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Unreliable Confessions: Khipus in the Colonial Parish

Author(s): John Charles


Source: The Americas, Vol. 64, No. 1 (Jul., 2007), pp. 11-33
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30139207
Accessed: 25-02-2016 11:40 UTC
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TheAmericas

64:1July2007,11-33
ofAmerican
bytheAcademy
Copyright
Franciscan
History

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS:
KHIPUSIN THECOLONIALPARISH*
TANGLEDCONFESSIONS
INTRODUCTION:

of the bookin the age of Spanishimperialexpanhistoriography


viewedprintedworksas repressiveinstrusionismhas traditionally
mentsof colonialdominationthatforcefullysupplantedthe native
Americans'non-alphabeticvehicles of memory and communication.
of nativeholyobjectsand
Accountsof theEuropeans'
wholesaledestruction
role of booksin the
materialformsof expressionbespeakthe undisputable
colonization
of
and
indigenousmemory symbolizingpractices.'But
Spanish
the existenceof colonial-erawritingsthattestifyto the resiliencyof native
questionsaboutthe mechanismsby
technologiesposes still-unanswered
whichthiscolonizationtookplaceandthe ultimatereachof printculturein
local nativecommunitiesremovedfromthe urbancenterswhere,as Angel
Ramahas suggested,writtendocumentsheld sway.2To what extent did
endureunderSpanishrule?Whatmight
nativemethodsof communication
thedocumentary
tracesof theiruse revealabouthow theyweretransformed
as a resultof Europeancontact?Canwe tie theirsurvivalto concretemeans
writtenculby whichnativepeopleswithstoodoradjustedto theEuropeans'
ture and colonizinginstitutions?I would like to attemptto answerthese
The

*Portions
of thisinvestigation
weresupported
fromtheBeinecke
RareBookandManubyawards
of YaleUniversity,
theJ.William
anda fellowship
Board,
scriptLibrary
Fulbright
Foreign
Scholarship
fromtheNational
fortheHumanities
Endowment
attheJohnCarter
Brown
I wouldliketothank
Library.
theanonymous
reviewers
atTheAmericas
fortheirhelpful
comments
andsuggestions.
1 JackGoody,TheDomestication
Press,
of theSavageMind(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
1977); WalterD. Mignolo, The Darker Side of the Renaissance: Literacy, Territoriality,and Coloniza-

TheUniversity
of Michigan
tion(AnnArbor:
of thelinkbetween
the
Press,1995).Anoft-cited
example
of booksandtheadvance
of Spanish
colonialism
canbefoundintheactions
of NewSpain's
imposition
firstbishop,
JuandeZumarraga,
whoinhiszealto spread
oversaw
theestablishment
of the
Christianity
ofpainted
intheMesoamerican
archive
ofTexprinting
pressinMexicoandthedestruction
manuscripts
coco.SeeHortensia
of theBookin EarlySpanish
inBookHisCalvo,"TheHistoriography
America,"
andJonathan
StateUniverRose,eds.,(University
Park,PA:Pennsylvania
tory,vol.6, EzraGreenspan
sityPress,2003),p. 280.
2 AngelRama,
Laciudadletrada
NH:Ediciones
delNorte,1984).
(Hanover,
11

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12

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

questionsby focusingon missionaryuses of Andeankhipus:the knotted


cordsusedby the Incafor the purposesof accountingandhistoricalrecord
keeping,whichnativeparishioners
employedin colonialtimesfor learning
Christiandoctrineandrecallingsinspriorto confession.3
The khipu is one of the most enigmatichistoricalobjects of preColumbianorigin.4EarlySpanishchroniclersof SouthAmericafrequently
marveledat the complexvarietyof informationthat the Incas storedon
knottedcordsandthe reliabilityof thesestringdevicesfor carryingout the
businessof imperialadministration.
Buthow the Incaswereableto govern
thevastempireof Tawantinsuyu
withouta European-style
systemof writing
or accountingis a questionthatconfoundedSpanishobserversof the colonial periodandstill confoundsstudentsof Andeanhistorytoday.Sincethe
pioneeringstudiesof L. LelandLocke, and MarciaAscher and Robert
Ascher,whichfirstexplicatedthe intricatematerialstructureandcomputationalfunctionof stringrecords,uncoveringthe multipletypesof information encodedin khipushas becomea questof vitalinterestto ethnographically-mindedscholarsof Andeanstudies.5In the past decade, feverish
to advancepreattemptshavebeenmadeby historiansandanthropologists
vioustheoriesof Incapracticesof accountingandto determinewhetherthe
khipucontainedmorethanstatisticalrecords.Someof the provocativeand
culturallyinformedresearchin thisveinpositsthatstringregistriesalsomay
havebeencapableof representing
discursivemodesor unitsof speechthat
couldbe "read"formeaningsin wayssimilarto alphabeticwritingsystems.6
Withoutprejudgmentagainstsuch a possibility,the presentstudydraws
to khipustudiesthatinvestigatethe
fromalternative,
pragmaticapproaches
particularconditionsand practicesof semioticpluralismin the colonial
3 The most
comprehensive surveys of colonial sources on khipu practices are Carlos Sempat
Assadourian,"StringRegistries:Native Accounting and MemoryAccordingto the Colonial Sources,"in
Jeffrey Quitterand Gary Urton, eds., Narrative Threads:Accountingand Recountingin Andean Khipu,
(Austin:Universityof Texas Press, 2002), pp. 119-150; and GaryUrton,"An Overview of SpanishColonial Commentaryon Andean Knotted-StringRecords,"in Narrative Threads,pp. 3-25.
4
MargotBeyersdorff,"Writingwithout Words/Wordswithout Writing:The Cultureof the Khipu,"
LatinAmericanResearchReview 40:3 (2005), pp. 294-311; and CatherineJ. Allen, "Knot-Wordsor Not
Words,"AnthropologicalQuarterly78:4 (2005), pp. 981-996, outline the renewed interestin khipu culture in today's Andeanist scholarship,most notably that of the anthropologistsGary Urton and Frank
Salomon.
5 L. Leland Locke, TheAncient
Quipu,or Peruvian KnotRecord (New York:AmericanMuseumof
NaturalHistory, 1923); MarciaAscher and RobertAscher, Code of the Quipu:A Studyin Media, Mathematics, and Culture(Ann Arbor:The University of Michigan Press, 1981).
6
Gary Urton, "FromKnots to Narratives:Reconstructingthe Art of Historical Record Keeping in
the Andes from SpanishTranscriptionsof InkaKhipus,"Ethnohistory45:3 (1998), pp. 409-438. Quilter
and Urton's edited volume Narrative Threadsreunites studies by scholars of various disciplines that
question the theory that khipus recordedonly numericalinformation.

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JOHN CHARLES

13

sourcesof thecolonialperiodrevealabout
Andesandwhatthedocumentary
forrecording
socialactionin ruralparishsettings.'
thekhipus'capacity
in
onkhipupractices
testimony
Myinquiry
beginswitha vividhistorical
in the southern
Peruvian
dioceseof Cuzco,
the parishof Andahuaylillas,
manual
foradministering
thesacratakenfroma bilingual
Spanish-Quechua
de curas,pubmentsto nativeAndeans,the Ritualformularioe instituciOn

lishedin Limain 1631.8Themanual's


thelocalpriestJuanPerez
author,
includedin his worka cautionto hisreadersaboutthedangers
Bocanegra,
of allowingparishioners
to confessusingknottedstrings.Heexplained
that
fortheirsouls"(enredos
withthesecords-or"tangles
parasusalmas)-the
of hisparishhadturnedconfession
intoa collective,disAndean
proselytes
falsified
them
orderlyaffair;they
khipu,exchanged freelyamongstthemto sinstheydidnotcommit,whilefailingto declareothers
selves,confessed
theydid:
As a result, they do not know what they are confessing or saying, and they
confuse the confessor, in judging and absolving, and I have found they keep
such knots for future confessions, though they confess shortly thereafteror
anotheryear. They also lend them out to those who need to repeattheir confession, . [thus]entanglingthemselves, with these khipus and memoryaids,
in countless errors.9

in communication
Whatconcerned
that
him,asidefromthe breakdown
andpenitents,
wasthefactthatcordkeepkhipuscausedbetweenconfessors
outsidetheclergy'ssurveillance,
ingwaspracticed
allowingthespecialists
who prepared
the registrieswithwhichAndeanneophytesconfessedto
advanceteachings
withCatholic
incompatible
orthodoxy.
7 FrankSalomon, The Cord
Keepers:Khipusand CulturalLife in a Peruvian Village(Durham:Duke

Estenssoro
Delpaganismo
a la santidad:
LaincorporaciOn
Press,2004);JuanCarlos
Fuchs,
University
de los indios del Peru al catolicismo, 1532-1750, trans. GabrielaRamos (Lima: Instituto Frances de

Estudios
Pontificia
Universidad
CatOlica
delPeril,2003),especially
andKathryn
Andinos,
pp.223-228;
Archives:
TheQuilcay
of Colonial
a talkpresented
atthe
Burns,
Cuzco,"
"Making
Indigenous
Camayoc
LatinAmerican
ofTulane
NewOrleans,
theethnographic
LA,April6, 2005,examine
Library
University,
in whichknotted
contexts
cordssurvived
andoperated
written
documents
andtheimport
of
alongside
ontheworkings
communities
of the"lettered
is owedto Kathryn
khipu-sharing
city."Myappreciation
Burnsforgenerously
withmeherunpublished
research.
sharing
8 JuanPerezBocanegra,
e instituciOn
Ritual
de curas(Lima:Geronymo
de Contreras,
formulario
1631).
9 "Demanera,
ni dizen,y ponenal Confessor
enconfusion,
assi
quenosabenlo quese confiessan,
comoabsoluiendo:
iiudos,paraotraconfession,
juzgando,
y e hallado,
queguardan
semejantes
aunque
la hagande breuetiempo,o paraotroalio.Y quelos prestan,
de
y dana los quese ande confessar
enmillares
deerrores,
conestosquipos,
PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
nueuo,...[e]nredandose
y memorias."
AllEnglish
ofSpanish
translations
textsaremyownunlessotherwise
indicated.
formulario,
pp.112-113.

