March/April

Editorial

Unite to fight against

price hike

P
rices of food articles have gone sky high. Both the central and
state governments have been doing precious little to contain them.
For over three or four months the Union Finance Minister has
been assuring that prices will come down within three months, only to be
found as another false assurance or promise the ruling class politicians
are used to make. Biggest joker in the pack is Mr. Sharad Pawar, whose
ministry constitutes of agriculture, food, civil supplies and consumer affairs
all taken together. He first sat light doing nothing, but cricket management,
then suddenly awoke and told people this is all due to lack of production,
then again he assured that the government has enough stock to tide over
it, then stopped export of food grains, then started importing wheat first
and rice later. State governments have been accusing centre for the price
hike. Central government’s agents are accusing states for their inability to
contain hoarders. Things are remaining unchanged, except the old game
of reducing prices of agricultural produces to absurd proportion when

janashakti 1
March/April

they are just coming out of the field.

Prices of all food articles like rice, wheat, sugar, pulses, vegetables,
potato, onion and so on have doubled and even trebled in comparison to
those in the same period a year earlier. It is also found that even those
articles whose whole sale prices have gone up only by 30-35% according
to the government statistics are being sold to the consumers at a price
150-200% higher than the same period previous year. In the case of onion
and pulses this is very much evident. In the case of potato it was same,
but suddenly it nose dived just when the new crops started coming up.
Even the factor of passing through a number of intermediaries cannot
provide explanation of such huge difference in wholesale prices and
consumer prices on the one hand, and on the other hand just the reduced
production cannot explain the steep rise in wholesale prices.

Now that big investments, both foreign and Indian big bourgeoisie,
like Walmart, ITC, Reliance, Cash and Carry in wholesale as well as
consumer market of agricultural output have appeared and introduced
forward trading and hoarding at large scale, their roles in this conspiratorian
and unbridled manner of price hike are very clear. And where are those
advocates holding briefs of those capitalists ? They had been propagating
that with such investments small produces and agricultural workers will
gain a lot. Potato growers are experiencing the reality and it is to be noted
that potato is an important item in their business.

Add with them the traditional hoarders and speculators who were
supposed to be hanged to the nearest lampost by Nehru, but have actually
thrived from his day till now. Then it will be clear why both the central and
state governments are doing nothing. Actually agents or to be more exact,
boot lickers cannot go against their masters. While the people are
suffering, the parties of ruling classes have been taking resort to
distractionist tactics to stall peoples movement. Tactics may vary from
state to state but the objectives are same. Clashes between political parties
2 janashakti
 March/April
involving poor people, students and youth to get them divided, highly blown
up propaganda of possible terror strike, provocations to fight between
communities, even creation of chauvinistic sentiments are some of the
tactics they have been employing.

Even so-called ‘bandhs’ for one day by some all India parties and
some regional parties without any continuous programme of action have
also been added to the tactics to hoodwink the people. Through such acts
they only want to get propaganda mileage, but actually break the unity of
the people. Now every where people want an end of this menace. False
assurances and diversionary tactics will not pay. People have a limit to
suffer. Now they have been pushed to the wall. They want both short term
and long term solution. Short term measures like supplying all essential
commodities through public distribution systems, immediate action against
hoarders and speculators including big capitalist investors, reduction of
prices of petroleum products and electricity must be taken by the central
as well as state governments without passing the buck to one another.
The licenses of the big investors in both wholesale and retail markets are
to be withdrawn. But to stop appearance of such price hike to satisfy the
greed and avarice of imperialist and domestic big bourgeoisie and hoarders
and speculators of feudal origin, there must be a radical change in the
society and the state. The state and society will have to get rid of all these
hucksters and build up a real, self dependent, new democratic India

To achieve both the short and long term solutions, the only way left
to the people is to fight unitedly. Unity of the people is needed to force the
governments immediate actions. And also to develop the force to change
the society and state. Clarion call today is - let us unite to fight price hike
induced by imperialist and their compradors, the hoarders, the speculators
and their agents in the government.

janashakti 3
March/April

Comrade Jiten Das Gupta-

the Other Name of a Struggling Life

C
omrade Jiten Das Gupta, a member of the West Bengal State
committee of our party, died on January 11, 2010 after a brief
illness. Born at sunamgung in Srihatta district of undivided Bengal
(presently in Bangladesh) on 24 April, 1923 became to Kolkata in 1942 for
higher education after passing matriculation and became close to the
communist movement. During 1946 he actively participated in resisting
communal riots and also in the movement for the release of INA prisoners
and became a member of the CPI in 1949.

By that time he joined as an employee in Nath Bank. (now United

Bank of India with number of mergers) But he was dismissed from service
in 1949 for organizing and leading the historic Bank Strike. Then he joined
as an employee of the West Bengal State Government. There too he
became a leader of his departmental association and editor of its organ
“Samanway”. He was one of the main architects who built up West Bengal
Government Employees’ co-ordination committee, uniting all the
departmental associations. He was again dismissed for organising open
demonstration in front of the house of the then Chief minister Dr. B.C.
Roy. After prolonged struggle of the employees he was reinstated. Because
of his continued leadership in the struggles of the employees, a
4 janashakti
 March/April
government order was passed to bar him from the entry to the Writers’
Building. Governments had subsequently changed, but that order has not
yet been withdrawn.

In 1964 he joined the CPM. He was very active during the food
movements in West Bengal in 1959 and 1966. After 1967, the CPM
became part of the United Front ministry. He continued leading movements
of the government employees. After the great Naxalbari uprising he started
debate within the CPM. But when after the second United Front Killed
workers at Cossipore Gun and Shell Factory by police firing, ‘Samanway’
published the editorial “Sei Rakta AJ-o Jharchee’ (The same blood is oozing
out still today), he was asked to withdraw that editorial by the CPM
leadership like Jyoti Basu and Saroj Mukherjee. He clearly said every word
in that editorial is true. He was expelled from the CPI(M) and joined the
CPI(ML). He was arrested in 1972 and came out after spending a long
time in the Jail. After coming out of the Jail he again joined his office. At the
same time he became a leader of the CRLI led by Asim Chatterjee. After
some time he left CRLI because of his political difference on relationship
with the CPM and the left front. He wanted the unity of communist
revolutionaries and so for a while he organized communist revolutionary
group for unity (CRGU). During that period he was one of the leaders of
1990 movement against bus fare hike. Very soon CPI(ML)-Janashakti was
formed and he was one the main comrades who worked for that unity.

He was active in struggles for opening the closed factories. He

was the president of Bengal Lamp Sangrami Shramik Union till death. He
was an organiser in the resistance of slumdwellers of Tollygurg Rail Colony
against forcible eviction. He was active in the struggles of the hawkers
and one of the organisers of Bandi Mukti Committee (Committee for release
of political prisoners) from its inception.

Comrades all over India knew him as “Jitenda”. Polite, but

ideologically and politically firm, Jitenda was an example before the
comrades for his active habits. Red Salute to comrade Jiten Dasgupta.
janashakti 5
March/April

Homage to
Com.Kanu Sanyal

C
om. Kanu Sanyal, one of the architects of the Naxal Bari
movement is memory now. He was 78 and known to have been
ill for a long time.

60s remarkably stands in the annals of history with the communist

revolutionaries aggressively & decisively fighting all out against revisionism.
With the awakening of Naxal Bari movement, once again came the Clarion
call for the armed agrarian revolution in Indian soil. When Charu Majumdar
spearheaded the armed agrarian struggle in Naxal Bari, comrades Kanu
Sanyal & Jungle santhal associated with him. Comrade Kanu Sanyal’s
dedication in leading the struggle forward was inestimable. He actively
participated in building the CPI(ML) against the revisionist ideology &
practices incubated both by CPI(M) & CPI. It was comrade Kanu Sanyal,
6 janashakti
 March/April
who announced the formation of the communist party of India (Marxist-
Leninist) at a rally in Kolkata in 1969. The history of CPI(ML) is intrinsically
entwined with the political life of Com. Kanu Sanyal. He was arrested and
incarcerated in prison in the year followed. After suffering in prolonged
captivity he was released in 1977. By that time, under the instigation of left
sectarian tendencies, CPI(ML) had been split into myriad splinter groups.

In 1975, when the emergency was declared under the

undemocratic Indira regime even the ruling parties had to fight for their
survival. ML parties were unable to channelise the mass struggles and
build up a united front against the fascist tendencies under the instigation
of sectarianism. At last the emergency was revoked and the people at
large succeeded in defeating the congress-led ruling regime. Meanwhile
ML parties were buy and large alienated from the masses. Kanu Sanyal
was released at around this time. Though he severely criticised left
sectarianism, he didn’t approach seriously the right opportunism.
Obviously the revisionists could exploit the situation significantly.

Critics can point out some a limitations & deviations in the political
life of Com. Kanu Sanyal, after his prison life. But his personal life truly
represented a Communist and he stood always with the masses. He could
discard all temptations of comforts and consolations offered in terms of
better amenities for life & even better facilities of medical treatment. He
couldn’t afford what the ordinary people were denied. He lived in a small
hut among the santhals till he breathed his last. Janasakthi pays homage
to Com. Kanu Sanyal.

janashakti 7
March/April

Call to the people :

On Telengana

N
ow that the Union Home minister has announced the formation
of a new state i,e, telengana, the rationality of forming such a
state and arguments for or against such formation have become
almost redundant. But the way it has been announced, has created lot of
resentment amongst the people of A.P. Those who are for the formation
of Telengana are feeling that the Central Government is trying resort to a
delaying tactics. And to those who are against such formation, the an-
nouncement has come as a bolt from the blue. No comprehensive dia-
logue, no national and meaningful discussions, was attempted before such
an important announcement. As a result sentiments are running high.
People of Rayal seema and Andhra are feeling that their views have been
ignored. And they have started agitations against the formation of Telengana
as a separate state. Supporters of Telengana as a separate state are
feeling they have been betrayed.

More important is that the vital issues like sky-rocketing prices of food
articles, irrigation facilities, unemployment, shelter for the poor have been
8 janashakti
 March/April
pushed to the background. From 1956 there had been a demand for
Telengana. In 1969 there was a huge movement when nearly 400 activ-
ists laid down their lives for Telengana. But Telengana was not formed.
Then, why have the ruling classes now announced formation of Telengana
? Because people all over india are now on move for their basic rights-
food, shelter, irrigation, education, employment, on move against imperi-
alist development planning, against SEZ formation. This becomes more
clear when one finds that all the parliamentary parties in AP during the last
elections took a position in support of Telengana. But after the announce-
ment those same parties are provoking people of one region against an-
other. It is known that forming a separate state of Telengana by itself would
not solve the lacking in basic needs of that region. There too people will
have to fight for their basic rights.

What is going on is only dividing the people on the basis of region, and
giving regionalism an ugly turn like communalism. People of all over the
present Andhra Pradesh will have to understand this conspiracy of the
ruling classes and keep their unity inztact. Telengana or no Telengana, all
the toiling masses of present Andhra Pradesh will have to keep their unity
and fight for their democratic rights, fight against imperialism, big bour-
geoise and feudalism. The government must take a policy to solve the
problem through comprehensive dialogue with representatives of three
regions and instead of setting people of one region against another, they
should give every effort to come to a peaceful resolution of the situation.

Finally, real abolition of inequality, hunger, exploitation etc., can be pos-

sible only by building up a free, self-reliant, democratic India, where impe-
rialism and feudalism will not have any place. Not only the people of
Telengana or Rayal seema or Andhra, but all the people of India must be
united to usher in such an India.

janashakti 9
March/April

Food Price hike :

