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Abstract
This paper emerges from a growing sense of disquiet over the regularity and often loosely utilised appearance of the concept &rural
restructuring' in the literature. The paper examines rural restructuring from two perspectives * as an analytical approach that
emphasizes the need for a holistic view of change processes, and as a statement on the character of change in the countryside. The
argument put forward is that restructuring ideas have much to commend them as an approach, even if theoretical improvement will
require more diversity in &starting' theoretical perspectives and a stronger willingness to engage with other theoretical stances when
the weaknesses of a &starting' perspective are revealed. This will entail approaching questions of rural restructuring from a broader
range of perspectives than currently dominant visions, which are grounded in political economy. In exploring restructuring ideas as
&facts', the paper focuses on England, as this is a country in which rural restructuring is commonly reported to have occurred or be
occurring. The paper argues that this vision of the English countryside is too poorly articulated and that support for this vision is far
from convincing. It cautions that restructuring processes are less widespread than is often implied. Moreover, there are grounds for
seeing restructuring processes are reifying the past, not heralding a new social dynamic. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights
reserved.
1. Introduction
As Kuhn (1962) advised long ago, as researchers we
have to guard against a comfortable acceptance of mainstream ideas, whether fashionable or long-established
bedrocks of interpretation. This paper is the "rst in a two
part critique of one prevailing interpretation, namely that
of rural restructuring. Our concern in this paper is with
the meaning of the much used expression, rural restructuring, putting forward the argument that its utilisation is
too commonly unfocused, while its theoretical base is too
partial, if not at times even concealed. More than this, we
wish to argue that, even for one of the primary loci for
commentaries on rural restructuring, there is little to
support the notion that, as others seem to de"ne it,
The authors would like to thank the anonymous referees who took
the scribbling we submitted as a "rst draft of this paper and rightly
pointed out we were trying to get a quart into a pint pot. Their
suggestions and prompts, alongside the editor's generous support, have
resulted in the readers' pain being doubled, as one paper was converted
into two. The responsibility for choosing this strategy, and so in#icting
ourselves twice on readers, is the authors' alone.
* Corresponding author. Tel.: #44-20-7848-2713.
E-mail address: keith.hoggart@kcl.ac.uk (K. Hoggart).
&restructuring' is occurring in rural England. This seemingly rather extreme view is not one that we "nd easy to
argue, as we believe that the &restructuring' approach
should strengthen theoretical evaluation of rural change.
For us, the applicability of &restructuring' ideas to rural
studies are less about something that is occurring (&facts'),
than, as Lovering (1989) contends, as an approach to
elucidating the strengths and limitations of theorisations
of social change. In the "rst part of this paper we present
a case for this interpretation of restructuring. In the
second part of the paper, we turn to consider the tone
that is implicit (or even explicit) in well-crafted and in#uential arguments presented by some astute rural commentators. Here we question the validity, or utility if you
prefer, of the image that English rural society has undergone a signi"cant qualitative transformation. In a sense
we ask whether even the titles &consumption countryside'
(Marsden, 1999) or &post-productivist countryside' (e.g.
Ward, 1993; Ilbery and Bowler, 1998; Halfacree, 1999),
do imply much more profound rural change than has
occurred. In a sense, in this second section we are posing
the question, what if we have got it wrong? What if
restructuring should be regarded as the outcome of
societal processes? In this second section we hold that
even if we search for restructuring &facts', changes in rural
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half-hearted attempts to instil more environmental inputs into farming are not the only changes seen in the
sector. Growing demands for improved food quality,
associated not simply with environmentalism but also
health, cannot be ignored (e.g. Banks and Marsden, 1999;
Ilbery and Kneafsey, 2000; Morris and Young, 2000).
But we are not at all persuaded by the clamour to call
such shifts a transformation of fundamental values away
from production toward consumption (Marsden, 1999).
To raise just one point to symbolise our discomfort, note
how, even in the ethically puri"ed atmosphere of opinion
poll surveys, only 33% of Europeans claim they would
pay a little more for food in order to protect the environment. About the same percentage say they would not pay
50
more on anything to protect the environment (Commission of the European Communities, 1999). Also note the
way some farm groups use fears over health and safety to
enhance their market position (Ventura and van der
Meulen, 1994; Banks and Marsden, 1997; Nyga rd and
Storstad, 1998). Is this any di!erent from the past emphasis on production and sales? The advertising strategies
are di!erent. There are marginal di!erences in content,
but is there more than this? We would like to be persuaded.