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14

UNRELIABLE
CONFESSIONS

FatherPerezBocanegrafocusedhis criticismson the suspectcredibility


of khipus and those who fashionedthem, but he did not mentionthe
Church'spositionon theroleof knottedstringsin parishlife, the signifying
propertiesthatmadethemamenableor hostileto clericalefforts,or thehistoricalandlegal contextsthatgave shapeto the contentiousAndean-priest
interactionshis work described.In theirrespectiveinvestigationsof the
Ritualformulario,JuanCarlosEstenssoroFuchsandReginaHarrisonhave
properlyidentifiedthe cloudof heterodoxythatenvelopedkhipusandtheir
whichpartiallyexplainsthe
handlersatthetimeof themanual'spublication,
in
to
hostile
reaction
their
use
Catholic
ritual.10
My aim is to augpriest's
ment these findingsby proposingan alternativesourcefor assessingthe
clergy'sattackson theveracityof stringrecordsandtheindividualsresponsible for theirpreservation:
ecclesiasticalcourtproceedingsin whichkhipu
registriesservedas evidenceof clericalabuses.To graspmore fully the
developmentof suchlegalpractices,I shallconsiderfirsthow khipusfunctionedinitiallywiththe Church'sapprovalas devicesfor learningdoctrine
andmakingconfession.
OFNATIVE
REGISTRIES
EARLY
STRING
MISSIONARY
ASSESSMENTS
In contrastto Perez Bocanegra'ssharp criticisms, early European
accountsgenerallydescribedkhipusfavorably,as tools thatmightassistin
makingCatholicteachingsmeaningfulfromanindigenousculturalperspective. Forinstance,the JesuithistorianJose de Acostamarveledat how the
Andeanpeoples,who hadno knowledgeof writinguntilthe arrivalof the
Spanish,hadmanagedto preservetheirancienttraditionsso faithfullywithouttheaidof alphabeticscript.He expressedno doubtthatAndeans,though
deprivedof letters,haddevelopedby stringregistriesa systemof communicatinghistorythatmatchedtheeffectivenessof writingitself:"Forall that
books can tell us abouthistories,laws, ceremonies,and administrative
accounts,khipussubstituteso well thatit provokeswonder." Thismethod
native
of recollection,he continued,was exemplifiedin the khipukamayuq,
Americanprecursorof the SpanishEmpire's"publicscribe"(escribano
pablico),who sharedhis officialrecordwiththe Incaandto whomall faith
in stateaffairswas given.Theywere,for manyof Acosta'scontemporaries,
theindispensable
keepersof regionalaccountsas well as theInca'simperial
1oRegina
inNarraKnotsandConfession,"
"Perez
Ritual
Harrison,
formulario:
Khipu
Bocanegra's
a la santidad,
Estenssoro
tiveThreads,
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
pp.223-227.
pp.266-290;
1' "...cuanto
todo
denegocios,
loslibrospueden
decirdehistorias,
y cuentas
y leyesy ceremonias,
natural
JosedeAcosta,Historia
esosuplenlosquipostanpuntualmente,
y moralde las
queadmira."
Indias[1590],ed.JoseAlcinaFranch
Dastin,
2002),p. 385.
(Madrid:

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JOHNCHARLES

15

on mattersranging
for posterityvitalinformation
"archive,"
maintaining
livestock
records
to
local
lawsandthe
and
sacred
frompopulation
figures
of warandpeace.12
royalchronicles
in the
tookfarmorethananantiquarian
interest
Butcolonialevangelizers
andthestoriestheirhandlers
told.Becausethe
Andeans'
knotted
cordrecords
lacked
sufficient
numbers
of
ordained
above
Church
personnel,
missionary
of
the
of
allduringtheearlydecades evangelization, lion'sshare day-to-day
andcommunity
parishadministration
policingfell to localAndeanauthoriin
those
educated
methods.
Consider
Friar
ties,including
khipuaccounting
forparishgovernance,
whichpositedcord
1560instruction
DiegodePorres's
as a vitalresource
of nativechurchofficialswhendirected
to the
registries
this
of
ecclesiastical
With
the
future
directive,
govemance.13
goals
provincial
of theMercedarian
orderin Peruintended
to offermissionaries
a guidefor
the decreesof the FirstProvincial
Councilof Lima(1551implementing
with
to
native
instruction
and
1552)
religious
regard
parishadministration.
Firstpriorityof newlyappointed
the
priests,he argued,was to announce
the
laws
before
and
to
have
the
local
ethnic
lord
synod's
congregated
village
recordthemin writingandkhipu"sothattheIndians
notfeignignorance
of
their[spiritual]
Theseregistries
werealsoto maintain
crucial
obligations."14
the
or
statistics
ecclesiastical
such
asthe
visitas,
teams,
soughtby
inspection
and
assets
absences
for
Mass
or
catecontributions,
community's
tributary
andothersacramental
andcelebration
of liturgical
chism,baptismal
records,
feasts.15
Porres
saw
the
value
of
cords
for
thecateLastly,
potential
teaching
chism.Heinstructed
to
their
to
make
priests require parishioners
khipusfor
thebasicprayers
HailMary,
Creed,andSalve
(OurFather,
learning
Apostles'
and
Ten
the
that
Commandments,
Regina)
presumption
being khipuscould
storemeaningsof religiousconceptsandassistin the oralrecitation
of
12FelipeGuaman
PomadeAyala,
Elprimer
nuevacorOnica
eds.John
[1615/1616],
y buengobierno
V.Murra
andRolena
trans.
Adorno,
Quechua
(Mexico:
1980),p. 361;
JorgeL.Urioste
SigloVeintiuno,
Martin de Muria, COdiceMuraa: Historia y genealogia, de los reyes Incas del Peru del padre mer-

cedario
deMurda
Testimonio
[1590],ed.JuanOssio(Madrid:
Editorial,
FrayMartin
2004),
Compaiiia
f. 77v.
13Archivo
deIndias
General
231.Estenssoro
Delpaganismo
a lasantidad,
Fuchs,
(AGI),Patronato,
andSempat
alerted
metotheexistence
ofPorres's
217;
Assadourian,
p.
"String
Registries,"
pp.136-137,
theholdings
of Spain's
Archivo
General
deIndias.
manuscript
among
14"...darselo
nopretendan
deloqueallilesobligay manda."
porquipoalcacique
porque
ygnorancia
231ff., lr,3r.
AGI,Patronato,
15AGI,Patronato,
231ff.,5r-7v.FriarMartin
deMurda's
of theIncasconfirms
1590history
that
were
in
used
this
a curaca(Andean
ethniclord)intheparish
of
khipus
way.Muniarecallsencountering
whoatthebehestofaMercedarian
haddutifully
onhiscordstherulesoftheChurch
retained
Capachica,
andthesaints'daysof theholycalendar,
themsoeffectively
"asif bypaperandink."Murda,
recalling
(Mice Muraa, f. 77v.

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16

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

Numerousecclesiasticaltestimoniesof the sixteenthand sevenprayers.16


teenthcenturiespraisetheirusefulnessin helpingnativestudentscommit
religiouslessons to memoryand inspiringin them a newfoundCatholic
fervor.ThefollowingJesuitcorrespondence
of 1609fromthecentralmountainprovinceof Huarochiri
exemplifiesthisattitude:"Allwas aboutmaking
for
and
khipus confessing learningwhatthey didn'tknow aboutthe catechism,and [withthem]everyoneconfessed,fasted,disciplinedthemselves,
andgenerallyattendedto the salvationof theirsouls."17
ATTHE
THIRD
CONFESSIONAL
KHIPUS
PROVINCIAL
COUNCIL
OFLIMA
(1582-1583)
In the decadesleadingup to and followingthe Jesuit-dominated
Third
ProvincialCouncilof Lima (1582-1583),khipusappearto have reached
broadacceptanceas a mnemonicaid for learningprayersandrecallingsins
the close attentionthat
priorto confession.As Estenssorohas documented,
in confessionevidencesan
Jesuitwriterspaidto theAndeans'performance
overridingbelief in the Societyof Jesusthatthe systematicobservanceof
Ritual
the sacramentwas criticalto the salvationof indigenousconverts.18
definedJesuitcharism
confessionandpenitentialdisciplinefundamentally
in Peru,suchas thatof the
in oppositionto precedingmissionaryapproaches
Dominicans,for whom confessionwas indispensableonly in the case of
mortalsin. The indigenouschroniclerFelipe GuamanPomade Ayala,an
outspokenenthusiastof Jesuitpedagogy,heldthatit wasthedutyof Andean
churchpersonnelto teach penitentshow to confess by meansof cords:
"EachIndianshouldmakea khipuof his orhersins,andtheIndianmanand
A
theIndianwomanshouldbe taughthow one oughtto confesseachsin."19
16"...dalles
a sauer,
lasquatro
porquipo,asicomolo
y mandamientos,
oraciones
quesonobligados
andesinel talquipo
rrezan
yndiobiejonimuchacho
y silauas,
y mandalles
queningun
porsuspausas,
lotraigan
aunque
consigo
doquiera
quefueren,
oraciones
y quesiempre
paraqueporallisepanlasdichas
delasdichasoraciones
de sustierras,
y denrrazones
rregladexpianos,
paraquetengan
vayanafuera
231f., 2r.
dezir."
dondese laspreguntaren,
AGI,Patronato,
quiere
y lo quecadaoration
17"Todo
lo q.nosabian
deladoctr.a
erahazerquiposp.qconfessarse
confessarse,
ayunar,
aprender
inMario
Polia
Transcribed
desusalmas."
attender
cadavnoalasaluacion
y generalm.te
y disciplinarse,
Meconi, ed., La cosmovisiOnreligiosa andina en los documentos ineditos del Archivo Romano de la