Price
Reasons and Solution
Prabhat Ghosh

P
rise rise, particularly skyrocketing prices of food
articles have become unbearable to almost all strata
of people of India. Days after days, months after
months prices of food articles have been increasing and the
governments at both centre and the states are taking the role
of passive observers. Moreover, these very passive observers
in their bid to pass the responsibilities on others shoulders
have been talking such that their real character of devillish
comedians are getting exposed. Central Finance Minister
Pranab Mukherjee have been assuring for months that within
two or three months prices would corne down. His cabinet
colleague and omnibus Minister of food , agriculture, public
distribution and supply told without any remourse that he was
not a “sooth sayer;so he could not say when the prices would
come down. But his partymen had advised people to stop
eating sugar, because people do not die for not taking sugar
.After the meeting with Chief Ministers of the states the Prime
10 janashakti
 March/April
minister announced that the states were primarily responsible for the price
rise. At the same time he added that with greater participation of the big
business in the retail trade the prices would come down through
competition. His another colleague the Railways Minister has time to time
come out with tirades against the state government of West Bengal for
price rise, as if there was no price rise in other states. The state
governments of all hues have been directing their fingers to the polices of
the Central government. In this situation people at large are feeling like the
man trapped under the fallen tree in the story of Kishen Chander.
Peolpe want remedy. And for remedy it is necessary to find out
why such an unusual price rise could happen and to take measures for
both short term and long term remedies. And since it is clear now that
neither the central nor the state governments are interested to take concrete
steps to contain this price rise, people will have to act unitedly to advance
their goal to reach short term and long term remedial measures.
Why Such Price Rise?
The reason that is being offered in general is that because of natural
disasters like drought and untimely rain agricultural production has
decresed and, as a result , there is lacking in supply. For the government
and media which has been continuously claiming that India is being
economically transformed in to a world power, such shameless
arguements based on grecious dependence of agriculture on natural
causes is not only a laughable, and for that matter a show of their
incompetency, but also a proof of their misdeed or mischievous activities.
Let us discuss on the very issue of supply and demand. Sugar
was not produced according to the demand was known factor, yet sugar
was not only exported, but was exported at a lower price . When thing
came to such a pass that it could not be hidden, export was stopped and
import started. Ordinary people are being advised not to consume Sugar,
but there is no dearth in supply to the gigantic users of sugar like Cocacola,
Pepsi, Cadbury and their likes, and that too at premediated prices. What
is the role of the government behind it ?
Then let us come to another important point. The issue of supply
and demand has become so intensified, because the government with its
policy of globalisation has left the supply of all essential commodities to
the so called market forces. And how are that market forces acting ? One
janashakti 11
March/April
concrete example can be given from the prices of potato, Till the begining
of January in the retail markets of Kolkata, Bolpur in West Bengal,
Hyderabad and Bangalore potato was being sold at Rs 18 to 22 per kg.The
moment potato started being harvested in the potato growing areas, (till
then potato was not being harvested in West Bengal) price of potato started
crashing down in West Bengal. In the first week of February, retail prices
of potato at Bolpur was Rs 3.50 to 4.00 per kg., in Kolkta it was Rs. 4.00
to 5.00 per kg, and in Hyderabad it was Rs 12.00 to 14.00 in Ragular
Market and Rs. 14.00 in Reliance stores. Now the transport and
communication system between Kolkata and Hyderabad is not so bad
that each Kg will cost Rs 10.10 more in Hyderabad. More over, demand
for potato is less in Hyderabad than in kolkata to the question of supply
constraint does not arise. So it is clear that to get potatoes at a premium
price from the potato growers the big business have brought down the
prices so suddenly.
Another proof that factors other than demand and supply are
working behind the rising prices of food articles can be found by comparing
the yearly rate of percentage hike of the prices in the whole sale market
with that in the retail market. Last November in the wholesale market the
price of potato increased by 32.5% from the previous year and that of
onion by nearly 35 %, but at the same time in retail market potato was
being sold at a price double than the previous year that is a 100 % increase
and onion at a price two and half time more (i,e 150 % increase). Forget
about the prices of pulses. Prices of Moong or Masur have increased at
least 150% , but in the wholesale market the increase is 40 % . Even if it
is taken into account that articles come to retail market from wholesale
market through a number of intermediaries and in many cases VAT is to
be paid such huge gap between rate increase in wholesale prices and the
rate of increase in retail prices cannothave any reason into supplyconstraint
or any other economic causes. Only reason is large scale hoarding. One
cannot say it as black mark, because government has made everything
out of control. As a result hoarding by hoarders has become part of law of
the market. And that also explains just when potato growers are being
forced to sell their produce at Rs 200 per quintal. Spencers retail outlet in
Kolkata is selling it to consumers at Rs. 5 to 6 per kg.
This price rise has put into question another concept, the concept of
12 janashakti
 March/April
‘national integrity’ . With whatsoever zeal the government and the media
propogate that India is a Nation’, one of its prerequisites, a national market,
is far from existence in India. It has already been discussed how the
prices of potato, an agricultural commodity , differ in places and states .
But this has also been found in the case of price of sugar.In the last week
of january sugar was being sold in Kolkata at Rs 42-44 per Kg, but at the
same time the price in Hyderabad was Rs 38.00, A difference of at least
Rs 4.00 per Kg, which is more than 10 %, cannot be explained by VAT,
transport cost etc. in fact, the same big capitalists to who are according
to the prime minister , supposed to reduce retail prices through
competition, are utilising most the un evevness and differnces in the
markets in India. It is also found that same articles are priced differently at
Hyderabad and Bangalore in the Reliance retail outlets.
With the policy of liberalisation on the one hand the government
has itself broken the public distribution system on the other hand allowed
Foreign and Indian big capitalists to enter in both wholesale and retail
markets. Metro Cash and Carry, Walmart, ITC, Reliance etc have entered
in the wholesale and retail trade in a big way. What ever hoarding and
speculating businesses have already been existing in the country have
been given much bigger and much more organised shape by these big
investors . Forward trading or futures trading has become a well
orchestrated system. At the same time to enhance investments of foreign
and Indian big capitalists in food, processing industry agricultural production
of large areas of the country was handed over to them.
STEPS TAKEN BY THE GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL PRICE-HIKE
At first unbridled hike in prices were allowed to go on. To cover up
the problems developed in the lives of the people some other problems
were created and / or some other problems were blown up out of proportion
and still are being done so, in a shrewd manner. For example, in West
Bengal keeping the 2011 assembly elections in front, both the main ruling
party, ie the CPM and the party which wants ride on back of people’s urge
for ‘change’, the Trinamool congress are continuously engaging the people
into internecine clashes and killing to establish their hegemony over areas
and the media is propagating those as only happenings in the state.
Creating a great issue on Inclusion of Pakistans players in the IPL the
high drama of forcing the release of a cinema by a wellknown hero to be
janashakti 13
March/April
stopped as if that is main issue before the people now and above all the
prime minister declaring umpteen times that the biggest problem faced
by the country is terrorism and Naxalism. To the PM the problem faced by
95% of the people is of no value because the rest 5% and those foreign
big bourgeouise who do not live in India, whom the PM actually represents,
do not face any problem in the five-star comfort, rather they are making
huge profit by plundering the people.
But when even after all these the problem could not be pushed
under the carpet, the central government convened a high-profile meeting
and announced an 11 point programme to reduce prices. What were those
11 points ?
1. 20 to 30 lakhs of tonnes of rice and wheat to be released from
government godowns;
2. Sugar will be imported;
3. Pulses will be imported
4. State governments would subsidise Rs. 10 for pulses.
5. 5 lakh tonne of wheat and 2 lakh tonnes. of rice will be released to
the market through NAFED.
6. VAT and other taxes are to be withdrawn from Sugar
7. The law will be relaxed to allow the sugar mill owners of UP to
refine their impure sugar;
8. Subsidy on edible oils to be continued upto 31 October,
9. Strong measures will be taken against hoarders of food articles;
10. Measures will be taken to stop smuggling of sugar and sugar cane
11. A meeting of the Chief Ministers of all states to be convened.
Now the result of meeting with the chief ministers is well known.
Nothing except mutual wranglings was done there. It took the highest form
in the heated exchange between Pranab Mukherjee and Narendra Modi.
And just after the meeting the Prime Minister said that the state governments
are mainly responsible for the price rise. And in the meeting with the Chief
Ministers, the PM bragged, ‘We have done very well in the field of
maintaining income (of the people), but could get less success in case of
prices of food articles.’ And assured, “ I believe that worst situation in price
rise of food articles have ended.” On the very next day there was another
rise in price of sugar.
14 janashakti
 March/April
However, a look at the other 10 points also shows that the Central
Government did not take any short term or long term strategy to check
price rise. As for example
1. There is no concrete measure to check the gulf of difference
between the rate of increase in wholesale prices and that of retail prices;
2. There is also no real step to check the differences of retail prices
even in the metropolitan cities;
3. One of the important partners of the UPA government, the NCP is
advising people to stop or reduce eating sugar, but there is no measure to
control or ration supply of sugar to the multinationals like Cocacola, Pepsi,
Cadbury, Nestle etc, who are the biggest consumers of sugar. There is
neither any step to control the use of potato, wheat, rice etc by the big
food processing companies run by Pepsi, ITC, Hindustan Lever etc.
4. No measure to stop or even to check the big capitalists hoarding
and enhancing prices through their wholesale and retail business. The
Prime Minister has rather supported them.
5. Most importantly, no step has been taken to supply all essential
commodities through public distribution system. Even the supplies to the
BPL people has been restricted to only a few commodities.
As a result price rise could not be checked even after the measures
taken by the Central Government. In many cases it has risen again. Let
us take the example of Kolkata. These price of Moong Dal came down to
Rs 90 per kg, but rose again to Rs 100, price of sugar rose from Rs 42
per kg to Rs 44, Masur dal rose from Rs 65 to Rs 70. Price of edible oils
did not come down. Price of onions has increased. In a word, ‘worst
situation has not ended’ as assured by the PM, upward trend of prices
continued.
What steps should be taken
So far our discussion have been limited only to price rise of food
articles. Rise of prices of electricity, fuels etc has not been discussed. It is
not possible to discuss all of them together. But it needs no mention that
even the price rises in those cases are closely connected with the
globalisation and liberalisation policy of the government. So measures
against those policies are connected not only with the price hike of food
articles but also with price-rise in general.
janashakti 15
March/April

Measure against price-rise of food articles have two clear sides.

One is to arrange some immediate relief to the people by taking short-
term measures. The other, to take long term steps.
Because of the greater importance the second is being discussed
first. It is true that there is a crisis in agricultural production. But why did
such a crisis appear ? From before the signing of GATT treaty the question
of ‘food security’ was raised time and again, but the government for hues
and economists holding the briefs of imperialists did not pay any heed to
it. Rather they peddled for huge investments by foreign capital in industries
and infrastructures for industries as “development” instead of development
agriculture and agricultural infrastructure. They opened up the economy
and started using agricultural areas for development of industry and
industrial infrastructure. From 1990-91onwards budget allocation for
agriculture has continuously been reduced. No effort was taken to develop
or expand irrigation system. Moreover many agricultural areas were
handed over to big capitalists for “contract agriculture”. In fact all these
have happened to enhance the interests of imperialists and their
comprador big bourgeoisie weilding state power. From 1947 till today
whatever policies have been taken were in no way amed at developing
India as an independent slef reliant country. Even the development of
agricultural production was intended to arrange profiteering by imperialist
and domestic big capital in the agrarian sector also. The so called ‘green
revolution’ of growth of agricultural production through the use of chemical
fretilisers, pesticides, HYV and GM seeds, pumpsets etc. was to expand
the tentacles of imperialist bourgeoisie in the agrarian sector. But now the
imperialist countries have now altered their policy. They want to return the
old policy of ‘food as weapon’ like the days of PL 480. They want to create
a food crisis throughout the world such that the developing (mostly
semicolonial semifeudal) countries like India become dependent for food.
Todays food crisis is the result of following that policy dictated by
imperialism.
Once the US President Bush said that the reason behind world
wide crisis is more and more consumption by the people of India and
China. Now the Government of India is finding reason behind the food
inflation in the increase of income of the people of country and they are
eating more. But what is the real picture? In 1990-91 per capita food grain
16 janashakti
 March/April
intake per year was 186 kg and in 2007-08 that has come down to 148.5
kg, by 2009-10 that has come down further. In case of pulses that was
15.2 kg in 1990-91 and 13.36 kg in 2007-08 and by 2009-10 it might have
come down to 10 kg. This can not be explained by population growth
alone. Real reason is the state policy in agriculture. And if the increase in
income is considered, it can easily be seen that increase in retail prices of
food articles have far exceeded the increase income, and it has become
almost impossible for workers -peasants -lower middle class even the
ordinary middle class to carry on their daily lives.
Under such a situation the only longterm solution is to establish
such a state policies that work to develop India into a real independent self
reliant country. And that is not possible keeping the present state structure
in fact.
So, the people of the country will have to build up such a new state
as early as possible, so that we can come out of such food crisis in the
long term. Only then agriculture will get its real importance, infrastructure
for agricultural development will be developed. That again will be able to
break the age old system of hoarding in this country. That system has
been active since prevelance of feudalism and later feudalism in agriculture.
Now the imperialist and domestic big capitalists have given it a well
organised shape and have been looting unaccountable profit. Only such a
state can stop the reduction of areas of food production at the behest of
imperialists, the increase of profit of a very small section of society by
export of food article even when the production is low, and allowing big
bourgeoisie to have large areas under ‘contract farming’.
Now let us come to short term solutions.
First and foremost, is that the government both state and centre -
will have to make arrangement to supply all essential goods to all people.
No. shredding of mutual responsibilities should be allowed. Rationing
system must be overhauled.
Secondly, the announcement of taking stringent measures against
hoarders must not be limited to traditional businessmen but also, and
with more severity to foreign and domestic big capitalists in the wholesale
and retail market.
Thirdly, no article should be allowed to be sold in retail at a price at
higher than 10-20% of wholesale prices of that particular article in a state.
janashakti 17
March/April
The government will have to declare the wholesale prices of each
commodity at the end of the week on the basis of which the retail prices
should be fixed in the next week.
Fourthly, in all retail shops a chart must be displayed in public
announcing the retail prices of each food article. Even vendors of vegetables
in the markets will have to do this.
Fifthly, multinational companies such as Cocacola, Nestle, Pepsi,
Cadbury etc. producing soft drinks, chocolates, condiments, processed
food, wine such other commodities are big consumers of sugar, potato,
wheat, barley, sugarcane. In this situation there should be controlled supply
of such commodities for the greater interest of the society as a whole. If
they cross the limit of the controlled quantity and/or hoard such
commodities, confiscation of the goods and cancellation of license of
production should be done.
Sixth, immediately steps should be taken for development of
irrigation and government should take the responsibility of adequate supply
of seeds, fertilisers etc at subsidised rate.
Seventh, the minimum price to the producers must be fixed. Any
body buying or forcing to sell commodities at lower price than the minimum
should be punished severely.
Eighth, all sorts of futures trade, contract farming must be stopped.
What is to be done by the people ?
None of the above mentioned short term and long term measures
could be accomplished if the people do not develop massive united
movement. The ruling class parties are resorting to a number of tactics to
divert the peoples movement. Already we have spoken about some of
those tactics. But they are taking resort to another tactics also. That is to
divide the people in the name of movement. They are trying to hoodwink
the people in the name of movement against the centre or other states
without taking any concrete step in the states they are in power. From the
BJP to the CPM all are doing the same. Some other parties are trying to
mileage utilising the precarious condition of the people by sudden
announcement of bandhs without any propaganda or agitation amongst
the people. In some cases they take the ridiculous programmes like first
calling a bandh and then collecting signatures of the people. Thus making
18 janashakti
 March/April
it evident that the bandh was only a politically motivated programme to
gain political mileage.
What is needed is to develop united movement of all people keeping
the ruling parties aside. People should gather around whichever other
party or parties are ready to shoulder the responsibility of organising such
movement. People will have to isolate those parties which are trying use
the situation for their sectarian Parochial interest. Propaganda and agitation
should begin strongly on the basis of demo short term measures. People,
and people alone, would decide whichever form the movement take in a
given area or a state. But it must always be kept in mind that targets of
attack should be mainly concentrated in big capitalists instead of small
businessmen, dishonest crooked hoarders instead of ordinary
businessmen and above all the governments of the states and centre.
Experience has shown so long people goes on peacefully with their
demands, none of the governments of India do not pay any heed how so
ever big the mobilisation is. So if all peaceful efforts fail. People should be
ready to tighten the screws through other means. Centre and state
governments will be responsible for that. And it is also true that for a lasting
long-term solution the present state structure must be changed. People
should be ready for that action also.

janashakti 19
March/April

WHICH WAY WEST BENGAL MOVES ?

