Civil society in India:

Characteristics, Challenges and Capacity:

1 Characteristics of civil society in India in the current social,
economic and political situation Civil society is sometimes defined
as a utopian ideal, everything that does not fit the ideal (such as
gender and caste discrimination) becomes a flawed part of civil
society, as though civil society itself is perfect, though made of
imperfect human beings. The traditional definition of civil society
the part of the middle class that is not in governmentis a good
starting point. However, that is not sufficient in a deeply stratified
society. Civil society needs to be carefully and more restrictively
defined.
The middle class has a small section of active citizens, and a
passive majority. It is divided on class, caste, gender, ethnic and
many other identities. It is deeply hierarchical and privilege
based. It shares an almost universal abhorrence for honest
physical labour. All things American, and approval by America,
has a large mindshare, and is neo-liberal/ neo-con in its outlook.
In the past two decades, a significant section has been fed on a
diet of victim-hood, and there is a significant shift to the right, reimaging of India as a Hindu nation, Muslims as terrorists and
conversions as an issue of national securityall this with the
willing complicity of the state. This affluent and dominant mind
set dominates the media, public spaces and set the national
agenda, but are out of touch with the 70% of Indians who live on
less than Rs20 a day.
Civil society organisations range from Rotary and Lions Clubs
and organisations of the reactionary right that have large
networks across the country, to small fragmented grassroots
groups of idealistic youngsters selflessly working for the

betterment of their community. It would include the upcoming

coalitions of the Residents Welfare Associations to the older
established Gandhians.
There is a minuscule section of civil society that is actually
connected with the masses. But they are often marginalised using
religious and cultural archetypes. They are sometimes dismissed
as do-gooders. However, in recent years, there have been better
strategies employed by these activists for systemic change. There
is better understanding of the system, more professionalism in
getting to change the system itself to ensure transparency and a
degree of accountability. Right to information, employment
guarantee, and protection of women are examples of success.
There is increasing use of instruments of state to get work done.
There is sporadic use of the mass media, but media attention is
fragmented when it comes to the non-middle class.
Though a vast majority of organisations would be working on
a reform agenda, those working for structural change and
accountability remain few. Yet these are the civil society actors
who actually work to protect and secure the rights of the poor: the
poor who are overwhelmingly Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims; the
women and children among them being the most affected.
In this note, therefore, we will use the more restricted
definition of civil society: that part of society that works for social
justice.
2 Challenges facing the civil society in its effort to protect and
secure rights of poor, vulnerable and marginalised groups
The space for dissent is consistently becoming smaller and more
restricted. It is becoming easier for the state and the other
dominant powers to label all dissent as terrorism or anti-national.
State violence has a new found legitimacy as it label anyone as a
anti-national and terrorists if required . The corporate sector

both national and multinational, have the same immunity to break

laws and most often negotiate their own terms of association
individually, only to maximise profit.
2.1
The
state
of
siege:
preventing
solidarity
Civil society solidarity with the poor has been deeply hampered
by the legitimacy of coercive state action that the atmosphere or
fear and siege created by the so called war on terror. (Another
instance of copying USA). Those portraying themselves as hard on
terror are forgiven their lesser crimes such as mayhem on the
vulnerable and ethnic cleansing due to their nationalist
credentials. Cloaking themselves in the nationalist colours, the
reactionary forces are able to set the agenda. Everyone is the
otherreligion, caste, language, region, sexuality
This atmosphere of siege results even in death penalty to
assuage the conscience of the nation (and not evidence), arrest
of respected human rights activists such as Binayak Sen for over
a year, armed militia such as Salwa Judum promoted by the
government. Targeting of human rights defenders goes on with
impunity even up to the SC. The human rights activists even have
coined a term for it: Strategic Litigation Against Public Purpose,
with the rather appropriate acronym SLAPP.
The judicial spacethe PILis fast disappearing, and applied
at the whims of the judges. There is suo moto case when a judge
is caught in a traffic jam, but not when the mothers of Manipur
protest.
The courts are overtly influenced by the political
compulsions. The SC went to the extent on diluting its direction on
rehabilitation before eviction on the explicit appeal by the PM.
This has dangerous consequences. The non-responsive state has
led to some taking up the gun. Others have despaired. Prominent