delPeril,1999),p.273.Similar
CatMica
Pontificia
Universidad
deJesus(1581-1752)
(Lima:
Compalifa
de Egalia,ed.,Monumenta
arelocatedin Antonio
of confessional
Jesuittestimonies
khipupractices
Historica
Societatis
vol. 2 (Rome:Monumenta
Iesu,1958),pp.252,262;andFrancisco
Peruana,
Mateos, ed., Historia general de la Companiade Jesus en la provincia del Perti [1600], vol. 2 (Madrid:

deInvestigaciones
Cientificas,
1944),pp.101,128.
Consejo
Superior
18Estenssoro
a la santidad,
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
pp.206-208.
19"Yel yndiohagaquipodesuspecados.
Y alyndioy a layndiale ensefie
comolo a deconfesarse
nuevacorOnica,
Guaman
decadapecado."
Poma,Elprimer
p.630.

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JOHN CHARLES

17

of authority
wasthusopentonativekhipuspecialists
whopresided
pathway
overlocalreligiousinstruction
andelucidated
forneophytes
thesubtledistinctions
betweenmortalandvenialsins.
But how,precisely,was confessionwithkhipusto havetakenplace?
andHarrison
Estenssoro
havelocatedpartialanswersin the Tercero
catede la doctrinachristianapor sermones(1585),thetrilincismoy exposiciOn

thatwaspublished
of theThirdCoungualsermoncollection
byinstruction
cil foruseinAndeanparishes.20
Thevolume's12thsermon,devotedto the
reconciliation
thelanguage
withwhichpriestsshould
sacrament,
proposed
instruct
theAndeanpenitent
onhowto prepare
forconfession:
First, my son, you must reflect earnestlyupon your sins, and make a khipu of
them,just as when you are a storekeeper(tambocamayo)you make a khipu of
what you give and what you are owed. Make thus a khipu of what you have
done against God and your neighbor, and how many times, if many or few.
. After having examined yourself and made a khipu of your sins by way of
the Ten Commandments,or as best you know, you must ask God's pardon
with great sorrow for having offended Him.21

Inwaysthatparalleled
traditional
Andeanmethods
of storehouse
inventory,
confessional
thequantity
andvalueof thesinner'scredits
khipusrecorded
anddebts.Thisarithmetic
functionof knottedstringsprovedespecially
valuablefor a sacramental
ritewhoseintegrityresteduponthe accurate
recallof transgressions
andtheirfrequency.
Furthermore,
penitentswere
instructed
to examinetheirconsciencefollowingthe sequenceof theTen
theprocedure
forconfessingneophytes
outCommandments,
maintaining
linedinprinted
confession
of theperiod,including
manuals
theConfessionarioparalos curasde indios(1585),whichwasalsocommissioned
by the
ThirdCouncil.22
A decimal-based
as
accounting
system, complexkhipu
hasbeendescribed
wouldthusappear
numerology
by modernspecialists,23
to havebeenideallysuitedfortheeffectiverecollection
of God'sbasicpre20Esten

a la santidad,
"Perez
Ritual
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
p. 221;Harrison,
Bocanegra's
for-

mulario," p. 268.

21"Loprimero,
bientuspeccados,
hijomio,hasdepensar
y hazerquipodellos:comohazesquipo,
erestambo
deloquedas,y deloquetodeuen:
assihazquipodeloquehashecho,contra
quando
camayo,
Diosy contra
toproximo,
vezes:si muchas,
o si pocas....Despues
deauerte
y quantas
pesado,
y hecho
detuspeccados
o comomejorsupieres,
hasdepedira Diosperdon
quippo
porlosdiezmandamientos,

con mucho dolor de auelle offendido."Tercerocatecismo y exposiciOnde la doctrina christianapor sermones [1585], in Doctrina christianay catecismopara instrucciOnde indios [1584], ed. Luciano Perelia

de Investigaciones
is
(Madrid:
Cientificas,
1985),pp.482-483.Englishtranslation
ConsejoSuperior
mineinconsultation
withHarrison,
"Perez
Ritual
Bocanegra's
formulario,"
p. 268.
22
Confessionariopara los curas de indios [1585], in Doctrina christiana, pp. 189-332.
23 Locke, TheAncient
Quipu;Ascher and Ascher, Code of the Quipu.

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18

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

ceptsandone'sviolationsof them.Onecan also presumethatknotted


untrained
in alphabetic
Andeans,
stringsofferedQuechua-speaking
literacy,
a visualandtactilemodeof accounting
andexpression
thatwasmoreeasily
andadaptable
to traditional
aswasthe
comprehensible
signifying
practices,
whousedhandmade
to
caseof nativeMexicanpenitents
drawings commuFroma clericalperspective,
nicatewiththeirconfessors.24
khipussolved
in
of
the
of
a
marked
intractable
by
many
problems evangelizing landscape
remained
severelinguisticvariation,
wherethespreadof Castilian
negligiof communication
blein highland
villagesandproblems
persisted.
intheChurch's
Yetshortcomings
instructional
cametothe
methodologies
forewhenmissionary
priestsbeganto suspectthatkhipusdidnotalways
orsoundcommunication
alternative
reinforce
butinsteadcreated
orthodoxy
of
in
and
of
social
action
meanings patterns
spheresindependent Spanish
wesee
officiallegislation,
totheThirdCouncil's
Turning
religiousauthority.
thatdespitethe sermonario's
ostensiblebackingof confessionalstring
to suppress
the
set
records, presiding
khipusdueto
bishops outa program
of
books.
had
achieved
at
the
thelocalacclaimthey
Citingtheidolexpense
35 of thecounthatcordrecordssustained,
atrouscultural
chapter
memory
the
in diocesesthroughout
themtobe confiscated
cil'sthirdsessionordered
conversion:25
thegoalsof
lesttheyundermine
further
viceroyalty,
touseones
haveusedandcontinue
becauseinplaceof thebooks,theIndians
andwiththem
whichtheycallkhipus,
likeregisters
madeof different
threads,
andritesandcerethe memoryof theirancientsuperstition
theypreserve
so thatallthe
letthebishopsactwithdiligence
moniesandperverse
customs,
be takenawaycommemoryaidsor khipusthatnourishtheirsuperstition
pletelyfromtheIndians.26

ontheonehand,andcallfortheiruniof khipus,
Thesimultaneous
advocacy
of
a fissureamongparticipants
on
the
underscores
versaldestruction, other,
cultobjects
Andean
to theplaceof traditional
theThirdCouncilwithregard
Christian
devofor
Viable
channels
intheevangelization
inculcating
program.
24 EstenssoroFuchs, Del
paganismo a la santidad, p. 221; Osvaldo F. Pardo, The Origins of Mexican Catholicism:Nahua Ritualsand ChristianSacramentsin Sixteenth-CenturyMexico (AnnArbor:The

of Michigan
Press,2004),p. 106.
University
25Harrison,
Ritual
"Perez
formulario,"
Bocanegra's
pp.268-269.
26"porque
hechosdediferenlugardeloslibroslosyndioshanusadoy usanunoscomoregistros
su
la
memoria
de
con
estos
conservan
enteshilos,queellosllaman
y ritos
antigua
supersticiOn
y
quipos,
o
condiligencia
losobisposquetodoslosmemoriales
y ceremonias
y costumbres
perversas;
procuren
a losyndios."
LimaIII,actio3, cap.37,
totalmente
se lesquiten
quesirvenparasusuperstici6n,
quipos,
vol. 1 (Lima:
Limenses
in RubenVargas
Concilios
Peruana,
1951),p.
(1551-1772),
Tipograffa
Ugarte,
Ritual
"Perez
358.Mytranslation
formulario,"
p.269.
Bocanegra's
closelyfollowsthatof Harrison,