Class Struggle or Something Else
Prabhat Ghosh

[This is an article published in the Bengali Organ

‘Janashakthi’ September, 2009 issue. We are repro-
ducing the translated version here - editor]

“History of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle.” -

This is the scientific summing up of the progress of the history of various
types of societies in the world made through the clear declaration of the
Communist Manifesto. The society has advanced, is advancing and will
advance irrespective of the will of the communists. Communists only take
upon the responsibility on their shoulders willingly to lead the class
struggles that develop spontaneously in a concrete disciplined manner
on the basis of the proletarian ideology to the goal of socialism and ulti-
mately towards communism. On the other hand the exploiting and ruling
class or classes want to resist, to lead astray these ongoing class
struggles. They want to break or destroy the unity of the exploited classes.
Today there is a turbulence in the whole society of West Bengal.
Many spontaneous manifestations of that are also being observed. There
is a struggling high tide amongst the people. This is a historic period. The
exploitative system that had was being maintained by imperialists and its
allies-comprador bureaucratic capital and feudalism through the so called
20 janashakti
 March/April
‘left front’ more specifically though its main partner the CPI(M), is in a
shambles. Just like the parties and organisation believing guided by prole-
tarian ideology, the imperialists and their allies are also understanding the
situation. At the some time representatives of petty bourgeois classes are
also taking various steps to further their own class interests. Under these
circumstances the development of class struggle in west Bengal is fac-
ing a complex situation. It is possible to develop class struggles and trans-
form these to revolutionary struggle only though proper understanding of
those complexities and concrete analysis of them.
To analyse the present situation in West Bengal a brief analysis of
the activities of the CPI(M) in the last 32 years in the context of class
struggle is very much necessary. When the CPI(M) led ‘Left Front’ came
to power in the second half of the seventies of the last century, the effects
of the movements and activities of the CPI(ML) (which is more well known
to the villagers as Naxalites) in the villages were still present. Peasants
were demanding the end of feudalism, radical land reforms and, above
all, the power to lead the state on the basis self esteem. Though the pre-
vious government of Siddharth Ray was able to suppress the movement
by extreme oppressive measures for the time being, but the smoke of
dissentment amongst the poor and landless peasantry was billowing,
Saying goes “Sarbanashe Samutpanne ardhang tyajati panditah’ i,e fac-
ing all round disaster, wise man parts with half of his belongings. Siddhartha
could pursue the feudal lords that it is better to give ‘barga’ right (legal right
for the sharecroppers) to share croppers than losing all their lands. On
that basis an act was promulgated. But that was almost at the end of
Siddhartha Ray era, and on the other hand taking advantage of the Emer-
gency, the ruling classes started opposing any scuttling of their interests.
So, the act remained in papers. In 1977, the intense dissent of the people
of West Bengal was manifested through the elections and the ‘Left Front’
led by the CPI(M) rose to power, Jyoti Basu as the Chief Minister was the
Jewel of the crown. Jyoti Basu and his party had earlier taste of power
twice albeit for some periods. First time, in 1967, they propagated the
United Front as the ‘Weapon for struggle’. And just after that Jyoti Basu as
the Home Minister blackened his hands with the blood of eleven peasant
women in his bid to suppress the historic peasant upsurge Naxalbari.
Moreover, one of the big partners of the first United Front, the CPI(M) en-
riched themselves with the bloody experience of suppressing peasants
janashakti 21
March/April

and workers movement at various places and killing worker at Cossipore

Gun and Shell Factory. Coming to power for the second time they instead
of calling the United Front as the weapon for struggle started propagating
it as a ‘shield for the struggles of the masses’. But very soon facing the
industrial crisis they work upon themselves the responsibility of suppress-
ing the gherao’ movement of the workers. But even will all these they
could not establish their loyalty to the ruling classes. So both the times the
central government of the congress intervened to fell the government.
With those experiences this time the CPI(M) took intense effort to prove
its loyalty to ruling and exploiting classes. In this attempt, the CPI(M) be-
came busy to lead the demands of the peasantry to end feudalism, for
radical land reform and for power of leading the state based on self-es-
teem to astray. They took up the ‘Barga act’ of the Siddharta Ray Ministry
to distract the peasantry from the demand of ending feudalism and distri-
bution land of the land lords to the actual tillers. Giving some teeth to that
act, they started ‘operation Barga’ through which share croppers were to
be given rights as share croppers ‘instead of right to the land. Through
this, the owner of the land can get 25% of the produce, which may go up
to 50% according to variations of conditions of tilling, just on the basis of
their ownership of the land. This is nothing but feudal exploitation. To keep
the demand of radical reform away, they also brought the issue of distri-
bution of vested lands to the fore. It is a fact that the data of distribution of
such vested lands by the “Left Front’ government during their rule goes
against them. But the peasantry of the villages and even the progressive
intellectuals through the country could be made to believe that these were
revolutionary steps. These reform did not only serve the interests of the
feudal lords, but the imperialists and comprador bureaucratic capitalists
became the greatest gainers. Earlier even after intensive and extensive
propagation of the ‘green revolution’ in the agriculture, use of high-yielding
variety seeds and as necessary adjunct use of chemical fertilisers, pesti-
cides, pumpsets etc. could not be spread and markets for those inputs
could not be extended because of lack of initiative of the landlords. Now
getting ‘Barga’ rights and whatsoever little it may be , vested lands peas-
ants in their effort to enhance production started using HYV seeds. Since
they now have ‘bargaright’ or patta of the vested land “they could be given
bank loans, agricultural loans etc with those as co-laterals. Thus imperi-
22 janashakti
 March/April
alist control over the agricultural system was established. In the process
another thing was also taken care of. In carrying on these reforms peas-
ants were made dependent on the bureaucracy unlike the earlier depen-
dence on peasant organisation and struggles. It is surprising that even
many marxist leninists also propagate these reforms as “progressive”
steps without any analysis of real objective. But it is true that at the onset
certain changes took place in the rural areas. Increase in production, in-
crease in man days of agricultural labour, increase in wages of agricul-
tural labour etc created certain immediate positive results. Based on that
two things developed together-a rural market was created and the CPI(M)
could spread its organisational network amongst the peasantry. On the
other side, the industries in West Bengal, have been gasping from the
second half of the sixties. The industrialists wanted to restructure them.
The essence of that restructure was to close those industries and either
to reopen them with modern machineries and smaller workforce or to
start new industries with most modern machineries and a new and very
small workforce. Lakhs of workers were thus became jobbless. CPI(M)
with tis trade unions became the instrument to keep the workers away
from agitation. Workers were being retreached or losing jobs and number
of unemployed youth were continuously increasing. To keep them peace-
ful the CPI(M) led left front went on presenting the day dream that Haldia
Petrochemicals and Electronics Complex at Salt Lake would solve all the
problems. In the eighties this was how the CPI(M) had been acting in the
urban areas - keeping the workers away form struggle and hoodwinking
the students and youth.
But during this period they did one thing very aptly. Alongwith spread-
ing their organisational network in the villages to keep the people away
from the thought of seizure of state power they brought the three-tier
panchayat system as an alternative. These panchayats do not have much
resources of their own, they are dependent on the centre and the state for
finance, which is mostly sent with the dictation of where or on which work
that money is to be spent. The village committees (gram sansads) tasks
were to oversee whether the money is spent on the approved activities.
Since they do not have the power to make or implement their own plans
very soon the villagers lost their initiative in the activities of the panchayts.
And panchayats turned out to be tactical arrangement to extend the ruling
janashakti 23
March/April
power of the government to the interior of the villages. Centering around
these panchayath through the control of governmental assistance, bank
loans, agricultural loans etc a bureaucratic feudal class developed in rural
areas, most of whom were connected with the CPI(M)
Now the ruling exploiting classes did not more want to remove the
CPI(M) from power, rather they wanted to remain in power as long as they
can maintain their mask of the party of workers. Because in the guise of
the party of workers and peasants the CPI(M) has been ruling the state in
the interest of those exploitory classes. The CPI(M) has not been keeping
the workers and peasants away from struggle but also suppressing cru-
elly any attempt to develop movements of the masses. In that exercise,
sometimes they have used the police and armed forces of the state and
sometime the killer forces of their own party.
But the adage goes -you can fool all of the people for some of the
time, some of the people for all of the time, but cannot do that to all of the
people for all of the time. After the advent of the CPI(M) to power except
some Naxalites (mostly CPI(M-L) cadres) all others had been praising the
Left front. Even among the Naxalites there were differences and waverings
on this issue. Even after Buddhadev Bhattachayya had become Chief
Minister the media as a whole had been showering praises and using
“Brand Buddha” as a keyword for their praise. But slowly people of West
Bengal started becoming disillusioned about the CPI(M). They started
questioning where the so called “Left Front” was dragging the people,
under such a situation, the state government took initiative with undue
haste to acquire 1000 acres of land at singar to handover to Tata Motors
for setting up the Nano factory. Not only at singur they started acquiring
large amount of lands [Readers of Janashakthi have already read articles
detailing those lands acquired or to be acquired-editor] at different parts of
the state. All those were being done in the name of development’ through
“industrialisation”, in the name of creating “employment opportunity”. The
CPI(M) tried to make people believe that Tatas, Salims, Jindals etc are
investing in the state only for the development of the people. At singur the
peasants rose up, and started movement against land acquisition. In
Nandigram where thousands and thousands of acres of land were to be
acquired to set up a ‘Chemical Hub’ by the Salim Group of Indonesia and
it was declared as a SEZ area, people as a whole rose up against the
24 janashakti
 March/April
move of the government. During the Singur-Nandigram movement it be-
came clear how the CPI(M) had been serving the imperialists and their
henchmen . How they have broken the class unity and established divi-
sion on the line of party followers. How they have developed that as a wall
against the development of class struggle. That is what the Chief Minister
meant by ‘we’ and ‘they’. They have created this division at every nook
and corner of the society. Whatsoever mistakes had been there in the
tactical line of the CPI(ML) after the Naxalbari peasant upsurge, its basic
slogan was to oppose the class enemies. Even then the CPI(M) tried its
best to distract it by dragging into flights between CPI(M) and Naxalites
especially the Urban areas. And now they are presenting that division on
party following as opposed to class struggle. For class struggle, it is nec-
essary to analyse the classes, to develop understanding which are the
classes to be united against which exploiting classes in the concrete
struggle.
But in present West Bengal a peculiar situation has been created.
Instead of class based understanding, class struggles the differences on
the basis of parties are being brought into the fore. Everywhere propaga-
tion is going on that a ‘change” in the lives of the people can be possible
only by removing the CPI(M) from the seat of power in the state. It is true
the manner in which the CPI(M) has been using “partism” to trample upon
democratic rights of the people has created a grave situation. But if the
party itself becomes target without analysing its class character i,e which
classes it is serving, then there will surely be a change in the ruling party,
but that will not be a real change for the people. Already West Bengal is
experiencing some proofs of that in different areas different types of divi-
sions are taking place basing upon the power of the parties those particu-
lar areas. In Mangalkote in Bardhaman district no other party is allowed to
function except the CPI(M), same is true at Khejun in East Midnaporte
district with a role reversal of Trinamool congress replacing the CPI(M). In
the hill areas of “Gorkhaland” disobeying the writ of Gorkha Janamukti
Morcha may even cause difficulty in the cremation of the dead. Situation
is such that even where a party dedicated to the new democratic revolu-
tion has developed some hegemony, it would not allow other political
organisations supporting mass movements to function politically. Such
things happen when attempts are made to establish hegemony of a party
without any class analysis.
janashakti 25
March/April
True, that the parties represent classes. But even the parties rep-
resenting ruling class may have followers among the exploited classes.
And that is why all the ally classes of the people are to be united in struggle
against the enemy classes. This is absolutely necessary for a real change
in the lives of the people. The division should not be that created on the
basis of propaganda of the media, nor on the basis of the petty bourgeois
intellectuals, but the division between the imperialists and their lackeys
comprador bureaucratic capitalists and feudals on one side and the work-
ers, peasants, pettybourgeiose and even the indigenous capitalists on
the other side. In fact because of the obfuscation in drawing this live of
democration, during the Singer-Nandigram movement time and again from
Trinamill congress to certain Marxist Leninists declared that they were not
averse to development, they were not opposed to industrialisation they
were only opposing developing industries on the agricultural land. Objec-
tively though such statements consciously or unconsciously they obfus-
cated the real nature of the ‘development’ and ‘industrialisation’ dectated
by imperialism. It is time that the struggle of the people to protect their
agricultural land went against the interests of the imperialists and their
allies, but at the same time it helped maintaining status quo. And today it
goes beyond the understanding of the people as a whole where Mamata
Banerjee, the Railway Minister, through her policy of emphasising public-
private partnership (P-P-P) for the development of railways is in the real
sense serving the interest of the big bourgeoise.
Naturally discussion on the class character of the parties is nec-
essary. There is not need for discussion of the class characters of the
congress, CPI(M) and BJP. They have themselves proved doubtlessly
that they are serving the ruling classes the imperialists, comprador bu-
reaucratic capital and feudalism.
The class character of Trinamul congress is very complex. It is
led by a singlel leader and from the representative of the ruling classes to
those of ordinary pettybourgeoise and of rural feudals are connected in
that party. But their principal, or even only, target is to wrest the power of
West Bengal government within the existing system. They clearly know
that it will not be possible for them if they do not spearhead the move-
ments against the CPI(M), but they also understand it clearly that they will
have to come to understanding with the ruling classes to fulfill their ambi-
26 janashakti
 March/April
tion. They also understand that the best way to gain the acceptance of the
ruling classes is to join hands with the congress. The media of the ruling
classes also understand it. So they also depict this party on that line. That
is why whenever Mamata Banerjee raises some slogan that goes against
the interest of the ruling classes, they start criticising and at other times
they push her and her party as the only alternative to the CPI(M). The
ruling classes have understood that the CPI(M) is now a sinking ship, they
want to abandon it but they want to make certain the alternative should
serve their interest. So far TMC has been trying to adjust to that role. So it
is one thing to join hands with such a party during particular struggles of
the people, but another thing to become part of political alliance with it or
to be part of the campaign that it is the only alternative to the CPI(M). The
former is necessary to strengthen the movement of the people, but even
then it is not correct to get flooded by their propaganda barrage.
Let us come to the linguistic cultural and religious minorities in
West Bengal. Specially on the issues of movements like Jharkhand and
Gorkhaland. They have been discriminated against, oppressed and ex-
ploited for a long time. Of late a petty bourgeois intellectual section has
emerged from them. They wish to stand up with dignity, eliminating all
discriminations and with their own identity. This attempt to assert identity
has brought them into the arena of struggles. But because of their own
petty burgeon character they are wavering. Some times they raise the
banner of revolt against the present system, at some other time they feel
that they should establish themselves within the system itself and to fulfill
that goal they need have compromises with the ruling class parties. Thus
once the Jharkhand Party in West Bengal rose up into revolt, then some
of them compromised with the congress for membership in West Bengal
legislature, some with the CPI(M) to ensure certain seats at the Panchayat
level. Same is true for the Gorkhaland movement also. Since the BJP
speaks of the principle of small states, they were not averse to align with
it without any concrete unified understanding on Gorkhalad. Party of the
working class will have establish unity with such forces having clear cut
understanding about their wavering nature. It should be kept into mind that
the more the strength of the party of the working class, the more such
organisations or parties would become partners in the struggles against
imperialism, comprador bureaucrat capital and feudalism.

