as fighting to protect the village from them, while at other
times it is her anger or displeasure that is said to cause the disaster. These contradictory views
may exist side by side in the same population worshipping the same goddess. Fourthly, a these
goddesses tend not to have male consorts and are often described as virgin, though this does not
mean they are sexually inactive; rather they are undominated or independent. If they are married
they often dominate their consorts.
Studying folk mythology, we can observe that many of these goddesses were initially human
women who then later became divine figures. The mythology of these goddesses often involves
narratives of injustice committed by men onto virtuous and good women who then become
goddesses.3 The injustice done to the goddess could be an explanation for her often angry,
demanding and destructive nature. The goddesses are usually considers mothers, but they can be
demanding and destructive as well. According to Kinsley, the theme of the goddess abusing
males is suggested in local festivals worshipping her. At the end of the festival the male may
often be symbolically destroyed, humiliated or thrown out of the village. 4 The (male) demon has
come from outside the village, that is the chaotic, untamed jungle. The goddess represents the
27

village, hence peace and stability. The sacrificial victim may also be associated with the male
who abused the goddess when she was in her human form.
Even though the theme of struggle, defeat and death are recurring throughout goddess festivals,
there is also the theme of the goddess being sexually aroused or stimulated. She is said to have
intercourse with the demons. It is implied that she needs these periodic encounters with males to
reinvigorate her, though of course she is never subordinated to any male.
Of course, similar to the analysis of Shaktism, one must not confuse the characteristics of folk
goddesses with the actual characteristics of women. The basic relationship between a village
goddess and her devotees is as follows: in return for worship and devotion, the goddess ensures
good agricultural yields, adequate rain and protection from diseases and demons. Most women
do not have any sense of direct identification with the goddesses.
Possession and liminality: creating acceptance of powerful female figures
However, one area in which these folk goddesses provide an arena for women to break out of
traditional roles is in the phenomenon of possession. The goddess often possesses humans,
mostly women. During possession, woman is goddess and goddess is woman, i.e. the woman is
not merely a vessel but is considered as the goddess herself.
Goddess festivals in general, and the phenomenon of possession in particular, are highly liminal
periods where many social norms regarding caste, gender, etc. seem to have been overturned. 5 On
the one hand, it may be contended that this period of liminality does not really change oppressive
social norms; in fact, a Durkheimian analysis of these carnivalesque periods might suggest that
they are nothing but temporary releases from social norms that allow people to let off steam
and continue living ordered, hierarchical lives the rest of the time. On the other hand, I believe
that the phenomenon of possession whereby there is some level of association between woman
and goddess in popular imagination, means that Indians become comfortable with imagery of
powerful (human) females, perhaps making us more accepting of powerful women as we can
cast them as representing a goddess or channeling the strength of a goddess.6

28

All-female communities and safe spaces for women

Furthermore, possession grants women opportunities to break out of their traditional domiciles.
Women who undergo possession command respect, and act as healers and mediums in their
communities. Other women come to seek healing and advice for dealing with abusive husbands
and other domestic problems (Diesel, 2005). Since possession is associated especially with
women, the women (mataji) who undergo possession may also start conducting worship
exclusively for female devotees. Erndl (2007) points out that a large number of women can sit
together in the courtyard or temple of such a mataji this provides a secure alternative for
Indian women who cannot be legitimately seen loitering in public spaces in groups. This leads to
the creation of an all-female community and a safe space for women, which cannot be
completely controlled by patriarchal norms. In these communities women can discuss all
manners of experiences and rely on each other for advice, support, or even material assistance.
They can form collective standpoints and take collective decisions that seriously challenge male
domination and hegemony in the villages.

VIII. Interviews with urban middle class Hindus in Mumbai

I conducted a series of interviews with urban-dwelling Hindus, 7 women and 3 men, from mostly
middle class backgrounds. My interest in urban middle class Hindus stemmed from the fact that
this group has been exposed to a great deal of mixed religious traditions, and also, in my opinion,
seen the most number of changes due to the modern feminist movement. Another major
influence among middle class Hindus is the dominant Advaita Vedantic paradigm which insists
that all manifestations of gods and goddesses are traceable to a single absolute being. 7 All of
these influences come together to form their worldview and experience.
The interviews were conducted outside the Kanyaka Parameswari temple in Matunga after they
had visited the temple. The temple also contains the idols of various other gods and goddesses
but specifically a large number of goddess idols. I asked them questions regarding why they
visited the temple and also tried to find out their theological worldview, whether they saw any
connection between women and goddesses, and their opinion on the current status of women in
Indian society.
29

