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Abstract:
This paper describes and analyses the challenges encountered in
attempting to reform public sector accounting in Indonesia, the main objective of
which is to combat corruption and thus help improve governance. Our observations
suggest that this reform has been seriously hindered by a lack of staff with adequate
accounting skills a problem exacerbated by the decision to continue to prepare
old-style cash-based reports alongside the new accrual-based reports. Our key
contribution is to demonstrate the danger of rushing to copy public sector financial
management techniques from quite different country contexts, especially when there
are significant differences of opinion as to the appropriate design of these reforms
among the influential policy-making agencies.
INTRODUCTION
In the last three decades public sector accounting reforms have been central to
the adoption of New Public Management (NPM) practices in the public sector
(Lapsley and Pallot, 2000; Christensen, 2007; Christiaens and Rommel, 2008;
The first author is Adjunct Associate Professor in the Indonesia Project, Crawford School
of Public Policy, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University,
Canberra. The second author is Assistant Professor in the School of Information Systems
and Accounting, Faculty of Business, Government and Law, The University of Canberra,
Australia. A shorter version of this paper was published previously as McLeod, R.H. and H.
Harun (2009), Improving District and Municipal Governance in Indonesia: The Role of Public Sector
Accounting Reform, Policy Brief 3, Australia Indonesia Governance Research Partnership, The
Australian National University: Canberra. Parts of it also appeared in Kuncoro, M., T. Widodo
and R.H. McLeod (2009), Survey of Recent Developments, Bulletin of Indonesian Economic
Studies, pp. 15176. The authors are grateful to the Australia-Indonesia Governance Research
Partnership for financial assistance that facilitated the research reported here. The authors
also benefited from comments by participants in the Indonesia Council Open Conference at
the University of Sydney (1517 July, 2009).
Address for correspondence: Dr. Harun Harun, School of Information Systems and
Accounting, Faculty of Business, Government & Law, The University of Canberra, Canberra,
Australia.
e-mail: Harun.Harun@canberra.edu.au
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Christensen and Parker, 2010; Ball and Craig, 2010; Qian et al., 2011; and
Pollanena and Loiselle-Lappointe, 2012). In New Zealand, the UK and Australia,
for example, accrual accounting was a key feature of the introduction of businessstyle accounting practices in public sector organisations (Guthrie, 1998; Lapsley
and Pallot, 2000; Baker and Rennie, 2006; ter Bogt, 2008; and Christensen and
Parker, 2010). A similar trend has been apparent recently in developing nations
such as Malaysia (Nor-Aziah and Scapens, 2007; and Saleh, 2007), Thailand
(Upping and Oliver, 2010) and Ghana (Rahaman, 2009). Since 2003 Indonesia
has followed a similar path, with the promulgation of new laws on accounting
and auditing in the public sector (Marwata and Alam, 2006; Harun, 2007; and
Harun and Robinson, 2010).
Indonesias enactment of Law No. 17 on State Finance (Undang-undang
Keuangan Negara) in 2003 is seen as the beginning of a process of radical
reform in the field of public sector financial reporting (Harun et al., 2012).
This was followed by the introduction of two complementary laws: Law No. 1
on State Treasury (Undang-undang Perbendaharaan Negara) and Law No. 15 on
Auditing of State Finances (Undang-undang Pemeriksaan Keuangan Negara), both in
2004. The essence of these laws was that much greater attention than hitherto
was to be paid to transparency and accountability in relation to the use of
resources entrusted to the state by the people. The new laws were backed
up by the formulation in 2005 of a new set of standards for public sector
accounting (Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan, SAP). According to the elucidation
of Law 17/2003, an important objective of adopting the new accounting system
is to support the governments efforts to combat corruption.
The key feature of SAP is the introduction of double-entry accrual accounting
and reporting systems adapted from recommendations of the International
Federation of Accountants, the International Accounting Standards Committee,
the International Monetary Fund, the Indonesian Institute of Accountants,
the Financial Accounting Standards Board (USA) and Indonesias Generally
Accepted Accounting Principles in place of the single-entry accounting system
inherited from the Dutch.1 In reality, however, the traditional cash-based
budgetary or cameral accounting system (Monsen, 2002) inherited from the
colonial era in the form of Laporan Anggaran dan Realisasi Pendapatan dan
Pembelanjaan Negara/Daerah (Report on Budgeted and Realised State/Region
Revenue and Spending) is still used in parallel with the new system for
planning, authorising, recognising and recording all government spending at
central and regional levels. It seems to be widely believed that all governments
and their agencies are obliged to prepare a cash-based budget realisation report
alongside the full set of accrual based reports, but this is debatable. Articles 30
and 31 of Law 17/2003 require budget realisation reports to be prepared, but
make no attempt to define such reports or to stipulate the basis on which they
are prepared.