intellectuals losing hope have unilaterally declared individual

secession.
2.2 Fragmentation preventing concerted, coordinated action
Though civil society proclaims that there is more that unites us,
than that divides us the reality is that civil society is hopelessly
fragmented. There is seldom solidarity across boundaries.
Fragmentation and over specialisation (those working for Dalit
rights seldom work with those working for Dalit womens rights let
alone Adivasi rights) sharing of expertise and experience across
the different specialist campaigns is practically non-existent.
Those working on WTO, TRIPS, TRIMS etc routinely use copyright
and proprietary software despite there being a robust copyleft,
freeware and open source movement in the country, and are not
connected to the grassroots movements. Those at the grassroots
seldom even know that such campaigns are being fought on their
behalf.
It would be comic were it not for the consequential isolation
of the community organisations promoted by these CSOs. The
lessons, experience and expertise that would immensely benefit
each
other
is
seldom
socialised.
This is almost a mirror of dominant society dividing the oppressed
and making them fight against each other. (Salwa Judum in
Jharkhand, Pana-Khand in Khandamal, Orissa, Dalit-Adivasi in
Dangs, Gujarat)
2.3
The
government
by
other
means
NGOs have now become the preferred institutional model of civil
society. But here too we have government promoted NGOsthe
Gongos (most notoriously in Chandrababu Naidus government,
where the government set up an NGO in each district headed by
the district collector!)and retired officials starting NGOs bringing
in the same government ethos. Religious institutions too set up
secular NGOs, and gain access to the planning commission

consultative bodies in that capacity. Some NGOs also oppose the

rehabilitation efforts of the Narmada Bachao Andolan.
Many educational institutions are registered as trusts and
societies to tap into funds that are raised for the poor and
marginalized as part of their out-reach programmes. More for
reaching out for funds than the people concerned. Similar is the
story of foundations established by corporate houses. Where a
sound marketing strategy is often well embedded as part and
parcel of community outreach.
The CS space is now dominated by many well equipped to
bring out professional reports and media support, many of whom
are far from social change agendas. In such a situation grassroots
NGOs are most often short of funds. They are forced to accept
government largesse. Once they accept this, they are relegated to
being social contractorsa cheaper means of getting work done.
When lacking in staying capacity, they also have to pay bribes to
get their bills passed, just like any other contractor.
2.4
Lack
of
role
clarity
The role of CSOs is to empower communities (perhaps with the
creation of community organisations), ensure their participation in
governance and then move to support roles: make the poor and
their issues visible and provide legitimacy in the dominant
discourse.
But this is a tough call. CSOs are called to fill up gaps in
government at short noticefor everything from mid-day meals
to disaster relief. As the 2004 tsunami showed, it is difficult to
stick to a rights based or watchdog role at all times. The clarity of
a human rights and solidarity based approach is not deep enough
to provide clear direction as to when charity or corruption free
implementation roles should be assumed. This again leads to
them backsliding to social contractor roles.