We fail to be enamoured by many claims about contemporary agricultural restructuring partly because past
transformations of rural economies have been so
profound (e.g. Perry, 1974; Short and Watkins, 1999).
This cautions us against readily accepting that current
changes are as profound as the literature suggests. For
one, we are not persuaded by the implicit message that
farmers are now bu!eted by external forces that are
somehow &original', especially in the manner in which
they sing a consumption tune. Rural economies have
long been driven by the demands of non-local markets, as
agricultural depression in the late nineteenth-century
showed (Perren, 1995). Positive changes are also commonly induced by &outsiders' who move into rural locales, to occupy the paradoxical position of &evil' outsider
but &good' rural citizen (Burnett, 1998). Pressures to
change production practices to meet the requirements of
non-local populations have also been long-felt. We have
yet to be convinced that urban consumers in general are
consumption driven (even if we accept this "ts some).
Continuing demands for cheap food seems to be the
primary order of the day, irrespective of what the chattering classes in Hampstead might say, and even given the
fragmentation of food markets (Murdoch and Miele,
1999). Our sense is that the economic problems of contemporary agricultural production, alongside highly
publicised health scares, the reality of diversi"cation and
the lame but (for academics apparently fashionable) minimalist appeasement toward heightened environmental
sensitivity, have distracted interpretations from how
partial many &new trends' have been, alongside how endemic change itself is in the sector. In this we are
51
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countryside has long been a heterogeneous political landscape. No matter what you think of Surrey, it has major
countryside belts that have not been farmer-dominated
for many decades (Connell, 1978). Even the Labour Party
has given a distinctive branding to some rural locales (e.g.
Ryder, 1984). Moreover, the power of the farm lobby is
easy to exaggerate. As Winter (1997) makes clear, even
agricultural policy debates have long been conducted
with little reference to farmers and their views of the
world. In the past a &special relationship' might have
existed between the farm community and the state (Self
and Storing, 1962), but let us not extend this imagery
beyond its sell-by-date. Vestiges of exceptionalism exist
but these have been eroded over time, especially after the
UK joined the EU (Grant, 1995). By imbuing farmer
control with a halo of being &the established order', commentators are ignoring history. In many areas farmerdominated local politics represents little more than
a short-term transition from one (landed) form of political control to another (which is bureaucratised, urbancentred and service class led).
Set against this, there have been major transformations in rural governance in the past 20 years. It matters
little if many of these have their origins in national
government decisions. Whether through the mechanism
of privatisation (Bell and Cloke, 1989), changes in modes
of regulation (Bell and Cloke, 1991), the creation of new
organisations or adjusted roles for old ones (Milbourne,
1998; Jones and Little, 2000) or the opening up of new
lines of access to policy objectives (e.g. Black and Conway, 1995; Ward and McNicholas, 1998), the local sphere
of governance in rural England has become more &complicated'. This has undoubtedly led to operational changes, as seen in the diminution of &pure' state activity
through the rise of public}private partnerships, and the
invention and reinvention of rural institutions as advocacy channels (e.g. Ray, 1997; Woods, 1998). Such changes have created a loud hue and cry amongst many
commentators, especially urban local authorities (e.g.
Parkinson, 1985). But have these changes really led to so
fundamental a rural transformation? A good reason why
opposition to change has been so notable, from some
quarters, is that local governments have seen their freedom of action constrained signi"cantly, so there is less
scope for &genuine' local governance (e.g. Wolman, 1988).