Government financial reports are subject to audit by the Supreme Audit
Agency (Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan, henceforth BPK); the audited reports
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The rest of this paper is structured as follows. First, we discuss the purpose of
this study and methods used to collect data. Second, we discuss the background
to the Indonesian governments initiatives on public sector accounting reform
since 2003. Third, we present case studies of three local governments attempting
to implement the accrual accounting system. The following section offers
recommendations to policy makers, and the paper concludes by highlighting
its main findings.
PURPOSE AND METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this paper is to understand the background to, and nature
of, public sector accounting reform in Indonesia, and the challenges faced by
local governments in its implementation. We began by examining government
regulations and other sources focusing on public sector accounting in Indonesia.
We reviewed laws, government regulations, and ministerial regulations on local
government financial reporting, all imposed by the central government. We also
drew on media reports, BPK audit reports and various other publicly available
information. In addition, we conducted interviews with central government
policy makers involved in the formulation of public sector accounting regulations,
including senior officials in the Ministry of Finance (MOF) and the Ministry
of Home Affairs (MOHA), and senior auditors in BPK. To gain a practical
appreciation of implementation problems at local government level we collected
information from three local government jurisdictions: the Municipality of
Tangerang (population 2.8 million in 2010) in Banteng Province; the Municipality of Palu (0.3 million) in Central Sulawesi Province; and the District of
Bima (0.4 million) in Nusa Tenggara Barat Province (population data are from
BPS, 2010). From these jurisdictions we interviewed a total of 24 senior officials
and parliamentarians. Interviews lasted from 1 to 2 hours; in several cases
we conducted follow-up interviews to gather additional information. Table 1
presents a profile of our interviewees.
ACCOUNTING REFORM INITIATIVES
Two main features of the accounting reforms are the introduction of doubleentry accrual-based accounting in 2003 and the empowerment of the Supreme
Audit Agency in auditing the reports of public sector agencies.2
Background to Reform
On paper, at least, the reforms introduced since 2003 amounted to a revolution.
Accountability and transparency were anathema to former President Suharto,
who ruled Indonesia for three decades and had no interest in what is now
known as good governance the deployment of the powers of government
for the maximum benefit of the general public. On the contrary: governments
under Suharto had as their main objective the furtherance of the interests of a
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Table 1
Profile of Interviewees
Level /Organisation
Central government
Ministry of Finance (MOF)
Ministry of Home Affairs (MOHA)
BPK (Supreme Audit Agency)
Local government
Tangerang Municipality
Palu Municipality
District of Bima
Position
Number
Senior officials
Senior official
Senior auditors
2
1
4
Deputy Mayor
Senior officials in accounting and finance
Local parliamentary members
Deputy Mayor
Senior officials in accounting and finance
Local parliamentary members
Regent (District Head)
Senior officials in accounting and finance
Local parliamentary members
1
3
2
1
6
4
1
5
3
33
Total
narrow elite which is not to deny that the general public enjoyed considerable
improvements in material wellbeing during the three decades he was in power
(McLeod, 2011). It was no accident that during this era there were two state
audit agencies. One of these, BPK, existed by virtue of the Constitution and
was required to report to the parliament as the representative of the people,
but this body was starved of resources, and its reports were not made public.
The second, the Agency for Supervision of Finance and Development (Badan
Pengawasan Keuangan dan Pembangunan), existed for the purpose of keeping the
president himself informed in relation to the financial affairs of key government
bodies and enterprises; this body had considerably more resources at its disposal,
but it reported to neither the parliament nor the general public.
In the words of former BPK Chairman, Anwar Nasution:
The [New Order Suharto] government limited the range of audit targets, the means
or methods of audit, and the content and tone of audit reports. BPKs reports were not
even made public. All the goldmines of the New Order government, like Pertamina
[the state oil and gas company], Bank Indonesia [the central bank] and the state banks
and other state enterprises were off limits to BPK. . . . The New Order government
also controlled BPK through its organisation, personnel and budget. The resources
and infrastructure for raising the quality of work and of human resources of BPK were
also very limited (BPK, 2009: p. 6, authors translation).
Once Suharto had been forced from office in 1998, the opportunity arose for
reform-minded policymakers to move in the direction of accounting reform as a
response to the deliberate suppression of accountability and transparency that
had characterised the Suharto era (Harun and Robinson, 2010). Advocates of
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private sector-style accounting systems, especially in the MOF and BPK, saw the
adoption of private sector accounting techniques within the public sector as an
essential part of attempts to raise the quality of management and thus, the
integrity, efficiency and effectiveness of government. Indonesia chose countries
such as Australia, the UK and New Zealand as models for the new approach,
all of which had been pioneers in public sector adoption of accrual accounting
(Harun et al., 2012).