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JOHNCHARLES

19

butforsomeof theprelacy
thiscameattheriskof perpettionsweredesired,
antithetical
to church
ideas
and
practices
teachings.
uatingpre-Christian
considerable
Cordrecordshadattained
powerin theceremonial
producandfroman ecclesiastical
tion of religiousauthority,
pointof view this
writers
wasincreasingly
non-Catholic.
European
allegedthatsome
authority
in
to
the
hard-line
position
khipuspecialistsoperatedcovertly response
customsof atonement
cults,manyof whichpracticed
againstpre-Hispanic
orthodox
ritualforms.27
suchofficialdirecthatcloselypatterned
However,
tivesthatsoughtto marginalize
offenders
fromthesupposedly
indigenous
morecompliant
nativepopulace
obscurewhatKenneth
Millshasidentified
andcontinually
as thewidespread
and
reformuevolvingreligious cultural
Andeanparishlife.28Generally
lationsthatcharacterized
native
speaking,
exercisedconsiderableindependence
from ecclesiastical
parishioners
andoftencultivated
ritualpracticesandrelationships
withholy
authority
thatweredeemedsuspectbythechurchhierarchy.
objectsandpersonalities
forbaptized
Itwasnotuncommon
to "self-Christianize"-to
Andeans
recast
the codesof conductimposeduponthemandredefinethe standards
of
to theirowntermsandexpecproper
religiousbeliefandcustomaccording
tations.Withregardto theritualof confession,
thedistancethatemerged
betweenauthorized
Catholicteachingsand local practicessuggestsa
environment
of culturalselectionsandsubstitutions,
and
dynamicpastoral
formsof worshipthatcouldbe attimesbothanalogous
andconflicting.
Thebishopsof theThirdCouncilcondemned
openlytheritualkhipupracticesthatwereconducted
outsideclericalsupervision.
Buttheautonomy
of
whomediated
theconfessional
riteswithintheChurch
specialists
mayalso
havemotivated
thepushforsacramental
reform.Giventhewidespread
linthe
native
church
assistants
had
considerguisticdeficiencyamong clergy,
ableauthority
in localparishes
as language
andteachers
of docinterpreters
trine.Though
theSecondCouncilof Lima(1567)andArequipa
synod(1638)
banned
thirdparties
fromtheconfessional,29
thisrulewaswidelydisregarded
in thepracticeof ruralparishlife, as PerezBocanegra's
makes
testimony
27Estenssoro
a la santidad,
"InstrucciOn
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
p. 210;JuanPolode Ondegardo,
contra
lasceremonial
altiempodesuinfidelidad"
[1559],Revista
y ritosqueusanlosindiosconforme
1:1(1906),p. 202.
HistOrica
28Kenneth
in Colonial
Colonial
LatinAmerican
Review
5:2(1996),
Mills,"BadChristians
Peru,"
Kenneth
of Andean
in TheCambridge
Mills,"TheNaturalisation
Christianities,"
pp.185-186;
History
of Christianity,Vol. 6, Reformationand Expansion, c. 1500-c. 1660, ed. R. Po-Chia Hsia (Cambridge:

Press,2007),pp.508-539.
Cambridge
University
29LimaII,espalioles
Concilios
13,inVargas
Limenses,
Ugarte,
p. 108;LimaII,indios49,inVargas
Concilios
Nacional
del
Limenses,
1638,Lib.II,tit.4, cap.6, inBiblioteca
Ugarte,
pp.182-183;
Arequipa
Peril(BNP),B 1742,f. 128v.

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20

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

to thebanfrequentlymentioned,albeit
plain.Churchlegislationsubsequent
with reservations,
the importantserviceof nativeassistantsin the confessional, particularlyin the diocese of Cuzco under whose jurisdiction
fe11.3o
In the dioceseof Quito,the clergywas encouraged
to
Andahuaylillas
seek the help of indigenousbilingualswhennecessaryfor hearingconfessions.31
Whilethe Tercerocatecismoadvocatedkhipu-based
confessions,the
work'sauthorsmade no explicitprovisionfor the involvementof native
in the sacramental
intermediaries
rite.The legislationof the ThirdCouncil
stressed,however,thatnot all priestsweresuitablefor confessingnew converts,whichsuggeststhereexistedanaversebutongoingdemandforAndean
In his De procurandaindorumsalute (1577), the definitive
interpreters.32
treatiseon pastoralgovernancein earlycolonialPeru,FatherAcosta,a printhatinterpreters
cipaladvisorto theThirdCouncil,reluctantly
acknowledged
couldbe recruitedfortheconfessional,buthe insistedthistakeplaceonlyin
extremecasesin whichthe priestlackedsufficientlanguageskillsto understandthegravestof sins.33
Whatpreoccupiedthe clergy,beyondthe obstaclesthataccompanied
the
linguistictranslationof a penitent'sauricularconfession,was the alleged
andtheclaimstheymadeaboutkhipus.For
treacheryof Andeaninterpreters
Perez
manual
includedquestionsthatpriestsshould
instance,
Bocanegra's
model when interrogating
Andeanswho assistedthe sacrament.Did the
the
violate
interpreters
confidentialityand sanctityof the confessionalby
what
was
said
to thirdparties?Wasthis done to harmthe penidivulging
tent'sreputation
or his or herestate?How manypeopleweretold andhow
A
finalquerypointsto the author'ssuspicionsthattheywilltimes?34
many
falsified
the
knottedcordaccountsof theneophytesundertheircharge:
fully
"Whenfindingkhipus,on whichan Indianmanor womanof youracquaintancehadknottedtheirsins in orderto recalltheirconfession,didyou look
at themor makeup the sins they committedby manipulating
the colorsof
theknots?Did you thendivulgeor tell themto someone,causingtheIndian
manor womannotabledishonorfor havingtold?"35
Suchqueriessuggest
3oCuzco1591,cap.4, inBNP,A 568,ff.4r-4v.

31 Alonso de la Perla
Montenegro,Itinerariopara pcirrocosde indios, en que se tratan las materias
mas particulares tocantes a ellos para su buena administraciOn[1668] (Guayaquil:Ediciones Corpo-

raciOn
deEstudios
1985),pp.319-320.
y Publicaciones,
32LimaIII,actio2, cap.14,inVargas
Concilios
Limenses,
Ugarte,
pp.270-271.
33JosedeAcosta,
deInvesDeprocuranda
indorum
salute[1577],vol.2 (Madrid:
Consejo
Superior
Cientificas,
1987),pp.52-59,430-433.
tigaciones
34PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
formulario,
pp.340-341.
35"Hallando
suspecados,
quipos,dondealgunindio,o indiaquetu conoces,auiaariudado
para
de suconfession,
aslosmirado,
lospecados
memoria
que
y porlascoloresdelosfludos,asfabricado
alindio,6
u dixistelos
a alguna
tudichosiguiosele
hizieron,
y diuulgastelos,
persona?
y dimeporauerlo

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JOHNCHARLES

21

and
thepowertheseindividualshadto manipulate
assets,defamecharacters,
on
generallydisruptthe alreadytenuousgripthatpriestsmaintained local
affairs.To understandbetterhow they might have accomplishedthis, I
wouldnow like to turnto the topicof indigenouslegal activism.
INANDEAN
PARISHES
LEGAL
USESOFKHIPUS
the colonialperiod,AndeansfamiliarizedwithHispaniclanThroughout
guageandjuridicalprocedurefiled legal complaintsagainstpriestsbefore
in diocesantribunalsor in makeshiftcourtsestabecclesiasticalmagistrates,
lishedin the conductof parishinspections.As in Spain,the Catholiccourts
mattersof canonlaw pertainingto benefices,
of Peruruledon wide-ranging
maritaldisputes,andcriminalchargesof pastoralneglitithes,sacraments,
Theaccusationsof indigenousplaintiffswithina singlelegalaction,
gence.36
or causa de capitulos,focused principallyon three types of ministerial
abuse-economic exploitation,immoralbehavior,and spiritualneglectandon occasionkhipusformedpartof the evidentiaryrecord.Echoingthe
concernsexpressedby Acostaabouttheabusesof clericalauthoritythathinnativeactivistsappealedto thechurchmagisderedpastoralachievement,37
trates'senseof justiceto redressthewrongstheysawandexperiencedatthe
handsof theirparishpriests.Indicationsalso exist thatthe Limasee's campaignsto eradicatesuspectAndeanreligiosity,whichbegansystematically
in the first decadeof the seventeenthcentury,provideda fertilebreeding
groundfor the exchangeof reciprocalaccusationsbetweenpriests and
who competedforpoliticalandspiritualauthorityin local
nativeauthorities
communities.Indigenouslawsuitsemergedfrom the same idolatrytrial
complexthat persecutedtraditionalAndeanbeliefs and rituals;in many
were
parishes,chargesagainstpriestsfor moralandmaterialtransgressions
or
followed
the
Church's
of
the
native
preceded
by
prosecution
worshippers'
of mutual
allegedreligiouscrimes.WhatMills has termedthe "atmosphere
thatcharacterized
relations
thus proscrutinyand sense-making"38
parish
notable?"
PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
made
india,infamia
formulario,
p. 341.Thechargeof indiscretion
of thesacrament
wasattimesturned
theclergyitself.Inthecentral
against
against
interpreters
highland
of Ambar,
atthetimewhenPerezBocanegra
wrotehismanual,
theAndean
ethniclordslegally
parish
accused
theirparish
theprivate
matters
of penitents
inhisweeklysermon
address:
priestof publicizing
noa empesado
a confesar
lagenteaunque
noabramuchos
conel porrrebelar
la
"[elpadre]
queconfiese
ensuconbersasion
cosasgrabes."
Archivo
Arzobisconficion
y Platica
y estoy otrasmuchas
y sermon
paldeLima(AAL),Capftulos,
Leg.6, Exp.4, f. 3r.
36Richard
L.Kagan,
Lawsuits
andLitigation
inCastile,
1500-1700
Hill:TheUniversity
of
(Chapel
NorthCarolina
Press,1981),pp.33-34.
37JosedeAcosta,
Deprocuranda
indorum
salute[1577],vol.1(Madrid:
deInvesConsejo
Superior
Cientificas,
1984),pp.204-207.
tigaciones
38Mills,"BadChristians,"
p. 185.