Approaching the goddess as a mother

All 7 of the women respondents and 1 male respondent referred to the goddess Kanyaka
Parameswari as Mata or mother. The women did not identify directly with the goddess at all,
but rather approached her as a benevolent mother. Faith, belief and peace of mind associated
with visiting the temple, were the main reasons for visiting the temple. One elderly woman even
mentioned how a temple visit was just like visiting her mothers house to tell all her burdens and
feel a sense of calm for a while. For Indian women, who traditionally live with their in-laws after
marriage, a visit to their mothers house is a rare and intimate occasion.
Goddess as manifestation of the ultimate reality
No doubt influenced by the currently dominant Vedantic ideas, all of the respondents perceived
the ultimate reality to be one but each persons methods of praying, to any god or goddess,
were just different ways to reach that ultimate reality. The extent of mixing traditions can be
observed, because Kanyaka Parameswari is originally a folk goddess from Andhra Pradesh, but
the majority of the worshippers I interviewed came from Tamil and Gujarati linguistic
backgrounds (these two communities are greatly concentrated in Matunga). Most were unaware
of her specific folk origins associated specifically with the Vaishya caste, and simply saw her as
Mata, who was in turn just one manifestation of an ultimate reality or supreme being.
Positive attitude towards womens changing position in society
Most respondents (9 out of 10) also expressed a belief that womens position in contemporary
society was changing for the better. They justified this in terms of the legal, economic and
political progress made by women. 3 women also expressed the idea that women are extremely
mentally and emotionally tough despite not having physical strength, and there was a belief that
that a woman could do anything if she set her mind to it. One of the men interviewed expressed
the view that women are in fact more noble than men because women make many sacrifices for
the sake of family, children and ultimately society. He thought this to be innately in the nature of
women; something which a man cannot do. A man would not be able to make the amount of
sacrifices that women are capable of making. However the same interviewees wife expressed
the view that women are not inherently noble, in fact many have no choice but to make such
sacrifices for the family, that too for the sake of their own security and not necessarily for love or
30

duty. Women would then be called noble because there had to some kind of reward for all that
sacrifice. Thus there was a degree of ambivalence expressed towards the concept of the nobly
suffering ideal woman.
Ambivalence towards priestly authority and a focus on personalized communication
Also, though all of them went through the motions of worship in the temple on the basis of a
Brahmin priests guidance, there was also open criticism of the priestly class. 2 of the
respondents said that priests often had very poor knowledge. 3 women whom I interviewed
together said that they liked the priests in the Kanyaka Parameswari temple because they were
not as rude as the priests in another temple in Matunga, where those priests would not conduct
the worship properly for the devotees or pay them any proper attention. The almost irreverent
manner in which they talked of priests, was as if they looked at priests as a group whose primary
function was to provide a sort of customer service perhaps a feature of modern urban life.
Though their worship was mediated by a priest, their personal connection and communication
with the goddess was very important to them.
Thus, in conclusion, urban Hindu middle class women approach the goddess as mother, and use
this to feel a great sense of psychological comfort, but do not seem to see a great correlation
between womens empowerment and goddesses. To them, the material progress of women in
economy and polity are separate from the worship of goddesses.

CONCLUSION
Inadequacy of any simplistic classificatory schema to classify Hindu goddesses
From the variety of sects/schools of Hinduism explored, it is clear that there is no single method
by which to classify all goddesses. While some goddesses can be fit neatly into a schema of
married-benevolent and unmarried-malevolent, other goddesses are both nurturing and
bloodthirsty, virgin and sexually aggressive, in any number of combinations.
A variety of ways in which women approach and relate to the divine feminine

31

Womens relation to the divine feminine takes place in a number of ways. In the forms of
Vaishnavism and Shaivism explored in this text, women were seen to relate to the feminine half
of the divine couple especially due to the influence of the Bhakti movement. Another example
was that of Sita, with whom women from all over India women identify. In mainstream Shaktism
there is a clear gap between women and Devi, who are not seem to be similar to each other in
any way. On the other hand, in the Tantra-influenced forms of all the sects, be in Vaishnavism,
Shaivism or Shaktism, we see a direct connection between woman and goddess. With respect to
folk goddesses and village goddesses, male and female devotees relate to her as their mother; but
she does possess certain women, who in their possessed states are considered to be the goddess.
From my interviews with urban middle class Hindu women who worshiped at the temple of
Kanyaka Parameswari, many of them also approached goddesses as mata or mother.
Often women take part in official or high forms of worship and absorb mainstream
interpretations of myths, but also engage with goddesses and myths based on their own terms,
their own language, and their own experiences, and thereby engage in the process of selfdefinition.
Womens engagement in self-definition and its effects on overall gender relations
Modes of communication that allow for personalization based on womens experiences, either
individually or in women-only communities, gives greater scope for women to define themselves
on their own terms and not accept patriarchal hegemonic constructions of womanhood. In some
cases, this process of self-definition helps women start breaking out of oppressive structures, not
only religious but even socio-economic-political, for example the high status of women in
Tantric religion. In other cases, such as the attempt to mould oneself as Sita as described by
Kishwar, this form of self-definition in fact made it easier to enter into a patriarchal bargain but
not to actually challenge hegemonic ideas like stri-dharma or break out of oppressive familial
and economic structures.
Whether or not oppressive structures are ultimately challenged depends greatly on the theology
and mode of communication between women and goddesses, i.e. whether they identified
themselves directly with a submissive wife like Sita, with the relatively autonomous shakti of
Shaivism or did not identify themselves at all with the goddess as in Shaktism. Or else, based on
32