Table 2
Comparison of Reporting Systems used in Indonesia
Reporting System
Old (19452004)
New (2005)
Types of Report
Budget realization report
Budget realization report
Balance sheet
Cash-flow statement
Changes in equity statement
Notes to financial statements
Source: Law 17/2003, SAP (2005), Harun and Robinson (2010, p. 240).
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deviations from the SAP, or if narrow areas of the entitys operations have not
been able to be adequately audited for some reason, while a disclaimer opinion
signifies that the auditor has been so greatly constrained in carrying out its
function (usually because there are insufficient records) that it is unable to
form a view as to the veracity of the report or the extent to which it conforms
with the SAP.
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Figure 1
Public Sector Accounting Reform
Transactions
(all receipts & payments)
Auditing
(verifying information in financial reports)
Follow-up
(holding individuals accountable)
DPR/DPRD
Enforcement agencies
Election process
Head of Government/Executive
246
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observations about the lack of qualified and experienced accountants across all
government organisations.
Seen from this perspective it is unsurprising that many local governments
have devoted substantial budgetary resources to hiring outside consultants to
design new accounting systems for them and to prepare their financial reports,
as interviewees in Bima and Palu reported. These same interviewees noted the
irony of the fact that the so-called mark-up practices that accounting reform
is intended to help eliminate have become a common feature of procurement of
accounting consultancy services in at least some local governments. They also
pointed out that budgetary resources are often wasted through the purchase of
computers, nominally intended to be used in the accounting process, because of
the lack of staff competent to operate them. In short, our case studies show that
the lack of accounting expertise which should have been obvious to reformminded policy makers at the outset has turned out to be a key obstacle in
the implementation of accrual accounting by local governments. Similar findings
emerged from studies of local governments in the UK (Handyman and Connolly,
2011) and of the Dutch government (ter Bogt and van Helden, 2000).
It makes no sense to devolve many of the tasks of government to the local
level and to require local governments to be accountable for their performance
if they are not also given sufficient autonomy to be able to manage their
affairs as they see fit, including the freedom to recruit people with the necessary
skills and to pay competitive salaries. Local governments are well aware of
the dysfunctionality of current human resource management practices dictated
by MENPAN, but for the most part the ministry seems to have been able to
convince them that they do not have the authority to introduce their own
systems of personnel management. That said, some local governments (including
Tangerang Municipality, as we observed) seem to have been able to negotiate
special arrangements under which they have been allowed more flexibility in
these matters than most of their peers. This has allowed them to recruit at least
some individuals with specialised accounting skills and experience albeit
from elsewhere in the bureaucracy rather than from the private sector and
thus to prepare far superior sets of financial accounts. It is to be hoped that
other local governments will follow in these footsteps, but it would be a far
more satisfactory outcome if there could be a general devolution of authority in
relation to personnel management to all local governments, rather than just a
select few.
249
time. All local governments are required to prepare their reports based on the
SAP, and BPK is required to evaluate these reports relative to this standard.
But they are also required to follow MOHA Regulation No. 13/2006 (Peraturan
Menteri Dalam Negeri), later modified by Regulation No. 59/2007, which specifies a
different chart of accounts (i.e., system of classification of transactions) that has
to be followed. The local government officials we interviewed were frustrated by
having to prepare and reconcile one set of financial statements conforming to
the MOHA regulations and another set, based on SAP, for submission to BPK
and the MOF:
We are disappointed with rapid changes of the rules. In 2004 we were required to
adopt the SAP. Then suddenly MOHA issued new reporting regulations in 2006,
only to replace them in 2007. We have limited people and funds to implement these
reporting requirements.
The central government appears to have imposed these new rules and
regulations without bothering to consult with the lower levels of government
directly affected by them, and with little concern for the budgetary and human
resource implications. It hardly needs to be said that implementing radical
accounting reform with very limited human resources becomes a much more
difficult task if the rules keep changing, and if parallel sets of different rules
need to be followed simultaneously.
According to interviewees in the MOF and BPK, these two organisations,
working closely together, attempted from the outset to minimise the burden
of accounting reform on reporting entities, mindful of the problems that were
bound to arise if Indonesia tried to move to a highly sophisticated accounting
system within a very short time span. MOHA insisted, however, that it had authority over local government affairs including over the accounting function
and imposed a chart of accounts that was much more highly disaggregated than
that which the MOF required of central government departments and agencies,
even though local government operations are generally much smaller in scale
and less complex.
According to our interviewees in Bima and Palu, using two different charts of
accounts was very likely to generate errors, and it was hard to understand why
the simpler system regarded as satisfactory at the highest level of government
could not also be used at lower levels. Likewise, it is hard to understand how
MOHA can actually make use of the flood of highly disaggregated data it
demands from hundreds of local governments and their subsidiary entities.