But rural local governments have long been fairly minimalist in their activities (e.g. Madgwick et al., 1973; Rose et
al., 1976; Dyer, 1978), so these constraints are hardly
likely to impinge in major ways. Take, for example, the
creation of partnerships. These are proclaimed to empower local communities. Yet preliminary evidence (in
England and Ireland) suggests these initiatives look more
like a top-down model, that is inclined to expose communities to heightened insecurity rather than empowering
them, as well as having questionable e$cacy as a form of
rural governance (Curtin, 1994; Storey, 1999; Jones and
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54
groups and their supposed novel cultures, without assessing how far values and actions of longer time residents
have changed. The weight of in#ows of higher income
households into villages is commonly identi"ed, and we
expect it to have a telling impact in the longer run. Yet we
note that in many areas a notable portion of in-migrants
are low-income or at least have low incomes after arrival
(e.g. Goodwin et al., 1995). Moreover, if we only look at
what is happening in rural areas we can overplay the
professionalisation of local populations in many locations (partly as the professional and managerial component of the national population rises). Also telling is the
manner in which behavioural disparities between the
incoming and longstanding residents might be of secondary importance compared to the integration of villages
into the social spheres of non-local populations (Stockdale et al., 2000); which is evident even in the local pub
(Bowler and Everitt, 1999). Extending the ideas in these
last two sentences, spatial di!erentiation has to be acknowledged, with the social processes of urban "eld
villages being distinguished in signi"cant ways from places that are prone to attract fewer professional in-migrants (Hoggart, 1997a); albeit these places are
distinguishable at the intra-regional as well as a regional
level. The underlying point we are stumbling to make is
that, acknowledging some unevenness, the behaviour of
longstanding rural residents has probably changed more
due to general trends in society than to the incidence of
in-migration (note from other sources the impact of TV
and income improvements on behaviour; e.g. Gallagher,
1961; Brody, 1973). Further, while its magnitude is still
uncertain, evidence suggests that many in-migrants come
from other rural zones (Herington and Evans, 1979;
Lewis and Sherwood, 1991), which cautions against exaggerating social disjunctures between new and old residents (also Burnett, 1998; Stockdale et al., 2000).
Perhaps those who come from cities play out a pantomime of their own fabricated imagery of what rurality
should be (e.g. Forsythe, 1980), but this seems little di!erent from the rural mythology the majority of English
people appear to cling to (Matless, 1998). If Murdoch
(1995) is right, then the worrying element in all this is the
&reactionary' underpinnings of self-selecting middle class
desires for &a rural life' (on which, Bell's, 1994 reports on
middle class attitudes toward the need for local lowincome housing makes chilling reading). Far from a new
The point is that, if people are coming from rural areas, then the
social composition of the countryside as a whole is not changing, even if
there is disgruntlement about the arrival of (rural) &outsiders'. Of course,
as the rural population has been increasing through in-migration, we
know that some in-migration is &non-rural'. Our point is more by way of
caution. On our reading, too many commentators seem to imply that
in-migrants are all &non-rural', giving scant regard to return-migrants,
intra-rural migrants, etc.
55
civil society emerging, the trend seems to be a retrenchment toward old lines of social exclusion. As Newby
(1975, p. 158) reminds us: &The traditional English land
owning class placed an ideological gloss on their monopoly of power within the locality through the concept of
`communitya'. Our fear is that the rising &ideology' of the
countryside as a good place to bring up (middle class)
kids, while parents imagine themselves to live a more
gentile life, is camou#age for a reinvention of past social
discriminations, in which things were hunky-dory for the
middle classes, and rest were unseen or knew their place.
In this regard, environmentalism or conservation might
be a manipulative ideology that is replacing &community'.
Louis Wirth (1938) and Robert Red"eld (1947) might well
be seen as prophets for the future if this restatement leads
to the city being emphasised as an arena of social dynamism and progressive values. Certainly, this vision makes
one of us extremely pleased to live in London.
7. Conclusion
We set out in this paper to be provocative. We "nd
a lot of outputs described as restructuring in the literature to be signi"cant changes in rural areas. Yet we are
troubled by what is meant by restructuring. Our sense is
that analysts have not probed this concept su$ciently. In
particular, we "nd many trends the literature highlights
insu$ciently explored empirically, so the extent to which
change is qualitatively di!erent is not established. Moreover, we see a lack of historical vision in too many
commentaries. Some of the processes now referred to as
restructuring have been with us a long time, albeit having
been re-invented and re-presenting themselves in new
packaging every decade or so. In our view, re-packaging
makes for a good story but re-packaging that lacks
fundamental distinction from the past is not &restructuring'. The new titles that imply signi"cant change * the
notion of a consumption countryside is one example
* capture change but suggest too high a level of transformation; at least in terms of producing su$cient evidence to support a claim of fundamental qualitative
change. If we "nd this for rural England, the rationale for
using the restructuring label with alacrity is even more
questionable for other parts of Europe (e.g. Hoggart and
Paniagua, 2001).