my series of interviews, it can be concluded that some women have separated the two spheres
completely, using the goddesses mainly for psychological comfort, but relying on feminist
activism for progress in socio-economic and legal spheres.
Summary conclusion
Therefore, one can finally say that the question of whether or not goddesses can be empowering
to women is highly contingent on the specific circumstance, sect and social formations that arise
around religious practice. There are many examples of the divine feminine helping women to
challenge oppression; at the same time, there is also plenty of evidence that goddess worship
upholds patriarchal oppression. The Indian womens movement can and should look into Indian
religious traditions for the purpose of womens empowerment. But at the same time, it should not
completely give up its socialistic roots which view religion with suspicion as a smokescreen for
patriarchy.

NOTES
1. The privileging of the Brahminical viewpoint in academic scholarship on Indian religion can
be traced back to colonial times. According to Mishra (2002), it was the British who first
constructed an overarching Hinduism based on the Vedas, with the help of their local
intermediaries who were mostly Brahmins. Together they constructed a canon for Hinduism
based on such texts as the Vedas and the Bhagavad Geeta, despite the fact that only a very few
elite Indians even knew about the Vedas at the time. This trend of favouring the Brahminical
perspective is responsible for the dearth of literature about local goddesses despite their great
importance to what is perhaps the vast majority of Hindus.
2. At the same time, it is not only women who have strong feelings about the Ramayana story.
According to Kishwar (1997), men too are moved with feelings of guilt and outrage when they
consider Rams actions towards Sita. She gives the example of Lakshmi Mukti Andolan, a
womens empowerment campaign by the Shetkari Sanghatana that encouraged families to
voluntarily transfer some of their property to the wifes name. Sharad Joshis speeches revolved
around Rams mistreatment of Sita, and added that by mistreating their wives the peasantry had
33

invoked the curse of Sita. He would conclude by saying that through transferring of property, no
woman would suffer Sitas fate of abandonment as she would have some land to call her own.
Thus men would be paying a long overdue debt owed by Ram to Sita. Many men would even
be moved to tears by this narration. Hundreds of families pledged to join the Andolan. This
suggests that mens identification with Ram did lead to a change in overall power relations (in
this case a change in the distribution of economic property). This is also because the men were
already bestowed with a high degree of authority by the existing power structure, so it is easier
for them to make effective changes in the system. This suggests that changing the attitudes of
men might result in highly fruitful change in the position of women.
3. For example, the folk goddess Mariyamman is said to have originated as a pious wife who was
so pure that she could perform miracles like making jars out of loose sand or boiling water by
placing it on her head. One day however she spotted two gandharvas making love and feels
envious; thereafter she loses her miraculous powers. Her husband, noticing the loss of her
powers, suspects infidelity and has her killed. She is later brought back to life as a goddess
(Kinsley, 1987).
4. For example, a blood sacrifice is offered to Mariyamman to contain the spread of smallpox.
The sacrifice may be intended to appease her so that her angers lessens and the disease abates (if
the goddess herself is considered to have caused the disease), or the sacrifice may symbolize the
goddess defeat of the invading demon that has caused the disease. Traditionally a buffalo
(always male), symbolizing the demon, was offered as sacrifice. After it is beheaded, it is
humiliated in many ways to symbolize its defeat - its leg is thrust into its mouth, fat from the
stomach is smeared in its eyes, and a candle is lit on its head. It is then presented to the goddess.
5. For example, Kinsley (1987) writes of the role played in many South Indian villages by a
lower caste woman known as a matangi. These women are unmarried and hold their position for
life. During a festival the matangi becomes possessed by the goddess, dances wildly, consumes
intoxicants, push people around with her backside and uses obscene language especially against
members of the upper castes. During these possessions, members of the upper caste go out of
their way to be abused by the matangi and are not satisfied till she has thoroughly humiliated
them; while otherwise they would never associate with someone from that such the low Madiga
caste.
34