janashakti 27
March/April

Now let us come to issue of the party of the working class. It is

painfully true that the people of West Bengal are at a loss for the absence
of a single unified party of the working class. They want to find that in the
Naxalites. But because of disunity and division amongst them they do not
get enough confidence to rally behind any particular party or group. Differ-
ent groups are not putting enough effort to unite. Rather whenever one
party or group gathers some strength it tries to further the division with
others. In that effort they lose more than what they gain. Worst sufferer
being the class struggle. How does it suffer ?
Already certain words have been spoken on that Even then one or
two particular examples can be given. Everybody known about the deaths
due to hunger at Amlasole in West Midnapore. But this would not ever
come to the light unless Kailash Munda, a CPI(M) member of the
Panchayat there, would not bring that to the knowledge of the media. As a
result the CPI(M) leaders became very angry. But what was most aston-
ishing was a communist revolutionary organisation working there orders
him to leave the CPI(M). But with the hope of carrying on a decisive de-
bate within the CPI(M) he went to the local conference of that party. He
was utterly humiliated there. Arrangements to expel him from the party
was made. But returning home he faced a greater humiliation, A squad of
that C.R. Organisation beat him to the blues for attending the conference.
Both the parties put up shows of their own influence but class struggle
became loser, class vier point was lost. A few days ago three workers of
the Jharkhand Party (Naren Group), all employees of a cold storage, were
killed. At first it was propagated that Maoists were behind the killings,
Later Maoists made it known that it was not their action, it was done by the
Prana Pratorodh committee (committee for peoples Resistance) led by
the CPI (M) It is also in the air that collection of money from that cold
storage was behind the killings. Whatsoever be the reason the fact is
three workers were killed and no united action of the class against and
killings was there. Reason being the Maoists and the Jarkhant co-ordina-
tion forum (Jharkhand Party Naren) is a constituent of that forum) were
not united on this matter.
After the Parliamentary elections efforts are on to establish areas
of influences in the villages of West Bengal using the Keshpur Model.

28 janashakti
 March/April

Wherever a party is being able to establish its influence, the people are
warned that they must rally behind that party, other wise selective mur-
ders, indiscriminate beating up, arson, loot, plunder and forcefully eviction
from their homes will be done. As a result worst suffers are the poor and
landlen peasants. Because on the one hand they are the earliest targets
and on the other hand they are being used as the main force to carry on
these so-called ‘operations. Their class outlook is being destroyed and a
lumpen mindset is being created.
Within such a situation a ray of hope can be seen when at
Raghaipur in Parui PS in Birbhum district the Trinamul activists wanted to
evict some poor peasants from the vested lands distributed to them when
CPI(M) was ruling the Panchayat alleging nm approach, but those who
have got land were landless poor peasants. So eviction of such people
would be another type of partisan approach. As a result that effort was
stopped. Such things are happening in many places. What is necessary
is to generalise such incidents and to strengthen class unity and class
outlook.
Only then united struggle of the people will be possible. Today prices
of all daily necessities have reached the sky, price of potato has gone up
to the grate extent, but actual potato growers are in distressed condition.
Usurery has grown in a rapacious manner in the villages. Workers of the
closed industries are slowly moving towards death. Number of
unemployers are growing. Struggle against these is necessary. Once class
unity is achieved then struggles demanding radical land reforms and throw-
ing out the imperialists and their lackeys to build up a real independent
self-dependent, democratic India can be given a unidirectional sharp edge.
Corelating the demands of the dalits, minorities tribal people and people
of backward areas with the class struggle a united struggle to develop a
new democratic system can be started. Conscious effort to that goal is
the demand of the time. Dissenting people are and will continuously carry
on spontaneous movements, what is needed is to consciously put them
all together not for a change coming to power by one party replacing an-
other one keeping the old system in tact, but for a radical change of the
system that serves imperialism and its lackeys.

janashakti 29
March/April
At A Glance

Resignation of Fonseka

G
eneral Fonseka, it may be remembered, was the Sri Lankan army
chief who spearheaded the butchering of Tamils in Sri Lanka to
eliminate LTTE. He was the person who announced in most
chauvinistic manner, “Sri Lanka belongs to Singhalas”. But once the LTTE
was suppressed Fonseka became the target of Sri.Lankan President
Rajapakse. Rajapakse was informed that Fonseka had been planning a
coup. Quick was Rajapakse’s reaction. He transferred Fonseka from the
post of the army General to a post having no importance. Rajapakse also
sought the help of Indian government to keep the Indian military in “alert’
so that if situation needed India might intervene. Fonseka immediately
resigned and announced he would join politics to oust Rajapakse in the
next election.
On the relationship between Rajapakse and Fonseka the Indian
people have nothing to be concerned. But what is a concern for Indian
people is the relationship between the governments of India and Sri - Lanka.
When Tamils were being butchered in thousands, when lakhs of Tamils
are still languishing in the concentration camps posed as relief camps for
internally displaced persons, India government had not lifted a finger, rather
went on propagating Sri Lanka’s internal matter. Then how come
Rajapakse dared to ask for help of the Indian government for an internal
matter when his government was at crisis. Government of India must
clarify the basis of Secret understanding with Rajapakse.
Democracy US/UN style

W
ith Ban Ki-moon as the Secretary General, the US has got an
overt spokesman for itself on behalf of the UN. Ban Kin-moon’s
statements on all important issues are simply the voice of his
master, the US imperialists. But the master is not at all satisfied with words
alone, his deeds also must be according to the interest of the US masters.
So when he said that electoral victory of Ahmedinejad in Iran was
not transparent, it is the same voice as the US imperialists. But when it
came to Afghanistan he took a somersault. He was dumb founded when
the victory of Hamid Karzai over Abdulla Abdulla in the presidential race
30 janashakti
 March/April
At A Glance

was questioned by all and finally it turned out to be proven fact that election
results were fuzzed. At the behest of the US imperialists the UN had raised
a fund of 300 million dollars and had provided security through UN peace-
keeping forces to run the election. First thing that Hamid Karzai did was to
appoint an Independent Election Commission (IEC) of which all the
members were committed to preserve the interest of Karzai.
The UN had two important officials present to oversee the election.
Norwagian diplomat Kai Eide was in charge of the mission and Peter
Galbraith, as deputy special representative of the UN secretary General.
From the beginning they were working at cross purposes. Eide was of the
opinion that the UN has no authority to intervene with the IEC, however,
blatantly that commission pursued the partisan interest of Karzai. Galbraith
was differing with it. He insisted the UN mandate was to hold a “free, fair,
inclusive and transparent “ election. In the first round it was proved that
Karzai received more than one third of his total votes in a fraudulent manner.
The IEC according to Galbraith “either committed the fraud, collaborated
with those who did, or knew about the fraud and failed to report it.” It was
actually found that IEC had included a large number of “ghost polling
centres”. Had the UN mission insisted on reduction of polling centres as
proposed by Galbraith at the beginning this could have been stopped. But
that was not to be the US needed Karzai, a known quantity.
But later in the second time, Abdullah demanded the elimination
of “ghost polling centres” as his condition for participation in the elections.
Eide supported the reduction almost the same number as proposed by
Galbraith. But by that time the IEC gathered enough courage to care just
a fig for the UN advice. IEC rather increased the number of polling centres
causing Abdullah to withdraw from the contest and Karzai got elected
unopposed. US gave a nod to the “democratically” elected President, so
the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
But that was not the end. Galbraith was fired from his office by
Ban with two charges - one, going public to media on the differences with
Eide, and two, attempting to “disenfranchise” Afghan Voters by reducing
polling centres. First offence was not a fact, it did not come to light through
Galbraith but by some other person. But most important was the second
one. Through this Ban has actually stood for the “fraudulent measures” of
the IEC. Real face of Ban Ki-moon was exposed.
janashakti 31
March/April
At A Glance

Fight Against Hunger by Keeping Fat the Traders of Food

B
efore The World Food Security summit organised by the World
Food Programme in Rome, the chief of the FAO, Jacques Dioul,
had announced one day fast to show solidarity with over one billion
people who live in chronic hunger. And yes, the UN Secretary - General
Ban Ki-moon has announced he would join the fast. So, now the UN is
organising hunger strike. But for what purpose? Is it only to show solidarity
with the chronically hungry people ? According to announcer of Ban Ki-
moon’s fast, that is the reason. If it is so, such theatrics would only add
insult to the injury of those over one billion people. FAO head gave another
reason. That is to draw the attention of the rich people of the developed
countries to the suffering of the developing or under developed countries.
This is a bit more honourable to the sufferers. At the same time Josette
Sheeran, the head of the WFP, has urged the people of developed countries
to contribute only one Euro a week. This would be enough to bring one
billion hungry people out of the distress.
But one question remains unanswered. If there is really a scarcity
of food, then how can money can procure food for all ? It can not be
bought from another planet. And if there is enough food, then why is it
scarce for poor ? Only reason is mounting prices. The WFP head’s
solution to that problem is to gather money to buy food, not to take steps
to make food available at reasonable prices. It is clear that both in
developed and developing countries, traders of food have a strong lobby
and they make heavy profits on the business of the dire necessity of the
people. Ban Ki-moons fast, Jacques Dioul’s hunger strike or Josette
Sheeran’s appeal would not touch those traders. They will go on getting
fatter depriving the poor of their one square meal a day.
Worldwide struggle against these traders of death is the only answer to
the problem. At the same time, diversification of agriculture and continuous
contraction of agricultural lands in the interest of the industrialists must be
stopped, so that more food can be produced the world over.Actually people
are rising up with their own demands. Ban Ki-moons are trying to divert
them and keep them as beggars depending on the mercy of developed
countries. Let us fight against such conspiracies.
32 janashakti
 March/April
At A Glance
“Indians Not Allowed”