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22

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

vides a necessarycontextfor approaching


the case studiesthatfollow, in
whichnativelitigantsturnedto the powerof writtendocumentsandstring
registries,and a blendedAndeanand Catholicmorality,to denouncethe
in theirmidst.
instancesof priestlycorruption
AntonioAcostaRodriguez,andmorerecentlyFrankSalomonandKaren
Spalding,havepaintedfor the firstcolonialperioda compellingpictureof
the formidablepowerbasethatactivistcordmasterscreatedfor themselves
in Huarochiri
to defendthe interestsof theirwelfareagainstSpanishcoloA well-documented
nialism'sadvance.39
tenflashpointof Spanish-Andean
sionsfor thatregionoccurredin 1607in the villageof SanDamian,where
thenativeleadersfamouslyaccusedtheabusivepriestFranciscode Avilaof
Don MartinPuiporosi,the
fiscally exploitingthe indigenousworkforce.4o
ethniclordof the nearbyvillageof Santiagode Tuna,initiatedthe charges
andto substantiate
thembeforethe visitador
on behalfof the parishioners,
the
to corroborate
Baltazarde Padilla,he recruiteda local khipukamayuq
Avila's
theft
of
and
servcase.
claimed
that
goods
Puiporosi
prosecution's
ices fromthelocalchurch,includingfoodstuffs,livestock,andtheoutstandIndians,couldbe verifiedon thestringsof theindigeing wagesof tributary
Aftera protracted
nousaccountant's
litigationof two years,
khipuregistry.41
Avilawas exoneratedandreleasedfromjail, whichpromptedhis renowned
careeron the trailof extirpationand the filing of accusationsof idolatry
Despitethe plaintiffs'legal
againsthis previouscourtroomadversaries.42
to
continued
Andean
defeat,
play a key evidentiaryrole in
stringregistries
the makingof indigenouscomplaintsagainstthe missionaryclergy of
Huarochiri.In 1622, Don FranciscoMuchayand Don Juan Vilca, the
Andeannotablesof SanFranciscode Chaclla,filed a legalclaimforrestituin a
tionagainstthelicentiateLuisMejla,whotheyallegedhadparticipated
series of economicabusesand moralscandalsin his first 12 monthsas
39Antonio
Francisco
contra
"ElpleitodelosindiosdeSanDamian
AcostaRodriguez,
(Huarochiri)
americanistas
23 (1979),pp. 3-33;AntonioAcosta
de Avila,1607,"Historiografia
y bibliografia
ed.
deHuarochiri,
deAvila:Cusco1573(?)-Lima
"Francisco
1647,"inRitosy tradiciones
Rodriguez,
deEstudios
deEstudios
Instituto
Frances
andtrans.Gerald
Instituto
Andinos,
Peruanos,
(Lima:
Taylor
conquipus:
Sebastian
Francisco
atadas
andKaren
"Cartas
Frank
Salomon
1987),pp.551-616;
Spalding,
de 1750,"
inElhombre
delarebeliOn
deHuarochiri
Micaela
Chinchano
deMelo,Maria
y larepression
vol.
andRafaelVarOn
FloresEspinoza
a Franklin
PeaseG.Y,eds.Javier
Gabai,
Homenaje
y losAndes:
TheCordKeepers,
delPeru,2002),pp.857-870;
2 (Lima:
Pontificia
Universidad
CatMica
Salomon,
pp.
114-120.
4oAcostaRodriguez,
"Fran"ElpleitodelosindiosdeSanDamian,"
pp.3-10;AcostaRodriguez,
TheCordKeepers,
ciscodeAvila,"
Salomon,
pp.118-120.
pp.571-575;
41"...estaquenta
en suquipo."
la tieneel yndiocontador
destospueblos
AAL,Capitulos,
Leg.1,
Exp.9, f. 3r.
42AcostaRodriguez,
"Fran"ElpleitodelosindiosdeSanDamian,"
pp.5-10;AcostaRodriguez,
ciscodeAvila,"
pp.593-606.

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JOHN CHARLES

23

curate.Accordingto the indictment,the priesthad stolencommunityanimalsandprovisionswithoutauthorization,


failedto pay nativelaborersfor
servicesrenderedto the maintenance
of the church,consortedwithwomen,
andgenerallyneglectedhis sacramental
to baptizeinfantsand
responsibility
confesstheinfirm.Vilcaincludedhimselfamongthepriest'svictims,which
indicatesthepersonalanimositiesthatlikelymotivatedthecomplaint;when
a mule belongingto the parishdied underthe noble lord'swatch,Mejia
forcedhimto reimbursethechurchtheunfairsumof 18 goatsfromhis own
who sufferedthe abuse
privatestock.Yetas before,the localadministrators
claimedto possessknottedstringaccountsthatprovedMejfa'sgraft:
ThesaidpriestforcesthesaidIndians
of thisparishandits administrators
to
him
thatis whatthe
give hens,chickens,
potatoes,
cocopa,andcorn,claiming
tribute
quotalistordersthemto give,andhe imposesthisupontheadministrators
of thesettlements,
andif theydonotcomply,
heorders
themtobepunishedseverely,
andforthis,thesaidpriestmustpaythema largeamount
of
silverin restitution,
astheirkhipuswillprove.43
It appearsthattheevidentiarycordsregisteredmostlystatisticalinformation
suchas thetypesof productsandthe quantitiesexchanged,andthe sumsof
restitutionandto whomit was owed.44
But the actualextentof the admissibilityof khipusin the seventeenthcenturycourtroomis difficultto assess.Spanishcoloniallaw referredonly
indirectlyto theirvalidityas evidenceandthefinalresolutionof mostlegal
proceedingsof this type,includingthe causasagainstMejia,unfortunately
remainlost fromthe archivalrecord.We knowthatin the earliestcolonial
era, royal authoritiesdemandedthatAndeancord masterskeep specific
typesof cordinformationfor purposesof verification.The masters'khipu
figureswereneedednot only to informSpanishofficialsof availabletributarygoods and labor,but also to ensurefor the Andeans'protectionthat
theirforcedpaymentsand servicesdid not exceed the Crown'sexpectations.45Thispracticewas endorsedby ViceroyFranciscode Toledo,who in
43"Eldhocuraapremia
a losdhosyn.osdestasudoctrina
a quele dengallinas
y a susmandones
darforcando
a losmandones
delasparcialipollospapascocopamaizdiziendo
quelatasase lo manda
dadesy si nolo hazenlosmanda
dequedestoel dhocuralesdeuerestituyr
cruelmente
mucha
castigar
platacomoconstara
AAL,Capitulos,
porlosquiposquetienen."
3, Exp.11,f. 4r.
Leg.
44Thelitigants'
statements
aboutthepriest's
moralandsacramental
madenorefhowever,
failings,
erencetokhipus.
Thissuggests
thepossibility
thatcordrecords
ofbaptisms,
saints'
confessions,
days,or
othercrucial
dataonlocalritualactivities,
whichPorres
hadrecommended
foranearlier
time,nolonger
monitored
andmemorialized
thedailyparish
lifeof seventeenth-century
Huarochiri.
45Carmen
BeatrizLoza,"Dubonusagedesquipusfacea l'administration
colonialeespagnole
53:1-2(1998),p. 144;Salomon,
TheCordKeepers,
(1550-1600),"
Population
p. 110.

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24

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

hislegalreformsof the1570ssoughtto utilizestringregistries


in theservice of colonialadministration.
Andeanlaborers,
he decreed,shouldcarry
to defendthemselves
schemes
khipusas testimony
againsttheexploitative
"thesaidcorregidor
of tributecollectors:
mustgiveordersthateachIndian
of thosewhoaresubjectto tributecarryhiskhipuof whathe oughtto pay
so that[theroyaladministrators]
understand
theyarenotto takemoretribute[thanis required]."46
Toledo'sreformsalsoordered
to
khipuspecialists
of lost wealth,47
which
help SpanishjudgesreceiveAndeancomplaints
In
entailed
inventories
before
the
court.
substantiating
probably
property
this way,the viceroyslightlyadaptedthe proposalof thejuristJuande
Matienzofortheadjudication
of indigenous
disputesby thecord-keeping
InMatienzo's
vision,thisnativeofficialwouldrecordbykhipu
t'uqrikyuq.
the datarelatedto "anycivil andcriminalgrievances
thatoccurbetween
Indians,togetherwiththe lawsuitsthatthe Indiansmightbringthrough
in addition
to details
theircaciquesornotables,
be theycivilorcriminal,"
of thesentencerendered.48
Themostdirectlegalprecedent
fortheactionsof cordkeepersagainst
the clergycanbe foundamongthe dutiesthatToledoset downfor the
a centralauthorityof the indigenousmunicipal
notary-khipukamayuq,
foreachadministrative
district.A morehighlylitcouncilshe established
erateembodiment
of Matienzo's
this
wasexpected
to
t'uqrikyuq, individual
transfer
intowrittendocuments
all witnesstestimony
thatcamebeforethe
councilon mattersof wills,property
orlegalcomplaints,
inventories,
plus
Andeanparishioners,
relevantkhipudataon theactivitiesof corregidores,
andpriests:
recordon khipus
information
thattheIndianscustomarily
all theremaining
to writingbythehandof saidnotaryso thatit be morecermustbe reduced
absences
from
withregardto the[parishioners'
tainanddurable,
especially
andthe
doctrina
andthecomingsandgoingsof priestsandtheirabsences,
46"...que
detassatomesuquipodelo
el dhocorregidor
deordenquecadayndiodelosqueffueren
tassa."
Archivo
General
de la Naci6n
no
se
les
a
de
llevar
mas
de
entiendan
ouiere
pagarprq.
q.
que
Derecho
617,f. 10r.
(Lima),
Indigena,
Leg.31,Cuaderno
47Salomon,
ReadDeceitorLies':Variable
Chinu
TheCordKeepers,
Platt,"'Without
p. 111.Tristan
in Narrative
Tribute-Restitution
Threads,
Trial,"
pp.225-265;and
ingsduringa Sixteenth-Century
bienesy quipusen undocumento
MonicaMedelius
andJoseCarlosde la PuenteLuna,"Curacas,
of
andanalyzetheemployment
toledano
HistOrica
28:2(2004),pp.35-82,document
1570),"
(Jauja,
intribute-restitution
trialsof thesixteenth
century.
khipus
bynativelitigants
48"...cualesquier
entreindios,conquelascausasquelos
pleitoscivilesy criminales
queacaecieren
laspongaporquipoel tocuirico."
indiostruxeran
consuscaciques
o principales,
cevileso criminales,
Villena(Lima:
Instituto
Frances
delPerri[1567],ed.Guillermo
Lohmann
JuandeMatienzo,
Gobierno
deEstudios
Andinos,
1967),p. 51.

