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Raja-Mandala: Spying

gracelessly
Its natural for India and Pakistan to spy on each other. But its
time they instituted spy swaps to bring them home when they
get caught.
Written by C. Raja Mohan | Updated: March 29, 2016 12:14 am

Its shocking! So shocking to discover that New Delhi and Islamabad spy on each
other! Louis Renault, the corrupt police captain in the film Casablanca, who
simulates shock at gambling in Ricks cafe, endears himself by lacing venality with
wit. The media warriors in South Asia, however, refuse to let even a bit of
commonsense colour their easy outrage. The latest provocation for their huffing and
puffing is Pakistans claim that it has arrested an Indian spy in Balochistan.
Its not for nothing that spying has been called the second-oldest profession. Its as
ancient as statecraft. Any self-respecting sovereign would maintain an effective ring
of spies as the first line of defence against potential threats, both internal and
external. All states indulge in spying, political and commercial. And not just against

their adversaries. Keeping a tab on your friends and partners is considered just as
important.
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Thanks to WikiLeaks, we know how intensively the United States spies on its
friends. The US National Security Agency (NSA) was routinely snooping on
German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff.
What is really shocking, though, has been the lack of any grace attached to spying
in the subcontinent. Elsewhere in the world, its respected as a tough profession
and valued as a special art. India and Pakistan have generally tended to disown
spies who get caught. It would be more sensible for India and Pakistan to
acknowledge, at least in private, their respective spooks and bring as many of them
home through spy swaps. Thats what Russia and America did at the height of the
Cold War.
We might never really get to know the real story behind the claims and counterclaims in Islamabad and Delhi on the purported arrest of an Indian spy in
Balochistan. Truth is always hard to pin down in the cloak and dagger business.
For Islamabad, the claim reinforces the charge that India is destabilising Pakistan in
Balochistan. These charges are not new. Recall the insistence of then Pakistan
Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani to include Balochistan in a joint statement with
then-PM Manmohan Singh on the margins of the 2009 non-aligned summit at
Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt.
Unlike the UPA government that turned defensive amid the angry reaction in Delhi,

the NDA government is a lot less coy on these things. Some analysts would see the
incident boosting Delhis current image of being very tough on national security. It
might also be an advertisement for the new will in Delhi to pursue muscular
approaches to counter Pakistans cross-border terrorism.
Whats intriguing, though, is the Pakistan armys statement that it has raised the
issue of Indian spying in Balochistan when General Raheel Sharif called on visiting
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani last week. In his press conference at the end of
the visit, Rouhani, however, denied that there was any discussion about the Indian
intelligence agency, R&AW, and its alleged activities in Iran and Balochistan.
That General Sharif publicly accused Tehran of colluding with Delhi in Balochistan
is a reminder that all is not well between Iran and Pakistan. Although the R&AW is
a favourite whipping boy for Pakistan, Islamabad has problems of its own with
Tehran in Balochistan. The border between Iran and Pakistan, which runs down the
Baloch lands into the Arabian Sea, has long been turbulent. At the end of 2014, the
simmering tension boiled over into an exchange of fire between the security forces
of Iran and Pakistan. Tehran has long accused Pakistan of sheltering Sunni militant
groups, like Jundullah and Jaish al-Adl, hostile to Iran.
Thats only one part of a more complex story in Balochistan. Enduring
tribal resentments in Balochistan against Pakistans oppression have erupted in
frequent revolts over the decades.
The Pakistan army, which has put them down with considerable force, has often
accused Delhi and Kabul of supporting the Baloch insurgents.
If Delhi has longstanding complaints about Pakistans cross-border terrorism,
Kabul points to Rawalpindis open support for the Afghan Taliban, whose
leadership has made Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, its home. Tehran has long
been apprehensive of the Afghan Talibans Sunni extremism and has been wary of
its return to power in Kabul with the Pakistan armys support.
Delhi and Tehran have, indeed, had a common interest in countering Taliban rule in

Afghanistan during 1996-2001.Thats not all. Dont forget the Russians,


Americans, Saudis and Israelis all of whom have had varying degrees of interest
and involvement in the politics of Balochistan.
China now has growing stakes in Balochistan, where its ambitious Pakistan
economic corridor connects with an even more expansive project, the 21st century
Maritime Silk Road. As China builds a new port in Gwadar, Iran is building its own
a few miles to the west in Chabahar.
One doesnt have to count all the competing interests and contradictions to
appreciate that Balochistan will remain a dangerous but very inviting hunting ground
for the worlds spies in the coming years.
The writer is director, Carnegie India, and consulting editor on foreign affairs for
The Indian Express

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