N
o, it’s not something in the declaration of the racist killers of Indian
students in Australia. Neither is it flaunted by the Gordon Brown
government in the UK towards Indian professionals. This has been
the first recommendation made by the ‘cultured’ atriste who was made
Chairman of Passengers’ Amenities Committee of the Railway ministry
under Mamata Banerjee.
Mr. Subhaprasanna has announced before the media that he has
recommended to add a ‘special’ coach to all important trains. That coach
will be more comfortable than the AC first class coaches. They will have
specially designed seats, births will be wider, windows will be wider and
bigger so that the passengers while travelling can have the feel of natural
beauties of India, ergonomically designed toilets will be fitted, interior deco-
ration will be developed etc. But the real ‘speciality’ does not lie in those.
The real speciality will be that it would be served only for the foreign
tourists paying in dollars.
Mr. Subhaprasanna has claimed that this will enhance tourism as
well as India’s foreign currency earnings. In the colonial days there were
places, institutions, hotels where ‘dogs and Indians were not allowed”.
Even after the British left, such racist discrimination continued for a few
decades. Upto the late sixties in Subhaprasanna’s city, Kolkata, there was
Calcutta Swimming Club, where Indians were not allowed to enter. That
practice was broken by tribal people forcefully entering the premises and
swimming in the pool, thanks to Ram Chatterjee, a minister in the then
United Front. Some of his senior ministers criticised him, but the history
was made. Now Subhaprasanna wants to bring that racist discrimination
back in India. True, that vast majority of Indians cannot even afford to
travel in Sleeper classes. They have to queue up to get a seat in the
ordinary second class, the ‘cattle class’ a la Shashi Tharoor, Sardin packed,
they even cannot reach the toilet at certain times of rush. Yet there is no
bar to anybody to travel by any class. Subhaprasanna, the adviser of
Mamata Banerjee, is out to bring back that imperialist legacy. Mamata
Banerjee has already stepped forward to run the railway ministry accord-
ing to the imperialist policy and vouched for public private partnership(P-
PP) in the railways. Shubhaprasanna has only developed it to the point of
genuflection before imperialist masters.
janashakti 33
March/April
India - An Accomplice of Iran -Afgan war of the us imperialists
For a long time all democratic forces in India have been alleging
that Indian position on the issue of Iran-Afgan War of the US imperialists is
actually to support them in a veiled manner. At that time the ruling clique
and the media getting privileges from them have been propagating that
India was pursuing a very intelligent tactics of opposing US policies keeping
the friendship with the US intact. But that was only to deceive the peace
loving people of India. From the beginning without directly sending armed
forces in those countries India have been helping the US activities in
different ways. In the name of helping civilian work for development in
those areas India was sending people there. It is well known that those so
called development works were nothing but constructions in the interest
of the military. That became clear after the death of an engineer in Iraq.
That was only one part of the secret entente. Most important was opening
up of ports for refuelling of US Navy.
All those were done in a secret fashion. But crimes done most
secretly most often come to light. Truth get exposed. Recently another
secret mission has got exposed.
Very recently there was a joint exercise of Indo-US forces for two
weeks from October 15 to October 29. The real aim of the war game was
kept secret. But the truth has come to the light. It was declared that this
joint exercise was intended to train armed forces to be prepared for peace
keeping activities under the U.N. But what sort of activities the US forces
which participated in the exercise would be employed ? It was a big
contingent from the US forces-more than 250 persons belonging to 2nd
squadron 14 cavalry. These people had been posted at a base at Taji very
near to Baghdad in Iraq. They had been there for 15 months and were
pulled out in April this year to be redeployed in Iraq after 9 months.
The joint drill took place in one of the largest and most sophisticated
training facilities of the Indian Army at Babina in Uttarpradesh. One very
interesting as well as disgusting thing about Babina is that it is not the
name of a village or a town or some place but it is the acronym of British
Army Base in North India - constructed by the British in their colonial days.
After more than 60 years of transfer of power the name has not been
changed, and the colonial traditions have been maintained. The Indo-US
joint drill is the latest example of maintenance of that colonial tradition.
34 janashakti
 March/April
What type of exercises or training the armed forces received ?
Where did the US forces come from and where will they return after this
training ? Answers to these questions are most significant evidences of
how India is connected with the US imperialist war on Iraq and Afghanistan.
The US brought 17 multipurpose armoured vehicles - stryker - for
the specific purpose of this drill. It was the largest development of strykers
outside Iraq and Afganistan. The exercise was witnessed by no less
military officers than the chief of the US Army Pacific, Lt. Gen Benjamin R
Mixon and Director General of Military Operation of India, Lt.Gen.A.S.
Sekhon. For the purpose of the training of securing urban areas, urban
settlements of Iraq and Afghanistan were recreated simulating
environments in those countries. Paradropping and exercise with live firing
were parts of the training process.
The US forces came directly from the US Army base in Hawai and
along with the Strykers returned to the US National Training Facility in the
Mojave Desert in California. After some more intensive training which the
US do not want to share with India, these forces will be redeployed to
Iraq. One may question the re-deployment, after all those harangues of
withdrawal of forces from Iraq by Obama, the US president. Answer to
them is the following US Army statement - “This exercise is ramp-up in
training as the unit prepares for larger pre-deployment training exercises
such as those at the National Training Facility in California.”
So now the mask is gone. From 2004 India had been carrying on
regular joint exercises with the US forces. But this exercise, named Yudh-
Abhyas-09, has gone much further to dovetail Indian army and army
facilities with the US war efforts. Along with this Yudh-Abyas 09, the US
has also used the occasion for arms sales. Executive of well known
defence production companies - Lockheed Martin and Raytheon along
with a senior official of Pentagon’s defence sales branch were present a
the place of exercise. Now the mask of non-alignment, peace-peddler is
gone. All peace loving democratic people of India should rise up against
this conspiratorial activities of the Central government to buttress India
with the war machine of the US imperialists. Enough of the deciept has
already been borne, now it is going too far (Source : The Telegraph, October
30, 2009)

janashakti 35
March/April
Guest Article

Grameen Bank :
An Imperialist Scheme
BADRUDDIN UMAR

D
r. Yunus, the founder and managing director of the Grameen
Bank, established in 1983 in Bangladesh, has written this
about the bank, “The Grameen Bank Ordinance was
proclaimed in September, 1983. The Government owned 60 per cent of it
and the landless the rest 40 per cent. It was transformed into a bank from
a project on October 2, 1983. In July, 1986, a fundamental change in the
bank’s ownership was brought about by another ordinance on Grameen
Bank. Now the landless owned its 75 per cent and the government 25 per
cent. None of the 13 directors of the bank are landless. Grameen Bank
provides banking services only to the landless. A family which owns less
than 40 decimals of cropland is considered landless. “(quoted from
Khaborer Kagoj, August 24, 1993) On transaction procedure,
management, and the loan repayment rules of the Grameen Bank he
said in the same write-up, “A group of five members has to be formed to
transact with Grameen Bank. A maximum of 10 groups participate in a
meeting ever week. The groups that meet together in these meetings are
called a centre. Every five-member group elects a chairperson and a
general secretary. Every centre elects a centre chief and an associate
centre chief. Every group maintains a savings fund called group fund.
Every member has to deposit TK1 a week in the fund. The loans taken
from the bank have to be repaid in instalments within one year.
“To receive loans from the Grameen Bank, a number of rules have
to be observed. First, the loan taken from the bank has to be refunded in
weekly instalments. Secondly, the money has to be invested in the sector
36 janashakti
 March/April
specified within one week from loan disbursement. It is illegal to use the
borrowed money for any other purpose. Thirdly, all materials or assets
cured by the borrowed money are considered property of the bank until
the loan is refunded. Fourthly, the transaction between the bank and a
group entirely depends on the regularity of every member in attending
the weekly meetings , discipline, and timely repayment of loan instalments.
In the opinion of the bank, by irregular attendance in weekly meetings,
paying less than the set loan repayment instalment amount, etc a group
gradually makes itself ineligible. Fifthly, the members of group can fine
any fellow member for indisciplined activities (such as not attending in
weekly meetings, irregular instalment payment, and failure to deposit
money in the group fund). The money exacted in fines is deposited in the
group coordination fund. Sixthly, any member of a group can be expelled
for anti-disciplinary activities by unanimous decision of the rest of the
members.”
The real aim, objectives, and character of the Grameen Bank are
quite clearly visible in the information provided here by its managing
director. These aims and objectives are to ensure the highest possible
profit for the institution as a commercial bank, prevent any possibility of
loss, and its character is plainly exploitative. This organization ensures
its profit by exploiting the rural manpower resources.
As every business has some tricks or ruses up its sleeve so has
Grameen Bank, of its own kind. One of the ruses is to make the rural
landless and people of many other walks of the society believe that the
real owners of the Grameen Bank are the poor landless themselves. In
an interview with a weekly, the bank’s manging director, Yunus, said,
“Grameen Bank is a bank that lends to the poor. It is owned by the poor.”
We do not know of any one else making such a statement about this kind
of ownership before Yunus. If borrowers are the owners then it can be
said that those who take loans from other commercial banks, like Janata
Bank, Sonali Bank, Uttara Bank, etc, also own those banks! There is no
reason why the ownership of other banks should not be vested in their
borrowers if it so happens in case of the Grameen Bank. Applying this
line of reasoning any one can say the people who buy goods from a shop
also own it!!
But however fantastic and bizarre and however unrealistic such
arguments may be, one person indeed is getting away very well by saying
janashakti 37
March/April
these things. Not only that, these tricks are being praised as examples of
“humanitarianism” by the press and the rich of the country, and in many
political and cultural circles of the wealthy. The imperialist countries are
also acclaiming the Grameen Bank exuberantly and showering him with
various prizes. There is nothing to be astonished. Because, as dedicated
stooges of all kinds of local and foreign reactionary bourgeoisie and
imperialists, the Grameen Bank and its founder Yunus have ensured
wellbeing and prosperity of the poor by establishing them as “ the owners”
of the bank and setting up hundreds, may be thousands, of its branches
across the country!
Yunus has no dearth of intelligence. He does not lack advisers either.
So, he has served his purpose of ensuring profitability of the Grameen
Bank by using women workers of the rural (unemployed) labour bank in
the name of “Women’s liberation”. According to the information he has
offered, 93 per cent of the 1.6 million borrowers from the Grameen Bank
are women. It is true that some of these women are now earning some
money by utilizing the loans in productive activities. This income upgrades,
or makes way for improving, some of their status in the family. But, this in
no way is connected with”humanitarianism”, “affluent” or “Women’s
liberation”. Any capitalistic investment for profit can create such scopes
for working men and women. Similar opportunities have been created in
the garments industry. In this sector, too, women workers are the majority.
It gives preference to women workers for the same profit is the real
source of the intense desire and inspiration for “women’s liberation”. We
are not saying this without reasons or from antagonisom. No honest
individual would differ with us in this respect if one examines the Grameen
Bank’s interest rate, its method of interest collection, and its complete
control on and possession of borrowers’ assets and property until they
refund the loans in full with interests and fines.
A “great” deed of “humanitarian philosopher” Yunus is considering
and acknowledging the right of farmers, particularly women farm labourers,
to obtain loans as a “human right” theory for Yunus, farmers have been
enjoying this “right” probably for centuries. Acknowledging this “right” much
before Yunus appeared in the scene, users have been handing our loans
on high interest to farmers not only in Kartik(fall) and Chaitra (spring) but
throughout the year. And they still do it.

38 janashakti
 March/April
It is true that the rates of interest charged by these usuers are
exorbitant. But what about the interest rates of the Grameen Bank? It is a
bit difficult to know that. Let us say why. A Grameen Bank publication,
Grameen Bank: Experiences and Reflections, shows that its rate of
interest is 16%. This information was given at a discussion in Septemebr
1991 in Kuala Lumpur. Although Yunus cited the interest rate as 16% in
front of foreigners in that meeting abroad, in the recent interview with the
newspaper he spoke about the interest rate, “Of course, we charge 20%
interest. If anyone considers it high, well it is high. I don’t feel much
embarrassed by that. After all, we don’t force anyone to borrow from us.
“Therefore, the interest rate is 20% or may be the rate has been increased
since 1991. It seems the business is running well. And with that the rate
of exploitation is also on the rise. If it is true then we must assume a low
rate was deliberately mentioned to foreigners to deceive them.
However, there is another matter. Yunus says he does not feel much
embarrassed if anyone considers the interest rate high. Although not much,
he definitely feels a little embarrassed!! While the commercial banks
charge no more than 18% interest from the poor, including poor women,
may “not be high” but is definitely embarrassing !! Especially if responding
to a query about the high interest rate, the actual rate has to be disclosed
to the newspaper readers, the common people.
Yunus also said, A after all, we don’t force anyone to borrow from
us.” But if loans are not disbursed by force, does it make the high interest
rate clean and reasonable? Do the usurers who provide loans to the
poor in Kartik and especially in Chaitra or in any other time of the year
time of the year also force their clients to borrow? There is no need to
fetch them in physically to hand over loans. They come to the usurers
driven by poverty by poverty and to address their lack of capital and,
cashing in on the opportunity, the usurers exact high interests from them
resorting to various tricks. Ultimately, failing to pay back the principal
amount, farmers are forced to hand over their land and home appliances
to the usurers. The number of farmers, peasant women, coming to this
end after taking loans from the Grameen Bank is not insignificant. After
getting ensnared in the lending net of the Grameen Bank, they too lose
the few thins that they had possessed before. The common people are
not aware of these facts as these are not made public. Whatever publicity
is there is only about the “great’ “humanitarian” activities of Yunus !.
janashakti 39
March/April

Another thing should be mentioned here. Every member of the

Grameen Bank has to deposit Tk 1 a week in their group fund. It means
each of them deposits Tk 52 a year. According to the figure given by
Yunus, the number of these member-borrowers is 1.6.million. So, in simple
calculation, these weekly Tk 1 deposits contribute Tk 83.2 million to the
bank’s fund! What is the ultimate destination of this money and the interest
derived on it?
Yunus has said, “Grameen Bank is the bank that lends to the poor.
It is owned by the poor” (interview). Very nice! But, how do these poor
owners get their share of the interests earned by the bank and the weekly
deposits of examine the accounts thereof? What are the rules and
procedures of that? There is no mention of this in the rumblings of Yunus
nor is it found anywhere in the publicity booklets of the bank. But, deposit
the absence of its mention, it is not difficult to understand where and to
whom this profit goes. It goes to the rich bank owner like Yunus and his
associates. They enjoy the benefits of these resources in various ways
while singing the victory songs of farmers’ “liberation”, women’s “liberation”,
etc, and these victory songs are published for the people by the bourgeois
and the imperialist media outlets.
Dr.Yunus has correctly approached the rural peasants, particularly
the peasant women, in search of cheap labour. Nowhere is labour any
cheaper than them. The high interest rate of the Grameen Bank is a
reflection of this cheap labour.
How is Yunus using this cheap rural labour force? His strategy is
very clear and effective. For this he has invented the theory that self-
employment is much more “ beneficial” and “creative” than working as
industrial labours and that it is the only way to ensure a carefree livelihood.
In this context, he said, “Working as an industrial labourer while living the
entire life in a slum is by no means can be called an end to poverty. Yet, it
is called employment. Wage-based employment will never be able to end
poverty of a huge segment of the country’s population. Because, the
wages earned from most wage-based jobs are too meagre to make the
ends meet. This is but a consolation for a wage” [ Yunus, Grameen
Bank:First Decade (1976-86)]
The loans that the Grameen Bank disburses are invested by farmers,
mostly rural women workers, in cows, rice husking pedals, bamboos,
40 janashakti
 March/April