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JOHN CHARLES

25

andtheirlieutenants,
sameappliesto thecorregidores
andotherparticular
thattheytendto recordonthesaidkhipus.49
matters
this ordinance,Toledoastutelyturnedthe cord
As KathrynBurnsinterprets
a
"kind
moral
muchas we saw in Diego de
into
of
keeper
policeman,"50
Porres'searlyprojectionof nativeparishgovernance.But hereit was not
only the Andeansbut also the Spanishpriestsand corregidoreswho fell
underthe watchfuleye of the khipukamayuq,
a sanctionedally of royal
in theirown ranks.51
authorities
for weedingout corruption
Scholarshavegenerallyassertedthatby the last decadeof the sixteenth
centurywrittendocumentsin Spanishhad effectivelyreplacedPeruvian
cordregistriesas the only legally recognizedmeansof recordkeeping.52
Accordingto Salomonand Spalding,the khipuregistrycontinuedinformally subsequentto the ascendancyof paper accounts, but surfaced
mostly in "folk-legalproceedings,"like the trial of Franciscode Avila,
andreflectedmorethe indigenouspeoples'supportfor theirvaliditythan
However,parishinspectionreportsof
anyofficialSpanishendorsement.53
the Lima archbishopricproducedsome fifty years after Toledo's ordinancesconfirmthatsome ecclesiasticalauthoritiessolicitedlegally binding cordaccountsfromAndeanparishionerswell into firsthalf of the seventeenthcentury.When,in 1619,the ethniclordsof the parishof Andajes
in the centralhighlandprovinceof Cajatambofiled capitulosagainstthe
MercedarianfriarMiguel Marquez,the high clergy of Lima dispatched
the visitadorCristobalLoarteDavila to investigate.The inspectorposed
a set of 26 questions to the native witnesses concerningMarquez's
allegedmistreatmentof laborers,illicit moneymaking,and total inatten49"...todo
lo demasquese pudiere,
se ordena
quelosindiossuelenponerenQuipos,
y manda
que
a escritura
sereduzca
enespecial
enlas
pormanodedichoescribano,
paraqueseamasciertoy durable,
faltasquetuvieren
dedoctrina
y entradas
y salidasdesacerdotes
y ausencias
quehicieren,
y lo mismo
enlo quetocarea loscorrejidores
en
y sustenientes
y otrascosasparticulares,
queellossuelenasentar
losdichosQuipos."
inRoberto
Transcribed
delPeru:Cartas
Levillier,
ed.,Gobernantes
ypapeles,
siglo
deRivadeneyra,
Sucesores
thispassage
is citedandtranslated
XVI,vol.8 (Madrid:
1925),pp.337-338;
fromtheSpanish
inKathryn
Burns,
Archives,"
"Making
Indigenous
p. 10.
50Burns,
Archives,"
"Making
Indigenous
p. 11.
51Theongoing
research
of Burnsonthepowerof indigenous
scribes
tobringnativepeoplesunder
of lawandliteracy
hasilluminated
theimpact
of thisintermediary
and
Spanish
patterns
figureonurban
ruralAndean society. James Lockhart,TheNahuas after the Conquest:A Social and CulturalHistory of
the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth throughEighteenth Centuries (Stanford:StanfordUniversity

of nativescribal
in colonialMexico,for
culture
Press,1992)offersthemostsystematic
investigation
whichthereexistsa considerable
unlikethePeruvian
archives
in
bodyof Nahuatl-language
writings,
whichextantnotarial
records
inQuechua
arefew.
52GaryUrton,
"From
KnotstoNarratives,"
p.410.
53Salomon,
TheCordKeepers,
andSpalding,
"Cartas
atadas
conquipus,"
p. 118;Salomon
p. 861.

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26

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

tion to the sacramentsandreligiousinstructionof the parishioners;


one of
these questionstouchedupon the priest'sillegal use of khipus:"if [the
Indians]know the said priesthas forcedhis parishionersto makeofferings eitherby his own handor thatof his fiscales or sacristansor other
Whetheror not the implicationwas
persons,chargingthemby khipus."54
hadreasonto
true,the inquirydemonstratesthatthe Limaarchbishopric
believe thatpriestsemployedstringregistriesto categorizeandsumwhat
shouldhave been each churchgoer'svoluntarycontributionsat Mass and
on feast days. Oneyearfollowingthe startof LoarteDavila'sinspection,
the cura doctrineroreceivedthe legal orderfromArchbishopBartolome
Lobo Guerrerothathis rightto ministerin the parishwas revokeddue to
"the abuses and the bad example that he has given."55Did the same
khipusthatLoarteDavila used to registerthe illegal donationsserve as
evidenceof his crime?
In 1623,the inspectorBaltazarde Padillareturnedto the topicof forced
contributions
by khipuswhen conductingresearchesof FatherAndresde
Mujica'spastoralachievementsin San Juande Huanchorin Huarochiri
province.Afterreviewingthe chargesthathad been filed by the parish's
Andeannotablesagainsttheirminister,Padillawantedto know:hadMujica
in factcoercedtheparishioners
to makechurchofferingsonAll Saints'Day
and othersolemnfeasts by meansof "tributequotas,khipus,and written
The secondmentionof this concernwithinthe sphere
parishregistries"?56
of theecclesiasticalcourtshintsattheChurch'scontinuedrecognitionof the
evidentiaryvalueof khipus;in the seventeenthcentury,a priest'stolerance
or exploitationof cord accountingwould not necessarilyconceal their
abuses from higher churchauthorities.Anotherintriguingpossibilityis
raisedby theseaccounts:thatthe nativemethodof recordation
appealedto
or perthe travelingmagistrates
not only as a recordof ancientsuperstition
butalso
sonalsin, as theJesuitextirpator
PabloJosede Arriagaproposed,57
of fellow Catholicministersor
as potentialevidenceof the transgressions
exploitativeSpanishcorregidores.
54 "...sisauenel dhocuraforsasea sus feligresessobrelas ofrendasporsi o porsus fiscaleso sacristaneso porotraspersonascobrandolos
Leg. 11,Exp.1, f. 2v.
porquipos."AAL,VisitasEclesiasticas,
55AAL,VisitasEclesiasticas,
Leg. 11,Exp.1, f. 15r.
56 "...sisabenq. el susodho[cura]hazefuercaa susfeligresesacercade las offrendasde todossanctos y las otrasde fiestassolemnesde entreaimcobrandolas
portassaquiposy padronescontrala bol.d
de los yn.os."AAL,Cal:aulos,Leg.4, Exp.3, f. 2r.Thisreferenceto evidentiary
khipushasbeenidenatadascon
tifiedpreviouslyin Salomon,TheCordKeepers,p. 120;andSalomonandSpalding,"Cartas
quipus,"p. 861.
57PabloJosephde Arriaga,La extirpaciOn
de la idolatriaen el Pird [1621],ed. HenriqueUrbano
de LasCasas,"1999),p. 133.
(Cuzco:Centrode EstudiosRegionalesAndinos"Bartolome