A further question that troubles us is the time frame
people have in mind when they refer to restructuring.
Given the present-day short-termism of vision, one suspects not very long, in which case a large amount of what
is called restructuring most certainly fails the test. Without belabouring the point, we might note that Harrington and O'Donoghue (1998) found little change in
(statistically measured) social-economic-demographic dimensions of rurality over the 1980s. If you think we are
being too harsh here, in asking (say) for some pretty
56
That we have not used the economic crisis period of the 1970s here
is not because we are unaware of arguments that this was a critical
turning decade in economic transition. Rather we have taken what we
see as the extremes in the literature, in terms of what others seem to
imply about the time period over which restructuring is occurring. In
truth none really claim a 10 year period, but the implications of
suggestions on the nature of change point at a short time scale for
restructuring. We also do not want to stress the 1970s because this is
seen as a critical period for economic change (which impacted on the
state). As argued early in this paper, restructuring can (and should) be
seen as more than this. In terms of social behaviour, for instance, it
seems to us that an easily defendable position is that the 1960s were
much more in#uential than the 1970s as a period that heralded social
change.
social change in the past and present, whereas restructuring as &fact' is.
To conclude brie#y, let us broaden the discussion
somewhat. In good measure we have a lot of sympathy
with Dear and Flusty (1998) that we should acknowledge
the merits of accepting the challenge of the likes of
Jacques Derrida and C. Wright Mills to &rehearse the
break'. That is, to recognise that only by assuming that
a radical break has occurred can our capacity to recognise it be released. Methodologically we "nd this a good
strategy. Our argument is that having rehearsed the
break from a political economy perspective, we are not
convinced that a break has occurred. A transition has
taken place but as a package not something that is
su$ciently di!erent from past processes to be seen as
a pivotal, &radical break'. If you blast your way through
the jargon, excuse the dire account of the Chicago
School, forgive the super"cial account of US urban history and are not distracted by naive theorising, we think
most readers will reach the same conclusion about urban
change after reading Dear and Flusty (see the critiques in
Urban Geography 1999, Vol. 20, part 5). Of course, what
underscores this paper is the classic discomfort of reconciling &fact' from representation. As Hammersley and
Atkinson (1995, p. 18) state &2 to say that our "ndings,
and even our data, are socially constructed does not automatically imply that they do not or cannot represent [real]
social phenomena'. Empirically we see this in the manner
in which social groups at the local level respond to
broader societal forces, and so provide an &individualised'
We do not have the space here to draw out the full implications of
this point. What we should state is that we recognise that quantitative
change might lead to qualitative change, as seen when some &key'
transition point is passed that prompts a re-balancing of critical social
forces. This is well recognised in theorising on the satisfaction of human
needs, with quantitative improvements in the satisfaction of particular
needs &freeing' people to allocate higher priority to other, qualitatively
di!erent needs (e.g. on the hierarchy of needs idea, see Maslow, 1970). In
this context, our recognition that change has occurred builds within it
the possibility that the magnitude of change alone has induced qualitative change (see, for example, Giddens, 1998, on the existence of globalisation). Our point is that analysts have too readily assumed that
quantitative change has led to qualitative change. On globalisation, for
instance, a persuasive argument can be put about the manner in which
"nance capital has lessened the power of the nation-state (Giddens,
1998, pp. 30, 46}53). Yet it would be di$cult to deny the fundamental
contribution of international capital in the transformation of many
19th century economies, with Argentina and the former British settler
colonies as obvious examples, alongside the UK itself as potential
&home' investment was lost abroad (Edelstein, 1982). Financial regimes
in the year 2000 are di!erent from 1950 but we need a stronger
theorisation of how and why, including recognition of precise di!erences, and if these emerge periodically as a result of long-term economic
cycles (e.g. Marshall, 1987). Beyond this we need to ask about the
implications for localities. Giddens (1998, p. 30), for example, contradicts the Hirst and Thompson (1996) argument that the advance of
trading blocs has simply taken us back to a 19th century liberalised
57
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