handlooms, small land plots, etc. They have to run production by paying
20% interest on the loans. Besides, each of them has to make a mandatory
deposit of Tk 1 a week. As a result, the level of expoitation of these rural
workers is significaly high. After such a high level of exploitation, how
much surplus can they have in their hands which would enable them to
live a more affluent and better economic and social life than that of industrial
workers? In their condition such that enables them to make ends meet?
If surveyed, one probably will find that their condition is indeed much worse
than the slum-dwelling industrial workers. But, no publication of the
Grameen Bank or the numerous reception addresses’ and gospel
speeches of Yunus contains any report on the relatively higher standard
of life lived by the borrowers from the bank.
Talking against industry and industrial workers Yunus in that speech
further said, “ only a very tiny section of the huge labour force now awaiting
employment can get jobs as wage labourers. “Why? Has the number of
present wage labourers in Bangladesh been rendered static and definite
for ever? Can it be possible? In fact, a more or less rapid rise in the level
of employment of labour existing now in the country is possible even within
the capitalist system. Besides, in a socialist system, which is a nightmare
for Yunus, the rate of employment is cent per cent. But, being an agent of
imperialism and opposed to industry and industrial development, Yunus
does not give a damn to these facts. He has only one refrain-it is far more
enjoyable, much more creative, to eke out a living by working as a self-
employed person than becoming “dependent an others” by working
industries.Yunus has been shedding “tears” non-stop for women. He
therefore has “dedicated” his enire life to provide jobs to women. Ninety-
three per cent of the borrowers from his Grameen Bank are women. It is
only natural, because these women are the most oppressed. It is not as
easy to make profit in any other way as it is by using their cheap labour.
Besides, making profit by lending money on interest does not require
setting up industries, facing various hassles with the produced goods
bargaining with workers etc. The women who borrow money from Yunus’
Grameen Bank on hard terms work for it like a sort of serfs. He claim that
only he can arrange jobs for women. Let alone other sectors, it is not true
even for the banking sector. Now-a-days many women are working at
other commercial banks, Besides, the Bangladesh Bank has directed
janashakti 41
March/April
the banks to employ more women now. In his opinion, it is not possible for
women to get employed in industries. This too is a lie. As all commercial
Banks do not lend money to as many women as Grameen Bank does, so
not many women may get employued in every industry but they do in the
garments industry. Ninety per cent of the thousands and millions of workers
employed in Bangladesh garments sector are women. As there is a
similarity between the Grameen Bank and the garments industry in this
respect , they have other similarities too. In both the case, the level of
exploitation is the highest. The Grameen Bank charges 20% interest while
the garment factories pay much lower wages to the general workers than
other industries. Here lies the great advantage of self-employment over
wage labour! And our “internationally acclaimed economist” Dr.
Muhammed Yunus is the personification of this “greatness”
The Grameen Bank is an NGO in the banking sector. It is an
imperialist organization. The objective of all its activities are to increase
Profits and assets of the bank’s founding director and other bureaucrats
on the hand and to act politically for imperialism and other reactionary
forces of the country and against the working class on the other. In respect
to this second aspect, the Grameen Bank is different from other
commercial banks. And this is the main reason why there is so much
unbridled propaganda in favour of the “humanist” Dr.Yunus among the
local and international bourgeois quarters and in the bourgeois and
imperialist media.
A very important and urgent task for the democratic and revolutionary
force of the country is to understand these things and then make the
people aware of the true nature and the aims objectives of the operations
and activities of the Grameen Bank.

[This article was written much before December 10, 2006, the date
on which Dr. Yunus was awarded Nobel Prize. For a long time it has been
a clear and well known fact that Nobel Prize is awarded with a political
ideological outlook. Award of Nobel Prize to Dr. Yunus like this year’s
award of Nobel Peace Prize to Obama is indication of that fact. Comrade
Badruddin Umar, a Veteran Marxit-Leninist leader of Bangladesh wrote
this acrticle to expose the trading of poverty by Dr.Yunus.We are a
reproducing that article since in India too a section has been high lightining
Dr. Yunus]
42 janashakti
 March/April
Guest Article

POLITICAL ECONOMY OF
SOFTWARE
B.S. BABURAJ

Capitalism is a system of commodity production. It is in certain his-

torical context a product turns out to be a commodity. A number of fac-
tors such as development of productive forces, production implements,
inroads in transportation etc. play a crucial role in a product turns com-
modity. It was due to the advent of cooling technology and improved infra-
structure facilities, even easily decomposing products turned out to be
commodities.
Software is a commodity. Basically all commodities stay alien to us.
But due to certain inherent qualities, they do satisfy some human needs-
whether these needs originate from hunger or imagination makes no
difference. Indeed, every product is intended for exchange in society. Span-
ning over half - a - century, since the roll out of software in 1940 as a
product till the present, the course of software was a trajectory of rapid
commodification. A number of factors like changes in computer struc-
tures, invention of different computer languages which drive the mode of
operation, and, the continuous updating of these languages, the estab-
lishment of computer industry as an individual entity breaking its previous
coupling model from nature of labour force hardware etc. had played a
janashakti 43
March/April

significant role towards this process. Hence any analytical appreciation of

softwares has to be started from the backdrop of historical development
of computer itself.
What demarcate capitalism from all other previous systems is its
mode of production. No doubt, in capitalist mode also labour gets
socialized. But this socialization of labour and the ensuing privatisation
model of the result of this labour ever exist as an in-built, unresolved con-
tradiction in capitalism.In modern industry production imple-
ments and human expertise are replaced by mechines, heralding ‘mass
production’ as the marked norm of capitalism. But, as to socialize labour,
this never stand tested that mechanical production is the last word.
Take the instance pointed out by Clod Broyal, author of “women’s
liberation in Mao’s china”, who refers to Suochon, a place famous for its
embroidery works. She said, in 1950s, for Chinese feminist movement it
was not just a matter of faith to socialize embroidery and the labour in-
volved in it. For those who are in the habit of interpreting Marx on a meta-
physical domain it was impossible to imagine that socialization of labour
could be realized without mechanical production. But no such miscon-
ception did influence Chinese women. A family trade congied onlt to the
family circles used to be kept top secret and traditionally handed down
from generation to generation. That was transmited to all segments of
society and through division of labour they brought the entire production
mode and the skill involved, tranindividual.” (not sic) A similar trend in so-
cialization of labour that found in Chinese embroidery industry in 1950’s
was evidently visible in software industry also in its drive forward. The
reforms introduced to computer languages paved the way to socialize the
labour part involved in programming.
In general, capitalism extracts surplus value from traditional com-
modities by investing added labour to replicas of an original product that
was being developed using science and technology. It is the replicas or
stereotypes of products that stay behind the stream of proft. But when it
comes to software scenario the amount of labour being invested to rep-
licas is so meagre than the huge volume of labour invested in the creation
of prototype. For traditional commodities, though large scale labour are
put in for the successful mode inventions, once they come under market
regime it is the volume of labour invested in each replicas that is amounted
44 janashakti
 March/April

for the creation of surplus value. In contrast, in software it is the sum total
of labour applied at the development stage of the product prototype that
remains as the permenant source of surplus value. This means, by way
of socialization or trans individualization of the labour put in at this stage
itself enables software to take its commodification process ahead. This
socialization process of labour then stands to create new domains in the
industry. But on the other hand it considerably de-value and de-skill labour.

COMMODIFICATION OF LABOUR
Since 1940 to 1958, when computers were being operated with then
in vogue vaccum tubes, it was the programmer who directly interfaced
with machine. In Eniac, the first generation computer that existed before
World War II, programming had to be carried out by way of tedious pro-
cess of plugging and re-plugging of as many as 6000 wires. For each
varied application Eniac had to be rewired if the programme being get
done. Here, programming (Computer language) meant nothing less than
physically defined machanism. Eniac had several features of the analyti-
cal engine conceived and designed by Charles Babage in
1800s, using sheer machanical components. This takes us to convince
that computer is only a new version of that old machine. Later physically
defined programming got replaced by electrical signals and then finally by
electronic computers. In those early days computers could be operated
only by persons who possessed deep expertise in computer -related do-
mains. They were programmers, hardware specialists and operators at
the same time. In 1954, Grace Hooper discovered an assembly language
compiler (later, mathematic)to replace machine language. But as
there existed a predominant link between programming and hardware this
innovation failed to contribute to set off any immediate division of labour.
However, this discovery later helped to replace the conventional language
mode, consisting of an indefinite chain of ‘Zeros and Ones’ by certain
encrypted signs caused for landmark veer in the future course of com-
puter history.
As far as the creation programmes where done possible only by a
hardware expert, Programming remained as an exclusive work that re-
quired top most expertise. Each computers then produced by different
quarters were deeply complicated and fraught with individual traits, Then
janashakti 45
March/April

each and every programmer were - a hardware expert, mathematician,

mechanical specialist and an engineer all in one. Grace hooper and
Babage, Howard Aicon and Allen Touring who designed Mark and Touring
Machine respectively - all were mathematicians.
Though some of the high level languages were (ex: Fortan) discov-
ered along with the arrival of second generation computers, initially they
remained with their deeply in born hardware inclination(A compelling situ-
ation while making softwares, hardware specifics can not be ignored) In
those days companies that produced computers, also provided softwares
in its accomplished format. But at the turn of softwares being produced
for specific and varied purposes there felt an apparent jump in the workforce
strength. This turn made an upward spiral on monetary front also. See
the tab shown below that details the expenditures incurred for each com-
puter in respect of hardware and software, since 1955 to 1990, in per-
centage.
Year HW% SW %
1960 80 20
1980 20 80
1990 10 90
At one stage there appeared a hike in software part that went out of
hand resulting inscaling the computer price up. But bigger concerns kept
alive their expectations at all stages that computers could be operated
sans softwares. Thomas. M. Nice the former IBM manager and the long-
est experienced top brass in the world and with at track record in several
companies observes: In those days what actually software thrown before
IBM was a problem more than possibilities.
At the sametime, two tendencies that discouraged the discovery
and development of high level languages were actively visible during that
period. First, computer specialists stood stubbornly against any devel-
opment of high-level languages. They feared that any orientation to such
language development would de-skill the existing programming format
that eventually leading to ordinary hands breaking into the programming
sphere. They wished to maintain the prevailing elite status in this particu-
lar knowledge domain. Secondly, the salary package being handed out for
those designated mathematicians or computer experts was far less com-
paring to the price tag of a computer.
46 janashakti
 March/April
Though, with the advent of high-level languages the way was opened
for a possible seperation of programming form hardware, along with the
inclination nature of early high-level languages, the very embedded fea-
tures of hardware as well put roadblocks in realizing that goal. However
this widened the scope of decoupling of hardware expert from program-
ers. To that extent, it served as an essential agent for the emergence of
commodity, production mode in the realm of softwares. It is remarkable
that, it was in the same period information science was introduced as a
syllubus in universities all across.
The hardware inclination of early softwares greatly helped compa-
nies, and industry as a whole, still to maintain their individual existence
effectively checking a hardware/software fall apart, Or if any such division
found feasible anywhere, the status of such software companies were
kept confined to as service industry only - known as prefessional service
outfits.
As early as, even before 70s, a number of languages came into
existence, and accordingly programming paradigms also. In the past, the
main drawback that felt about machine language and assembly language
- this pertained to a certain extent to early high level languages too - were
their obvious streak of personal orientation concerning programming. In
this regard, work and its product (programme) was a highly subjective
domain. As Mike James Put it: In those days programmes were such
monstrels that obeyed only its creator. Though, this satisfied the ego of
the programmer it was totally unfit to serve commercial purposes. Be-
sides, companies were more prone to appoint employees with a clear
hardware mindset to get the programmes being done. But when such
people quit their holding - posts seeking better fortnues, a large part of
programmes created by them also became obselete. Because such
prgrammes could be understood by them only. It can be said that with the
emergence of high level languages the expertise of hardware percept has
been infiltrated into programmes. But as long as there exist hardware
languages with hardware inclination, these could not produce the desired
results in its entirety. The following history of computer languages there-
after is also a bid to be free from such constraints. This, but, was not that
much simple, felt during the onset stage. On the other hand, later devel-
opments in the realm clearly shows that the initiatives adopted to make

janashakti 47
March/April

free from hardware were just a prelude to be from operating systems and
even from different equipments. The emergence and innovative history of
hundreds of languages such as Lisp, Cobol, Algol, Simula, Pascal, Small
talk, C Prolog, Modula, Ada, C++, Java C# testifies this destiny beyond
doubt.
In 1964, studies conducted at Bel lab pepped capital to raise the
productivity of the programmer by devising the structure of high level lan-
guages. This study revealed that a programmer spent only 13% of his
time for programming. 16% of the time was being spent on to read manu-
als, 32% on discussing points with colleagues, 39% for sending mails,
training and other personal requirements. The drive of capital invariably
try to prop up the productivity of labour to raise the proft margin. This
aspect directly contributed to the development of high level languages.
But even with the advent of high level languages the embedded personal
structure of programming was not devastated. For that some corrective
measures were inevitable in the very structure of the languages. It is inter-
esting to observe that this requirement became visible marked with a wide-
spread software crisis.