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JOHN CHARLES

27

An improbable
work,surfacingoutsidethelegal docket,bringsto lighta
relatedbut clandestineuse for khipusin thatperiod.In 1602, the Lima
printerAntonioRicardopublishedDiego Davalosy Figueroa'sMiscelemea
treatisein proseandverseon suchdiversesubjects
austral,a wide-ranging
as love and dreams,the music of Tuscany,and indigenousAmerica's
Drawingon severaldecadesas a soldierand
propensityfor Christianity.
authorincluded
minerin the southernPeruvianhighlands,the Spanish-born
thefollowingaccount,as toldfromone limenoto another,whichwas meant
to illustratethe nativeAndeans'beliefin the afterlife:
in company
of thecorPassingdownthestreetsof a towncalledAtunjauja
we
saw
an
old
Indian
with
a
bunch
of
in
cords
his
hand
thatwere
regidor,
large
madeof firmlytwistedwoolanddiversecolors,whichtheycallkhipus.
When
thisIndianrealizedthatthecorregidor
andI hadseenhim,he triedto hide
whathe wascarrying,
butbeforehe coulddothatthecorregidor
summoned
himandaskedwhatthelongaccounts
contained.
theIndianbegan
Flustered,
tovacillate,
whichmadethecorregidor
wanttoknowevenmore,sohethreatenedto thrashhimandcuthishair(thegreatest
injuryonecandoto them).
the Indianconfessed,explaining
thatthe khipu,togetherwith
Eventually
otherverylargeoneshe owned,weretheaccount
he hadto giveto theInca
his
return
from
the
other
world
of
all
that
had
in thatvalley
upon
happened
his
absence.
The
account
included
all
the
who
during
Spaniards hadpassed
downtheroyalroad,whattheyhadaskedforandbought,andwhattheyhad
donebothfor good andfor bad.The corregidor
seizedandburnedhis
accounts
andpunished
theIndian.58
Thestoryof theInca'sreturnwas compatiblewithCatholicteachingson the
of thedeadandtheimmortality
resurrection
of thesoul,andonethatAndeans
andmissionaryclergyof theperiodcommonlyembraced,thoughsometimes
58"...andando
encomparlia
delcorregidor
vimosvn
Atunxauxa,
porlascallesdevnpueblollamado
Indioviejo,convngrande
delanabientorcida
coloresenla mano,que
mac()decuerdas
y dediuersas,
ellosllaman
esconvisto,procur6
Quipos,
puescomoesteIndioviessequeel corregidor
y yole auiamos
derseconsucarga,
masnolopudohazercomopensaua,
el corregidor
lollarn6
deque
porque
y pregunt6
erantanlargasquentas,
el Indioturbado
a variar,
conlo qualacrescent6
en el corregidor
el
comenco
desseodesaberlo quele preguntaua,
deNotesy decortarle
el cabello(quees
y assilo pusoentermino
la mayorafrenta
diziendo,
quese lespuedehazer)el Indiovinoa confessar
queaquelquipoconotros
boluiesse
delotromundo
de
muygrandes
quetenia,eralarazony cuenta
queauiadedaralIngaquando
todolo queauiasuccedido
enaquelvalleensuausencia:
dondeseyncluyan
todoslosEspatioles
quepor
auianpassado,
lo queauianpedidoy comprado,
todolo queauianhechoassienbien
aquelrealcamino
comoenmal.Elcorregidor
tom6y quern()
susquentas,
y castig6al Indio."
DiegoDavalos
y Figueroa,
Primera
austral(Lima:
Antonio
hasalso
Ricardo,
1602),p. 151r.Thisaccount
partedela Miscelcinea
beencitedinEnglish
translation
inSabine
"'TheHeart
HasItsReasons':
Predicaments
of
MacCormack,
in EarlyColonial
American
Historical
Review
65:3(1985),p.
Peru,"
Missionary
Christianity
Hispanic
458.I wouldliketo thankMichael
T.Hamerly
forproviding
mewithinformation
onthebiography
of
Davalos
y Figueroa.

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28

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

withcompetinginterpretations.59
WhatmakesDavalosy Figueroa'snarration
valuablefor the presentdiscussion,however,is thatit allowsus to glimpse
the existenceof informalcord-basedsurveillancepracticessimilarto the
"moralpolicing"techniquethat Toledo had demandedof the cabildo's
TheSpanishcorregidores,
it is clear,didnotwelcome
notary-khipukamayuq.
theviceroy'spositionon thesetypesof accountsandhadgoodreasonto suppress them, given the cords' well-knowncapacityto recordcolonialist
abuses.Herethe elderlyman'sstringsnot only registeredthe commercial
of theEuropeans
butalsothegoodandevil deedstheyhaddone.
transactions
The originof suchpracticesof denunciation
may also be linkedto the
ThirdCouncil'sconfessionarymodel.If we recallthe Tercerocatecismo's
instructionto penitents,we comprehendthe unclearboundariesthatseparatedthe privatecustomof the sacramentfromthe publicact of denunciation.Forexample,to establishforAndeanconvertsthe meaningof confession, the sermonmanual'sauthorsemployedthe metaphorof storehouse
exchangeas a way to capturethe economyof sin andits countableaspect:
"youmakea khipuof whatyou give and whatyou are owed"(emphasis
the socialobligations
mine).60Thepriests'officialhomilythusaccentuated
of Christianpracticeandthevitalplaceof accountingone'sdebtsandthose
of othersin upholdingthecivil order.OnecanimaginehowforAndeanneophytes the conceptualdomainof individualwrongdoingand absolution
As thesermon'slanwouldoverlapwiththatof publiccrimeandreparation.
guagesuggests,thesamecordsthatpenitentsusedto catalogsinscouldalso
committedagainstthemby fellowAndeans,Spanrecordthetransgressions
ish corregidores,
orevenparishpriests.Wastheindigenousactivismof cord
holderspartlyinspiredby the ambiguitiesinherentto the Church'ssacramentalpedagogy?Did Andeancordspecialistsperceivea linkbetweenthe
confessionalandtheecclesiasticalcourt?Did theysee themas complementaryforadesignedfor the accountingof transgressions?
The utilizationof khipusfor recordinganddenouncingthe misdeedsof
otherswas validatedmoreexplicitlyby Andeantradition.HistorianEl Inca
Garcilasode la Vegaexpressedfroman indigenousperspectivethe similarity betweenpre-Hispanickhipuconventionsand post-conquestChristian
customs.In ancienttimes,he recounted,theInca'sstringsarchivedthelaws
andthe
of the statereligion,therecordof violatorsandtheirtransgressions,
59Estenssoro
a la santidad,
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
pp.353-354.
Ritual
"Perez
a la santidad,
Estenssoro
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
Bocanegra's
p. 217;andHarrison,
termforsin,andhow
of "hucha,"
themissionary
Quechua
formulario,"
p. 270,discussthesignificance
onthetopicof confession.
thecountable
it underscores
teachings
aspectof church

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JOHN CHARLES

29

penaltieseach was obligedto receive:"Inthis way, each threadandknot


thatit contained,similarto the TenComrecalledfor themthe information
mandmentsor the articlesof our Holy CatholicFaithand the worksof
fromthenumberwhateachone requiresof
mercy,forwhichwe understand
us."61Garcilaso'stestimonyhighlightsthe continuitybetweenthe numbers
thatregisteredthe dictatesof ChristiandoctrineandIncastringsthatinventoriedreligiouscrimesandpenaltiesof restitution.
Thisfunctionalambiguity thatderivedfromboth Inca and Catholicteachingsshows us thatfor
Andeans,the distanceseparatingthe privaterealmof the confessionaland
the publicrealmof the courtroommaynot havebeen as greatas we might
think.Onelimitationof khipustudies,I wouldargue,hasbeento isolatethe
confessionalapplicationsof cordregistriesfromlegal ones.Butto appreciatethebroadercontextof Spanish-Andean
like thosein
parishrelationships
an assessmentof the close association
Andahuaylillas,
seventeenth-century
betweenthetwo is needed.By way of conclusion,I returnto PerezBocanegra'swritingsto considerhow contemporary
polemicswith regardto the
legal andmissionaryutilityof khipusmayhaveinformedhis views on the
nativeparishassistantswho employedthem.
CORD
KEEPERS
ASRIVAL
AUTHORITIES
At the most obviouslevel, PerezBocanegra'saccountinstructsus that
confessionalstringpracticesrespondedmoreto communitynecessitiesand
circumstances
thanthe expectationsandgoals of the Peruvianchurchhierof
archy.Some these expectationsand goals were strictlydoctrinal.For
example,the clergymanreprovedthe collective,localizednatureof the
Andeans'confessionsat a timewhencanonlaw orderedconfessionto be a
privateface-to-facedialogue,exceptingcases thatrequiredlinguisticinterwe recall,taughtnative
pretation.The parishassistantsof Andahuaylillas,
studentsto preparekhipusof theirown sins andthoseof others;theyfashionedkhipuscollectivelyandborewitnessto transgressions
theythemselves
did not commit.Moreover,PerezBocanegracondemnedthe parishioners'
habitof reusingthe sameknotsfor repeatedconfessionsin apparentignorance of the sacrament'spower of absolution.Under the leadershipof
Andeancatechists,to whomhe appliedthechargedepithetof "alumbrados,"
theparishioners
hadadoptedanindependent
outapproachto the sacrament
61"Demanera,
lo queensi contenia,
a semejanza
delos
quecadahiloy iludolestralaa lamemoria
o articulos
mandamientos
denuestra
santafecatOlica
sacamos
y obrasdemisericordia,
queporelntimero
lo quedebajo
de61senosmanda."
ElIncaGarcilaso
delaVega,Comentarios
realesdelosIncas[1609,
delIncaGarcilaso
de la Vega,ed.Carmelo
Saenzde SantaMaria,
vol.2
1617],in Obrascompletas
Ediciones
Atlas,1960),p. 205.
(Madrid:

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UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

30

side properecclesiasticalchannels,thus evoking what Estenssorohas


describedas "the Protestantphantom"that afflictedmissionaryclergy
Peru:the fearof individualized
of the Christian
throughout
interpretations
that
would
the
of
the
Church
and
its ministers.62
message
supplant authority
A briefreviewof the parish'slitigioushistoryindicatesthatJesuitconfessionarymethodologiesmay have formedthe basis of the presbitero's
complaint.From the biographicalsummariesof Harrisonand Bruce
we learnthatPerezBocanegraassumedpostsin the cathedral
Mannheim,63
of Cuzcoandthatcity'sparishof Belenbeforehis appointment
as beneficiin theprovinceof Quispicanchi,
wherehe also
aryof nearbyAndahuaylillas,
actedas examinergeneralof QuechuaandAymarafor aspiringcuras de
A morethan20-yearlabor,theRitualformulariowas
indiosof thediocese.64
composedandpublishedduringa lengthyperiodof litigationbetweenthe
diocese and the Society of Jesus,which soughtto annexthe parishas a
Quechua-language
traininggroundfor membersof the order.Grantedroyal
approvalfor the takeoverin 1621, the JesuitseventuallyreplacedPerez
Bocanegrain 1628,butwereforcedto returnthe parishto him eightyears
of the ecclesiasticalcabildo.In this
laterdue to the relentlessprotestations
context,the author'sconceivablehostilitytowardtheJesuitscanbe located
in his proposalsfor sacramental
He denouncedthecataloguadministration.
ing of sinsby khipus,a Jesuit-endorsed
practice,andtheirutilizationto reitIn a thinlyveiled critiqueof the parish'searlier
eratepriorconfessions.65
stewardship,PerezBocanegraaskedthe Andeansaboutthe bad ways of
theirdevotionandhe was eagerto publishin his manualtheirreply:"the
Fatheror Fatherstheyknewgrowingup hadtaughtthemthesethings."66
The author'srecommendations
for how to confessAndeanshelpsus to
roundoutthisfragmentary
portraitof a clericbesiegedby Jesuitsandparish62 EstenssoroFuchs, Del

paganismo a la santidad, p. 227.