6. To cite an example from Bollywood, this kind of powerful human female is depicted in the
1995 movie Karan Arjun, who suffers a grave injustice, invokes Kali Ma for her help, and swears
vengeance on her tormentors. Though she ultimately extracts revenge through her (reincarnated)
sons and not by herself, she is still portrayed as wrathful, wild, a force to be reckoned with. Such
a representation of an elderly woman might not have been possible in other cultures.
Furthermore, when her own sons were unjustly killed, she approacheed Kali Ma and demanded
that her sons be reborn, since Kali Ma, also being a mother, should understand a human mothers
suffering. In this way a similarity between divine mothering and human mothering was drawn.
7. Vedanta emerged as a popular paradigm with Hinduism in the post-medieval period of Indian
history (Phatak, 2013). Today Vedantic theology is the most popular paradigms in Hinduism
especially among the middle class. Advaita Vedanta is a monistic school of thought, i.e. a
philosophical tradition based on the Upanishads, the philosophical portion of the Vedas, and its
unifying concept is that of the absolute being, Brahman (Burch, 1995). Thus all deities are
ultimately manifestations of the same ultimate principle. It is similar to some Shakta schools
insistence that all gods and goddesses are manifestations of Mahadevi, and in fact Mahadevi in
her ultimate form transcends all gender classifications.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Babb, L. A. (1975). The Divine Hierarchy: Popular Hinduism in Central India. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Burch, G. (1956). Contemporary Vedanta Philosophy, I. The Review of Metaphysics, 9(3), 485504.
Christ, C. P. (1983). Symbols of Goddess and God in Feminist Theology. In C. Olden (Ed.), The
Book of the Goddess: Past and Present. (231-251). New York: Crossroad.
Collins, P. H. (1990). Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment. Boston: Unwin Hyman.
Daly, M. (1973). Beyond God the Father. Boston: Beacon Press.
35

Diesel, A. (2005). The Suffering Mothers: the Hindu Goddesses as Empowering Role Models for
Women. Alternation, 2, 35-53.
Erndl, K. (2002). Is Shakti Empowering for Women? Reflections on Feminism and the Hindu
Goddess. In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist? (91-103). Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
Erndl, K. (2007). The Play of the Mother: Possession and Power in Hindu Women's Goddess
Rituals. In T. Pintchman (ed.), Women's Lives, Women's Rituals in the Hindu Tradition. (149158). New York: Oxford University Press.
Gross, R. M. (2002). Is the Goddess a Feminist? In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the
Goddess a Feminist? (104-112). Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Hiltebeitel, A., & Erndl, K. (2002). Introduction: Writing Goddesses, Goddesses Writing, and
Other Scholarly Concerns. In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist? (1122). Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Humes, C. A. (2002). Is the Devi Mahatmya a Feminist Scripture? In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. M.
Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist? (123-150). Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Keay, J. (2000). India A History: From the Earliest Civilizations to the Boom of the Twenty-First
Century. London: Harper Collins.
Khan, N. A. (2010). Cultural Syncretism in Kashmir. Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir:
Between India and Pakistan. (45-63). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Kinsley, D. (1987). Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious
Tradition. Delhi: Narendra Prakash Jain.
Kishwar, M. (1997). Yes to Sita, No to Ram! The Continuing Popularity of Sita in India.
Manushi, 98, 20-31.
Menon, U., & Shweder, R. A. (2002). Power in its Place: Is the Great Goddess of Hinduism a
Feminist? In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist? (151-165). Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
36

Phatak, M. D. (2013). Viveka-Cudamani by Sankaracarya and Vedantabodha. Research

Directions, 1(6), 1-9.
Pintchman, T. (2002). Is the Hindu Goddess Tradition a Good Resource for Western Feminism?
In A. Hiltebeitel, & K. M. Erndl (Eds.), Is the Goddess a Feminist? (187-202). Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
Rajan, R. S. (1998). Is the Hindu Goddess a Feminist? Economic and Political Weekly , 33(44),
34-38.
Sen, N. D. (1998). When Women Retell the Ramayan. Manushi, 108, 18-27.
Simos, M. (2004). Witchcraft as Goddess Religion. In K. A. Foss, & S. K. Foss (Eds.), Readings
in Feminist Rhetorical Theory. (143-149). London: Sage Publications.
Sutherland, S. J. (1989). Sita and Draupadi: Aggressive Behavior and Female Role-Models in the
Sanskrit Epics. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 109(1), 63-79.
Wadley, S. S. (1977). Women and the Hindu Tradition. Signs: Women and National
Development: The Complexities of Change, 113-125.

37