THE CRISIS IN SEVENTIES

A single study conducted in 1970 at US defence software project is
enough to appreciate the depth of this crisis. At that point of time half of
the projects undertaken never got completed or reached consumers.
Though around thirty percent of projects were completed and pooled to
the targets they were not in a usable condition. Only 2 percentage of projects
could be used without any technical changes. Millions of dollars were
washed away in this crisis.
Before 1970 a variety of models were used in programming. Struc-
tural programming was an important one among them. With the emer-
gence of such models certain standardisation were possible in program-
ming. With the basic implementation of activities such as sequencing,
selection and looping any kind of programme could be made possible.
The advantage of this well disciplined models simplified the labour mod-
ule involved in programming.
But the crisis of 1970s put on trial the very structure of the language
itself. When the number of codes contained remain between 2500 to one
48 janashakti
 March/April
lakh, the programme as a whole slip out of control. It was following this
observation, object oriented programming got developed.
In old programming the dominant factor was the structural element.
The overall structure controls sub structures. This control exists in a hier-
archical order. As the main programme becomes a permenant feature in
object orient programming helps to cast away hierarchical control. Thus,
instead of deploying controls based on total structure, a language system
that put emphasize on the freedom of sub structures is adopted in object
oriented project. This provides individual freedom to each substructure.
In object oriented programme too, opportunites provide to reuse the
needed source code as well as the required additions in other programmes
also. The implied bottom line is that the source codes that were formu-
lated for a purpose can be used for a different requirement by proper
placement discretion. Here the status of the programmer turns to be one
who does assembling. In fourth generation computer languages what
programme characterise is the structure of human linguistic method it-
self. Here is an expample for the suggestivity of the fourth generation com-
puter languages: “Extract total of all customers in previous purchases
stood just more than $100”. This means programming turns to be a
kind of article writing. That is why Mike James informs us that program-
ming gets so unprofessionalized in a manner that even a trained monkey
can do it. This unspecialization of programming causes for a divison in
the realm of programming - the ordinary programmers and specialists
known as expert analysts. When the work is de-skilled and any person
can be substituted in place the labour part involved in programming is
converted as a trans-personal phenomenon. In addition, the severely ex-
ploited educated Petty bourgeois classes provides a steady labour chain
to this process. Due to this, when softwares are produced they acquire all
the streaks of a commodity.
Till early 1970s software companies were confined to sercvice sec-
tor only. This means every producer was committed to consider every
comsumer in single league. Business was a personal selling. It was dur-
ing this period data based programmes earned remarkable attention.
Software producers offered service contracts to consumers. The
programmer who conceive and create sofwares himself provided con-
sumer services too. There was no demarcation between these two works.

janashakti 49
March/April

Then if anywhere any demarcation was found the work involved in two
categories were not deciphered by any quality mark and remained as one
and the same.
Software: Towards commodity form
The determining stage of commodification of software started in
1970s. Definitely, prior to ‘70s itself many software companies were ac-
tive in software production. But these softwares bore no distinct identity
from hardwares. Each software then produced anticipated resemblances
with that of any hardware. In this process they sold softwares alongwith
hardwares or the mode of production was custom - made or tailor - made.
But around mid-seventies companies ventured into packaged soft-
ware production. The innovations in languages led to this phase. Accord-
ing to Thomas. M. Nice, who was a CEO then, “The software created by
programmers must be sold without their support, and when we are sell-
ing, the programmers should create new softwares” Thus companies
relagated programmers only to produce softwares. This change of pro-
file, from service to packaged software, caused to detach programmers
from direct-consumer-based work outside of company.
Basically, services and production are viewed as one and the same
idea. But in a given historical situation services could be products. It was
in such a historical context in seventies software transformed from ser-
vice mode into product mode, and through this software transformed as a
commodity. And this change was marked along with when technology
adopted to a disinclination to hardware in the process of software mak-
ing. A number of factors like the development in langauge sphere, the
increased speed of microprocessor enabling to add any number of codes
and to activate them the brand based production and their availability, the
enormous cost hike of softwares while determining the price of a com-
puter and so on. Thus, software did split out of hardware and two seperate
industries were established, namely, computer industry and hardware
industry. Hardware companies decided that they will not provide any
softwares developed while selling computers. The hardware/software un-
bundling declaration of IBM in 1969 is an example for this. In this context,
when a single industry were divided into two several new companies
sprang up. This unbundling of hardware/software products of seventies
and their production in seperate companies paved the way for a new
50 janashakti
 March/April
problem, which is known as portability. Portability:
Portability is the ability of a programme that can roll on in different
situations. These (situations) could be either an operation of system or
computers or equipments for that matter. As computer-specific Portabil-
ity is generally explained in technical sense the simple notion behind it
leads to many misunderstandings.
Back in time a programme made for a certain kind of computer did
not respond to other company brands or even the same company’s dif-
ferently designed computer. Therefore each brand prepared their own stan-
dardized language formats (Basic, Fortan etc.)
As long as software remained an indivisible part of hardware and
had no individual market identity through branded production there arised
no question of Portability in any of the researches. It was with the de-
coupling of software/hardware the question of Portability arose for the
first time. When IBM was faced with a challenge to find out an operating
system(IBM system/360) applicable to all their brand products or to re-
model their computers accordingly, IBM faced this problem in its primary
guise. Towards the end of ‘60s when Kel Thomson launched research on
BPCL, B languages (this later led to the invention of C) there was not
even the least indication of this problem ever faced. It was the software/
hardware de-coupling of 70s that brought this question to the foreground.
When, in 1972, C was developed the reseacher faced this issue to be
resolved. By standardising the existing input/output commands C suc-
cessfully addressed the problem. From a closer look Portability is an eco-
nomic category. For transforming softwares to a commodity form this
played a major role. It acquired production model of hardware/software
by seperate companies.
Though capitalism is a commodity production system it was not a
liberal model in that sense. It recognised freedom only where the profitabily
was ensured. As for freedom and free -trade, the owner and people see
with different meaning.
The idea, Portability, which contributed a major role in the
commodification of software will be used by such an owner only to the
extend where it serve his profit interests. Till 1980 the source codes
were allowed to exchange mutually. (This exchange was not accounted
for crime.They were known as hackers. Later, connecting to a crime this

janashakti 51
March/April
word was branded as source code thief) A typical example for how impe-
rialism cast a dominant spell even over languages Then, in 1980s Digital
Equipment Corporation came with a new device. They insulated their PDP-
10 series computers so as hacker community softwares had no effect
on them. And this upset Portability, thus setting the stage for the emer-
gence of free software movement.
In 1997 witnessed yet another upset. High Portability featured JAVA
was capable to operate in any system. In 1997 Microsoft launched a Java
Virtual Machine. (JVM). This was totally incompatible with other compa-
nies’ JVMs. In effect Java’s promise of high Portability because a lesser
one before Microsoft. Following a file-suit, in 1998 Nov. US Federal court
ordered Microsoft to withdraw their version of Java. Bill Gates had pro-
fessed that by way of free exchange of information and availing the same
to all can realize a friction free capitalism. But to check him from dibilitating
Java’s Portability, court had to conflict with Microsoft.

On Mass Market turf

The vision and Mission of imperialism is to convert the economies
of nation states into a source of cheap labour and natural resources for
their benefit. To rop in cheap labour, production process are divided as
many sectors as and each sector is outsourced from different parts of
the world is a tendency is a gaining momentum. This tendency has been
most visible today in software front. Each projects are divided
in many and entrust different outsourcing agents. This became possible
following the discovery of Java in ‘95. This, because of the distributed
character of this language which can be easily activated in a huge variety
of operating systems, machines and even in equipments. Except this, as
Java is most suitable for the reuse of programme parts it helps to bring
down programme costs to one fifth and the productivity is increased five
fold. This ultimately helps to bring down working hours also.
These developments in software industry since 1990 have pushed
it towards mass production and marketing. As this further intensified now
software sector has been almost characterised with consumer produc-
tion.
Earlier if the CEO posts in software companies were manned by
expert software professionals now that convention is changing. Many, with
no direct expertise are occupying such top posts. In 1995 Robert Herbert
52 janashakti
 March/April
was appointed as chief operating officer at Microsoft company. Another
example is John Skeling of Pepsi entering Apple.
It must be remembered that the very software, once an indivisible
part of hardware, is now a product for mass marketing. During this period
it had gone through many format changes and with increasing technologi-
cal complexities the labour input became more and more non-special-
ized as well. This was the base for the labour non-specialization and by
that the emergence of division of labour got rooted. Thus it denoted a
large chunk of programmers as wage labourer.
At the beginning in computer hardware programmer and operator
was a single entity. Later programmer was singled out from this system
and then from programmer operator was found out. Meanwhile programme
models based on personal capacities were replaced by new
programming languages that arrived on the scene. In the field of software
production this led to labour - division. The re-use of software and opened
up the possibility to make new programmes by Programmes adding to-
gether opened up the stage for software mass production.

Cyber Coolies
The tendencies that make programmers into wage labourers are
so important regarding softwares. Many studies conducted on this front
have proved that most of the programmers are hailing from petty bour-
geois classess. Here is a sample conducted by Aniruddh Krishna and
Vijay Brahmadesom. (what does it take to become a software profes-
sional EPW, July, 29,2006). 32 percent programmers were students in
private schools at the state capital. 32 percent are from private schools
belonging district head quarters. Of these the fathers of 46 percent are
graduates and 31 % were Post graduates. No no-schooling parents’ chil-
dren were seen in this job sector. As for mother status: 52 percent (of
programmers) are graduates. Around 80% are with at least higher sec-
ondary. When add to this from the national sample survey which reveal at
national level only 2 percentage programmers’ parents are graduates
speaks volumes about the family background of programmers.
Only 14.70% are from economicaly weaker families. While the per-
centage of middle class is 66.6, the upper middle class counts for 18.
6.This is the result of a study conducted at the Bangalore centric software
sector. This survey also mentions that results from other places also re-
janashakti 53
March/April
veals similar tendencies do exist.
Then, infact, this process of dumping large portion of programmers
into wage labourers is to say in another sense, petty bourgoeis is made
wage labourers. This tendency of nudging these section into working class
do adversely affect the overall resistence capability of working class has
been built up against capitalism.
The workers in software sector are not interested to form organised
trade unions. The reason for this lies in the high pay package irrespective
of programming sector or its connected sections like B.P.O./ITES etc.
The origin of this high salary is from the existence of software that de-
pends upon speculative business and finance capital. As far as develop-
ing nations are concerned, the international division of labour, which turns
such countries cheap labour economy also play an active role in this.
That is why software industry could dish out higher salary for a third world
programmer. When a programmer is provided with 60000 dollars a month
in developed countries his Indian counterpart receives only 6000 in Dol-
lars. The difference is remarkable. At the same time when it comes to the
duration of working hours for a day software industry has far exceeded
and outshined the old slavary system. Today, the workers at BPO centers
are called cyber coolies.
There are some other factors too that enable the industry to dole out
higher wages for programmers. Though we understand the
commodification process began in ‘70s, in reality it was not an in-itself
shoot up or an organic development. Instead by imposing some outside
control and regulations on software was made possible this. Main among
them was licencing system. An American company called A.T.&T was the
first, who introduced licencing for their products in ‘70s. Each licence lim-
its consumer’s freedom. By concealing source codes the company mo-
nopolize the ensuing developments. We have earlier seen how by pro-
ducing PDP 10 series computers, Digital Equipment Corporation made
ineffective Hackers’ softwares. Also because of this kind of monopoliza-
tion software evolved into commodity form. This monopoly prices played
a big role to accumulate cash seen beyond, and this fact ensured the
programmer high salary.
Operating system Labour Intesification
An element between computer and one who use it makes simple
explanation for operating system. In the context of the configuration that
54 janashakti
 March/April
include a number of physical components but without self control the above
definition may be felt self convincing. But it must be noted that it was
without any such operating system computers went past their infant stage.
It was man himself who did such jobs instead of operating system now
which deliver a pack of suggestions. He directly communicated with com-
puters by way of punch cards, togyl switches, prints, display lights etc.
Operating system entered the scene only at a time when it confirmed that
it is only through de-skilling as well as division of labour could satisfy the
needs of industry. Since then it paved the way for the creation of a class of
de-skilled labour force. With this, it also became a tool that ensured an
ever intesification of labour.

Programmer V/S Operator

From 1940s to mid 1950s programmer was communicating directly
with computer hardwares. Using a machine code, the programmer used
to feed info computer through card readers. In case, if any error occures
the indicator attached to the machine will provide the signal. Till ‘1945 the
concpet of stored computer programmers did’nt come into being. It was
Von Newman who suggested that computer programmes can be kept
stored. Instead of doing programme by way of using hands computer can
be controlled by technnical suggestions. In Edsac, produced in 1949,
programme could be stored with a single feeding. This opened up the
way for any unskilled person other than the programmer to be put in place
to operate computer. Previous method of feeding programme each and
every time was a real hardship, that required true expertise too. When the
facility availed to store programmes by the help of coded languages and
make computer operative, the expert was no more needed. This was the
historical context where the programmer and computer operated from
and with each other. Though this was theoretically a great feasibility, in
practice, to implement this facility remained on waiting list until the devel-
opment of a foolproof operating system that can be operative in any mode
of computers.
Why Operating System?
It was in early 1950s, General Motors discovered an operating sys-
tem for IBM 701. The Price of IBM 701 then did cost one lakh dollars. The
cost of computers existed prior to this were also heavy. As the invest-
janashakti 55
March/April
ment was such heavy it became inevitable and crucial that the maximum
of the invested amount to take back at the shortest time span. But for this
the machine must work uninterruptedly.
As per old system, operator would prepare a schedule, and in that
schedule, the computer would be leased out to consumers on hourly ba-
sis. Sometimes a one hour lease may be end up by 45 minutes. Some-
times the opposite may happen. In the first case, the operator and ma-
chine remain idle for 15 minutes. For the second case the problem is
extended time.
In those days a job meant a chain of acts like the loading of com-
piler, feeding of source programme, link programme to data etc. Every
time, it was also inevitable long yards of tapes either to fix to machine or
removal of it, make ready punch cards and so on. Any error in this activi-
ties meant repeat all again. The time spared for this was known as set up
time. Whether by scheduling or by set up time the costly machine often
got trapped in tardy schedules and as a result remained practicaly idle.
The only guarantee to recapture the money invested work unabated. Those
times, some studies revealed that the input / output versus processor
speed had a speed variation of over 96%. By solving this variation, it was
found out, the idle time of machine could be reduced. For this, scheme of
things were planned. Expansion input/out segments to elevate the effi-
ciency of machine to carry out multi - tasking was materialised. This ar-
rangement for reducing idle time came into be known as Batch operating
system.
For computer software historians these are only a step to decrease
machine idle time by improvising sectoral devices. But to get a clear idea
about it, it should be seen from workers view point also. For a worker,
who engages computer operation, operating system fullfills tow functions:
First, the hide out of the machanical part of computer from workers. Sec-
ond, It intensifies his work.
When machanical parts of computer kept hide from operator, the
needed skill from worker is transferred to the machine. With this, man
becomes only an appendix to computer. But, now that, with the structural
uniqueness of software industry each type of computer requires a differ-
ent programme. When IBM produced its first “Electronic stored program-
ming computer” under IBM 702 (1950) the programmer had to be opera-
tor also to a certain extend. Many computer models rolled out since then
56 janashakti
 March/April
also contained particular individual operating systems. But, in the context
of the architecture uniqueness of IBM system/360 computers (a 1965
product), for each model computers specific operating system / applica-
tion software equation was taken away. While upgrading hardware, The
owner could appoint the old worker to appoint the old worker himself as
operator. No special training was needed for this. With this Industry started
to reinforce a most conducive technical base to seperate the program-
mer entity from the operator. This reform helped IBM to boost its market
share in a big way - a 60-70% stake. We have seen earlier this develop-
ment played a greater role to set the future course of software industry.
Secondly, operating system intensify worker’s labour. Installing op-
erating system simply means operation speed of machine jump up with
multi tasking, schedule efficiency etc.
To cope with the operating system forces the operator to increse
his speed also. By removing and equating the speed variation of proces-
sor as well as input/output equipments’ bid to eliminate idle time led to the
intensification of worker’s labour. This in turn becomes a condition that
will increase the volume of surplus value considerably. At a time when
computer hardware expenditure were high, the construction of operating
system were being looked at as a problem connected with the machine.
Because, the expenditure incurred for the machine and that of the worker
wage had great difference. But, then, when hardware expenses main-
tained a low, and personal computers spread across, it becomes now
crystal clear that operating system is getting more and more intensified.
In fact, when we look at the menu bar of operating system, Seemingly, it
is commanding us to do something, that command is to man than to the
machine.