63Harrison,
TheLanguage
"Perez
Ritual
ofthe
Bocanegra's
formulario,"
p.270;BruceMannheim,
ofTexasPress,1991),pp.47-48,146.
InkasincetheEuropean
Invasion
(Austin:
University
64 Alan Durston,Pastoral Quechua: The

History of ChristianTranslationin Colonial Peru, 1550-

career
asamissionary
lin1650(University
ofNotreDamePress,inpress),
elucidates
PerezBocanegra's
and
ofamissionary
thatestablishes
identifications
between
Christian
Quechua
guistandhisdevelopment
Andean
entities
anddrawsfromIncareligious
termsandmotifs.
65Regarding
fortheiradvocacy
of "general
thePeruvian
werewellknown
thelatter
Jesuits
practice,
instead
of
of thepenitent's
entirebiography
whichencompassed
therecurring
enactment
confessions,"
of onlythosesinscommitted
sincetheprevious
sacrament.
SeeJohn
themoreconventional
recounting
W.O'Malley,
TheFirstJesuits(Cambridge:
Press,1993),p. 39;Estenssoro
University
Cambridge
Fuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad,pp. 206-207 n. 160.

66"...hazen
conquiense ancriadose lasan
muymalascosas,diziendo,
queel Padreo losPadres
enseriado."
PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
formulario,
p. 115.

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CHARLES
JOHN

31

ionersalike.An astonishing70 questionsof his manualfor confessorswere


devotedto findingout whetherAndeanpenitentshad violatedthe eighth
commandment's
prohibitionon dishonesttestimony.Questionstouchedall
social
groupsand formsof bearingfalse witness,but litigious
indigenous
communityleadersstoodout as one of his foremostconcerns.Ethniclords
(curacas)shouldbe askedif they had falsely accusedthe clergy,and the
if he hadfalsifiedindigenouswills to the detriment
notary-khipukamayuq,
Themostsuggestivereferenceto thepriest'sfamilof the church'sestate.67
camein a questionformulated
with
Andean
practicesof denunciation
iarity
to theAndeancongregantsin general:"Haveyou denouncedanother'ssin
before any judge, out of the hatredyou had for that person,or to take
revengeon himbecauseyou werenot ableto provethe crimeof whichyou
of the conaccusedhim?"68
Thoughthis line of inquirywas characteristic
fessionmanualspublishedin thattime,it allowsus to placePerezBocanegra'sconcernsaboutAndeans'moralconductin the sphereof anindigenous
activism that threatenedpriestly authorityin parishes throughoutthe
viceroyalty,in all probabilityincludinghis own. We do not knowwhether
the beneficiaryhimselfhadbeen singledout for ministerialcrimes,buthis
pointedcriticismsof bothkhipuhandlersandnativelitigantsimpliesthat
his consistentlyexpressedgoal
theseintersectingsocialgroupsundermined
to imposeorthodoxreligiousbehaviorin Andahuaylillas.
Estenssorohas observedthatthe truescandalunderlyingPerezBocanegra'scomplaintagainstkhipuswasthatthe"elderbrothersandsisters"(hermanosy hermanasmayores),as thenativecatechistswereknownby thevilauthoritythatbelongedto thepriest.In
lagers,hadusurpedthe sacramental
the wordsof thebeneficiary:"Beforethe Indianpenitentgoes to the feet of
theconfessorandpriest,he or she hasalreadyconfessedall the sinsto these
Indianwomenandmen."69
To curbtheirinfluence,he calledfor uprooting
the secretmeetings(juntasy ruedas)in whichtheyprepared
knottedstrings
andspreadfalsehoodsaboutpriestsandCatholicteachings.7o
The containmentof cordsandtheirkeepersshouldalso come,he urged,throughthetriumphof the printedword. In lock step with the ThirdCouncil'smore
which expressed no toleranceof native
aggressive recommendations,
67PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
formulario,
pp.271,278.
68"Acusaste
deotro,porodioquele tuuiesses?
o porvengarte
antequalquier
deel,
juez,el peccado
nopudiendo
el delitodequele acusaste?"
PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
probar
formulario,
pp.336-337.
69"Antes
a lospiesdelConfesor,
quevayael Indio,6 Indiapenitente
y Sacerdote,
yase a confessadoconestasIndias,
e Indiosdetodoslospecados."
PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
formulario,
p. 111.See
EstenssoroFuchs, Del paganismo a la santidad, p. 224.

70PerezBocanegra,
Ritual
formulario,
p. 134.

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32

UNRELIABLECONFESSIONS

PerezBocanegraadvisedpriests
refusalsto meetthepressuresof orthodoxy,
to seize anddestroytheAndeans'knottedstringsandto use in theirplacethe
directivesof his publishedmanual:"teachthemto confessby the rulesof
this confesionarioandtakefromthemthose accountsandknotsandburn
themin theirpresence,anddenythemthe sacramentof the Eucharistuntil
The book
all have been broughtto the propermethodof confession."71
misdiwhich
had
been
form
of
to
stabilize
the
missionaryritual,
promised
of the cordmasters'improvisedspiritual
rectedby the khipu"palimpsests"
for
was not merelythe dangerof heterodox
At
issue
the
author
repertoire.
the
but
more
confession,
important questionof who controlledthe mechanismsof religiousexchangeandthereforepoweroverthe community.
to withholdcommunionfromthe
Still, thatPerezBocanegrathreatened
parishionersrepresentsan implicit acknowledgementof their fervent
approachto the Catholicdevotions.Tohighlighttheirallegedignorance,he
explainedthatAndeanpenitentsmistakenlybelievedthey were sanctified
afterconfessingwith strings.Here we apprehendthe Catholicintentions
with whichthey madethe sacrament,andthe convictionthatthey did so
withinwhattheyconsideredtheboundsof Christianorthodoxy.72
Similarly,
in the publicrealmof the ecclesiasticalcourts,nativeplaintiffsrepeatedly
avowed the soundnessof their religiouspracticesand principles.They
expressedthe needto protectthe welfareof Andeancommunitiesfromthe
prohibitedactionsof priestsby demandingthatthe valuesof the Church
withregardto justicebe upheld.
PerezBocanegra'sdepictionof the challengeshe facedas priestleadsus
to a fundamental
questionthatthePeruvianclergystruggledto answer:how
to categorizeas "Catholic"Andeanswho employedtraditionalmediain
theirwillful quest to fulfill the sacramentsand to redressthe wrongsof
Cordkeepersseemto haveoccupiedpositionsthatoverSpanishauthority.
in
lapped unexpectedwaysthe varioussocialgroupsthatmadeup colonial
parishsociety.The fact thattheybeliedthe conventionalpatternsof acculturationor resistancethatcontemporary
Europeansourcesoftenascribedto
the
that
to
idea
themforcesus reassess
priestsandAndeansalwaystookup
one side or anotherof a strictculturaldivide,or thatbookswerethe only
meansof communicating
Spanishrule to local nativevillages.Both colo71"...enseilarles
esteConfessionario
a confessar
conforme
cuentas,
y nudos;
quitandoles
aquellas
hastatenerlos
dela Eucaristia,
Y nodarlesel Sacramento
ensupresencia.
reduzidos,
y quemandolos
Ritual
PerezBocanegra,
sinsemejantes
al buenordende se confessar
enredos,
formulay defetos."
rio,p. 114.
72Estenssoro
a la santidad,
Fuchs,Delpaganismo
p.225.SeeMills,"TheNaturalisation."

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JOHN CHARLES

33

nizersandcolonizedengagedin a continual
their
processof reformulating
and
their
media
in
of
fluid
colonialrealities.
Whilescholars
messages
light
arestillfarfromknowinghownativeintermediaries
communicated
with
the
recent
effort
to
cord
records
and
their
accordstrings,
interpret
guardians
as opposedto treating
ing to specifichistoricalcontextsandoperations,
themasmerevictimsof writing's
offersoneof themostpromising
advance,
for
Andeanist
researches
onthehistoryof contested
paths extending
today's
in
colonialisms earlySpanish
America.73
Thecordkeepers,takenas a categoryof analysis,mayyet disclosefurthercracksin the imperialcenter's
holdonits colonialterritories.
TulaneUniversity
New Orleans,Louisiana

JOHN
CHARLES

73Thisobservation
is madeinGaryUrton,
"From
KnotstoNarratives,"
pp.431-432.

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