Detailed reporting to the centre (other than for auditing purposes, which is not
the MOHAs responsibility) only makes sense if the centre intends to involve
itself deeply in the management of reporting units. This was surely not envisaged
by the proponents of the far reaching decentralisation of government functions
that began in 2001, who intended rather to modify incentives such that local
governments primary concern would be to serve their constituents well not
to do the bidding of the central government.5
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Consequences
Two of the immediate consequences of the lack of qualified accountants and the
conflicting rules faced by local governments are a low level of compliance with
SAP and underuse of accrual based-reports for decision making.
Many local governments fail to produce their reports when required. BPK
(2008: 4) reported that of 469 local governments, only 59% submitted their
financial reports for 2007 on time; of the remainder, 34% had submitted their
reports by mid August 2008, but 7% had still failed to do so. Months later
three governments had still failed to submit their reports (BPK, 2009). In
addition, there is a failure to produce reports of a satisfactory standard. Only
a tiny proportion of local government reports have obtained an unqualified
opinion from BPK and, although the majority obtained a qualified opinion, the
proportion that did so declined significantly through 2009, with corresponding
increases in the proportion obtaining adverse or disclaimer opinions (Table 3).
Although there was some improvement in 2010, there were still only 32 local
governments of about 500 in total (i.e., 6%) that obtained an unqualified opinion
for their reports (JPPN, 2010). Among the three local governments studied, the
financial statements of only Tangerang Municipality obtained an unqualified
opinion from the BPK in the period since adoption of SAP in 2005 to 2009, when
this study was undertaken. By contrast, the reports of Bima District and Palu
Municipality obtained only qualified opinions from 2006 to 2009.
It remains an open question as to what should be done when local governments
continuously fail to submit their reports, or to do so on time, or fail to meet the
required standard. BPK (2008, pp. 23) provides a number of reasons also
observed in our case studies why central and regional government reports
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Table 3
Local Government Financial Reports by BPK Opinion (%)
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
Unqualified
Qualified
Disclaimer
Adverse
Total
7.3
4.7
0.6
0.9
2.7
3.0
9.0
86.8
85.1
70.8
60.6
74.1
66.0
76.0
2.4
6.9
23.3
25.9
16.0
10.0
3.0
3.5
3.3
5.2
12.6
7.2
21.0
12.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
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implement the new accounting system suggests that these reforms have been
seriously hindered by the lack of staff with the required accounting skills
and that this problem has been made worse by the insistence on continuing to
prepare old-style cash-based reports alongside the new accrual-based reports,
and by MOHAs insistence on imposing its own, much more complex, chart of
accounts for reporting to itself. As a consequence, the level of compliance of local
government reports with the SAP has been low, and little use has been made of
accrual-based reports for decision making and other management purposes, or
for holding governments to account for their financial performance.
The key contribution of this study is therefore a further exemplification of
the dangers inherent in rushing to copy public sector financial management
techniques from quite different country contexts, especially when there are
significant differences of opinion as to the appropriate design of these reforms
and even the need for them among the influential policy-making agencies.
In particular, the study illustrates the crucial importance of ensuring that the
conditions necessary to support the implementation of reforms such as this are
met in advance of their introduction or of prioritising less ambitious reforms
to begin with if they are not. Public sector accounting reform is certainly highly
desirable in Indonesia, but it is naive to imagine that much can be achieved in
the absence of complementary reform of existing human resource management
practices, and if the widely divergent approaches of MOF and BPK, on the one
hand, and MOHA, on the other, cannot be resolved satisfactorily.
NOTES
1 Prior to the reforms, the entire financial information and accountability reports were . . . based
on the single-entry recording method and administered in fragmented cash-based bookkeeping
systems (Manao, 2008, p. 1).
2 Indonesian public sector accounting covers three areas: the central government; regional
governments; and non-profit organisations owned by the government, such as schools and
hospitals. State owned-companies use the private sectors Statement of Financial Accounting
Standards to prepare and present their financial statements (Harun, 2007, p. 366).
3 Even if an unqualified opinion is issued, it is possible for the auditor to also issue a Letter
of Improvement (Surat Perbaikan) to mention minor issues, areas of potential risk, etc. This
document is used to prepare the future audit program of the entity in question.
4 To make matters worse, transferring staff between departments, not to mention between
different levels of government, is extremely difficult.
5 For an extended critique of the MOHA position see Telaah Kritis Permendagri No. 13/2006, dan
Implementasinya di Daerah [A Critical Analysis of Home Affairs Ministry Regulation 13/2006 and
its Implementation in the Regions], Tribun Timur, 23 March, 2007).
6 Thus the statement in Law 17/2003 that one of its objectives is to inform taxpayers and users
of public sector services regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of public sector agencies
operations is unrealistic.
7 This practice is already followed in relation to certain other professions, such as doctors.
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