THE DOUBLING CHAOS.

We took stock of the crisis and its nature that gripped over software
development in 1970s. And reason pointed out, regarding why the newly
formed softwares became unusable was some drawbacks in the struc-
ture of programming languages. Even though this was partially correct,
even after bringing structural changes in this respect based on object
oriented programming, the truth remains that there is not much change in
the true nature of this crisis.
Following Jawa’s object oriented Programme when many such lan-
janashakti 57
March/April
guages were discovered, in 1995, some studies were being conducted in
the US, which is known as chaos study. In the U.S., in around 1,75,000
projects, each year, 250 million Dollars were then spent on. In big compa-
nies for a project an average of 23,22,000 dollars, in medium 13,31,000
and in small size 4,34,000 dollars were spent on respectively. And a large
part of these end up in failure. As per study conducted by American Standish
Research Group 31.1% projects are left on halfway. Though 52.7% projects
get completed but on an increase of 189% in funding than the estimated.
In 1995, the US companies and government combinedly invested 81 bil-
lion Dollars on failed, left out software projects. In completed ones 59
million dollars were invested in excess. The projects that were com-
pleted on time and budget are a mere 16.2%. Concerning big companies
still even comes down - only 90%. For small companies and small projects
the success story is more positive. But, then, this crisis is not just a US-
specific one. For the gun Registry, to update the table of citizens who
possess guns, Canadian Government had to spent a whopping 2 million
dollars for its software and the consequences were big, big economic
losses. Just only to revive the unusable softwares, US. Government had
to spent 100 million in excess - estimates officials of American FBI. At
Denvor Airport, to solve the glitches in software that handle baggages,
officials are at a risk of 1.1 million dollar in excess, a day.
The president of Transsark Corporation, Alfred Spector, in 1986, made
an interesting comment comparing bridge construction and software de-
velopment. Bridges are completed on time and estimate. So they do not
collapse. But softwares are not completed in time frame and in estimate.
So they do collapse.
Though the above tab of expenditure belongs to 1995, the tabs after
2000 also persists the same trend, according to studies. One can as-
sume from this that the crisis is so widespread and poses a real threat.
Then, even after the paradigm shift on language front, why this crisis still
on and on and what may be the reason behind?
Different from old time industries, the commodities produced in IT
sector do not get wasted by time. But what reveals the above data, be-
cause of the nature of uniqueness of software the labour invested itself
get wasted. This is completely uncharacteristic for old time industries.
This process, which makes just junk most of the invested money, is an in-
built consequence of the structural contradiction of capitalism.
58 janashakti
 March/April
The development in software industry and the advancement of lan-
guages de-skilled the programming (the labour). The trend, which led to
the development of software sector itself, was such that it redefined the
entire relation between programme and the programmer, who EXERT
labour. It made programmer just an insignificant appendix only was its
immediate result. Now, the programmers are in fact ignorant about the
range and in - depth details of the work they are carrying out. When, one
do certain portion of a programme, he has no idea about what the second
person is doing on it. He is even not sure whether the result of his labour
will be practically right or not. The programmer who is answerable to com-
plete the project in a time frame and estimate is always under the watch-
ful eyes of top-brasses, who may wield their power at any time. Thus,
ensuing de-skilling and ever increasing technogical complexities, the
worker gets alienated from the commodity he produces. The Prime rea-
son behind software failures can be read in this old trend of historical
human alienations. The source of this, this alienation process is not con-
fined only to the right to ownership, but from the nature of product as well.
In old time traditional industries commodities got accumulated in
market as the poor purchasing power among people. Thus, those com-
modities are enlisted under surplus production. The labour invested on
those commodities get de-valuated. The required quantity of manifold
varieties of the same category commodities are confirmed only after its
arrival in market. Thus the commodities available far exceeding than de-
mand piled up idly along with the labour put in it. This market uncertainty
was the highlight of old time industry.
But when it accounts for software, to create manifold replicas of the
same commodity is not a strategically important notion in its production.
There is no reasonable compatibility in respect of the total investment
included in software production and needed expenditure for replica pro-
duction. As this factor remains and true, concern over over - production of
software exists on a different line. Capitalism functions among structural
contradictions, that too unsolvable contradiction. It is inscribed and well
entrenched in its structure. Regarding old-time commodities, if this con-
tradictions get expressed only after its arrival in market, the contradiction
bound in softwares lies in the production process itself. The volatility of
market is infiltrated into the product. If we look at this phenomenon from
the stand-point of labour, in the unresolved conflict between labour and
janashakti 59
March/April
the product, that set off due to unskilling and complexity, the process of
labour itself gets trapped in uncertainty. It is this uncertainty, which dis-
seminated into production process, that led to the software crisis that we
are discussing. Indeed, this uncertainty has its source in the indisputable
structural deficiencies of capitalism.
As software is a commodity, and as of again, to produce surplus
value it has to be targeted on market. The fact that expenditure included
for producing replicas is not strategically important do not deter it from
facing market. At this stage, this commodity in no way differentiate itself
from the old traditional commodities.Due to this, it goes under all swings
and traits of market. The suplus value is acquired from the quantity of
commodities that sell at market. Actually, it is only then software finds out
its value as commodity. While, in traditional commodities, each replica
bears suplus value , in software this includes in the first programme itself.
As in the case of old fashioned commodities this too grab surplus value
by selling replicas.
Each and every win-lost equation of market depends on the avail-
ability of surplus value. When market broke, the labour invested in
product get lost and the products simply pile up sans transaction. This
means, the volatility of market set the drive for what is called surplus pro-
duction. In the case of software this surplus are not lying in the replicas,
but embedded in the very first construction of programme. So, the uncer-
tainty risk for softwares, compared to old fashioned commodities, in ef-
fect seems to be doubled. First, as a result of unskilling of labour, and
then, programmer bound complexities. Secondly, due to the volatility fac-
tor in the form of surplus production.Except some specific features, as a
commodity softwares present no great difference from old fashioned ones.
In fact the evolution of softwares towards a comtemporary commodity
form happened, when capitalism grabbed and kept under only to serve
their interests. using the in-built feature - specifics of software. Microsoft’s
history proves this as a single example. But the same feature- specifics
utilized to turn it a commodity pose threats to its very existence also.
It is due to its in-built features software provides a space and con-
cept based on unbridled development and freedom. It was due to this
exclusiveness that led the world more and more to free software move-
ment. Because of this potential, Microsoft, the apostles of private soft-
ware was compelled to use free software. But what rings in the promises
60 janashakti
 March/April
that in the near future proprietary softwares would be replaced by free
softwares in more of the emphasis of the profitability-eye of capitalism
than a true road map to real freedom.
The feature-specifics of software replicas, which cost less, are not
confined to the product only. For the production of any new commodity,
Marked by exclusively complex features, it is the research expenditure
that dictacts the terms. The included expenditure on physical compo-
nents are comparatively too low. Thus any new commodity produced af-
ter R&D and the reproduction of that commodity in huge quantity will not
bring any fresh expenditure on R&D front. In short, if commodities are
produced in unlimited quantities, the R&D monetary value proposed in
each commodity gets reduced. No more fresh investment, but unlimited
quantity is the inclusive tendency here. Though the tendency to produce
commodities in more quantities is applicable to other commodities as
well, in the case of old-time commodities as the quantity increases, the
production expenditure also increases proportionately. In modern com-
modities the critical value included is that of research expenses.
Hence the production of such commodities in bulk will not cost much.
That is why throw away commodities are getting predominance in todays
life. It is the same tendency that converted our earth into a junk yard. Now,
softwares are treading the same course. Indeed, with a cosmetic change!

Conclusion
When we considered software as a commodity, we did n’t address
the question whether it is producing as a produced instrument or as a
consumer product. As we consider it as a commodity, any such consid-
eration becomes invalid, that is why opted out from this presentation. But,
when we take into consideration the whole economy, these questions
will raise. Globally, since 1970, in software production, some trends are
clearly visible. Since 70s a larger chunk of software production were for
entertainment industry. The proportionate difference in capital spent on
life styles and extravaganza and on production sector has a crucial role
strategically for the reproduction of capital, and any marked deviation in
this regard will be critical for the very existence of capitalistic system it-
self.
(Written in 2007)

janashakti 61
March/April

NEW DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA-RUSSIA

RELATIONSHIP
AJITHA KESHAKAMBALI

T
here is a section amongst the Marxist -Leninists in India
who feel that India has turned into a new colony. Such a
characterisation of the State is far from objective reality.
True, of late, especially after becoming member of the WTO and its quick
march towards globalisation process, Indian ruling classes are constanly
being dragged on towards the global strategy of US imperialists - politi-
cally, economically, militarily and even culturally. It is also true even after
the economic ‘melt down’ the US imperialists are holding a position of
advantage. Other powers, though reluctantly, are being forced to give in to
the interests of the US. But it is also evident that other powers, the EU
except Britain, Japan, Russia etc. are not happy with the present situa-
tion. They are finding that though the globalisation policy was intended to
avert contention between imperialist powers through military means and
to force the under developed or developing countries (the other name for
the semi colonial countries) open up their economies to be exploited by
the imperialists, the US under the garb of ‘war on terror’ is enchancing its
hegemony over globally strategic regions through military means. The US
is also trying to utilise nuclear non-proliferation as a means to enchance
its hegemony. In the beginning most of the imperialist countries helped the
62 janashakti
 March/April
US in its military adventures to have a slice of the pie. But as the US got
itself entangled in the quagmire of Iraq and Afghanistan, other imperialist
powers are in a hurry to get themselves away from those misadventures.
Russia, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, became economi-
cally very weak, though remained a military super power. Russia did not
join the bandwagon of the US in its military adventures in Iraq and Afghani-
stan. But it did not have enough strength to oppose the US strategies. At
the onset, Russia wanted to be part of European countries to maintain its
global position and even wanted to join the NATO. But the NATO under the
express advice of the US, did not allow Russia to enter it, rather it brought
a number of erstwhile USSR states into its fold. Then on Russia had been
trying to develop a Russia-China-India axis. It is well known that the SCO
(Shanghai Co-operation Oragnization) formed by Russia and China along
with a number of countries and invited India to join it. Indian compradore
big bourgeoisie’s desperate need for capital in the globalised world kept
the ruling classes away from such an alliance and dependence on the US
grew more and more. The dependence went to such extent that India
signed so-called civilian nuclear treaty to the advantage of the US, be-
came a part of US war on Iraq and Afghanistan with a viel, had to open up
the economy to a dangerous level. At the face value to some people these
developments were taken as India becoming neo-colony of the US.
But objective reality was otherwise. Very soon the US faced the
melt down. Within the Indian ruling classes contradictions also developed
on the way India had been becoming totally dependent on one imperialist
power. Subtle changes in the government portfolios took place. On the
other hand Russia started taking bolder moves in the global political arena.
In this background latest visit of Manmohan singh, the Prime Min-
ister of India, to Russia became an important move. No wonder almost at
the same time US-India joint military training took place in India (In this
issue that event has been discussed separately- editor) Many crucial deals
were inked during that visit. For several decades Russia (former USSR is
also taken into account) was the biggest supplier of defence materials to
India. According to an estimate of the US Library of congress, “Over a
period of 40 years Russia annually supplied military equipments worth
$75 million dollars” to India. Only in the last year Israel replaced Russia to
top the position of biggest military equipment supplier to India. India earlier
used Russian space centres. So, in the new context, both sides wanted
janashakti 63
March/April
to renew and revitalise the old connections. But both were careful not to
antogonise the US. So they used the same rhetoric that US has been
using for its ties with India. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said,
“There is a common threat that India and Russia face. We should con-
solidate our anti-terror base. We will provide concrete help in anti-terror
activities.” Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, “Our views are similar
on global issues and our co-operation can extend to co-operation at inter-
national level... We will be sharing intelligence and information gathering.”
It is interesting to note that both Medvedev and Manmohan Singh can use
the rhetorics while meeting Obama, the US President. Then what was
the speciality in the visit?
During that visit also a Nuclear Deal was done. According to
reports this deal was “far beyond 123 agreement with the US. India and
Russia also signed a 10 year agreement on military and technical co-
operation from 2011 to enchance operational capacity of defence forces
in the next decade. Also during this visit a negotiation that was being car-
ried on for a long time had been concluded. That was on India buying the
Russian aircraft carrier, Admiral Gorshkov.
It is clear that Russia is now not in a position of compete with the
US in the Indian capital market. So Russia is acting on the field of its own
strength, the military equipments and thus to maintain its position in the
military establishment in India and to influence its politics through that
route - a route they had earlier travelled.

64 janashakti