3 Ways the civil society requires support in protecting and

securing
rights
of
the
people
3.1 Democratisation CSOs need support in moving from their
leadership positions to support of CBOs. At present most of the
leadership is with outsiders, therefore there is a vast
concentration of power and charity approach. Such a role
transformation would help in strengthening democracy at the
grassroots.
3.2 Institutional mechanism for interacting with the state
There is no institutional mechanism for civil society to engage
with the state. There is no formally accepted institutional
representation and mandatory consultation and incorporation of
interests within state polity. Such an institutional mechanism
needs to be created. Though a small step, the sharing of some
reports and draft policies with the public on government
websites is welcome. Many consultative processes are more a
faade for credibility, or required procedure, rather than an
honest attempt for an open more democratic process.
3.3 The culture of democracy, which includes the right to dissent,
and accountability from the state has not really sunk in. Civil
society cannot function in such a democratic vacuum. Support
needs to be given for the creation of such a democratic mindset.
The right to dissent and creating a culture of human rights from
the individual, to family, community and the state is a tall order.
The first step would be to create a confidence that voices will be
heard and listened to and not silenced or victimized.
It could involve engaging the mass media on a large scale to
create the right enabling environment so that solidarity with the
poor is not seen as promoting extremism or terrorist sympathy.
3.4 Management capacity and vision Micro-interventions are
good, but unless they are scaled up it does not provide systemic

change. However, at the grassroots the vision of a critical mass

needed for sustainable social change is absent. Without this
critical mass, the same battles are fought over and over again,
sometimes for many lifetimes.
The modern advances in skills and tools are yet to trickle
down to the grassroots. Even when there is knowledge available,
it is priced beyond the means of those who actually need it. This
knowledge delivery could be done post haste.
3.5 Alliance building Civil society is stressed with too few people
and resources taking on too many stressful tasks. This results is
fragmentation mentioned earlier. Civil society needs help in
making both horizontal and vertical links. Some dont have the
skills. Most dont have the time. Yet they need to make space for
others within the social justice movement (Dalit women within
Dalits/DalitAdivasi; etc) and be sensitive to exclusion within the
excluded (not for nothing are Dalit women called the Dalits
among the Dalits).
A nationally respected platform (or a handful of them) that
would provide the critical mass is an urgent need. These bodies
should also have the legitimacy to internally critique the CSOs
and grassroots organisations to enable democratisation.
3.6 Have purpose, the means will follow is a good slogan.
Unfortunately, many idealistic groups become social contractors
due to the lack of finances. Civil society initiatives can be, and
are, scuttled by the sheer inertia of the state that simply waits
them out.
Those who opt for a life of sacrifice often miss out on social
securitythe simple things of good education for their children,
health coverage for their parents and loved ones, legal support,
and a retirement nest egg. Provision of some form of social

security in line with community standards would help at the

grassroots.
4 Advantages of indigenising international NGOs in supporting
civil society groups in protecting and securing rights of the people
Indigenising
iNGOs
has
the
following
dimensions:

Personnel.

Finances.

Ideology.

Agenda.

Programme
management.
Each of these has distinct implicationsboth advantages and
disadvantagesthe most significant being rootedness and
legitimacy. When there is a deliberate sense of victimisation and
otherness being cultivated amongst the majority (about 80%
even according to conservative estimates), the importance of
rootedness and legitimacy cannot be overstated. The bogey of
being foreignforeigner, foreign funded or foreign agendais a
sure
recipe
for
failure.
Tangentially, Indigenising iNGOs also appeals to the growing
national pride which is an outcome of demographics as much as
economics (India as superpower). Nuclear powered India is no
longer willing to play second fiddle. It wants to set the agenda.
Moreover, India does have a mature civil society. Just as NGOs
should not articulate issues or set the agenda where the
community can, similarly expatriate do not have the legitimacy to
do so on behalf of Indian Civil Society.
4.1 Personnel
Most iNGOs do have most of their personnel from within India.
However, those that dont have non-Indians in their top most
positions with a vast gulf in salaries. Having Indian personnel
would (or should) erase this disparity (we are aware that it is not
so in some cases). Local personnel would also be able to hold the

partner NGOs to higher standards (see programme management

below).
The flip side is also important. Indigenising often means that the
local elite take up positions of leadership. It is a rare iNGO that
has a significant section of Dalits and Adivasi in its staff, and rarer
still for them to be at the leadership level. Indians cant always
mean Brahmin men, and gender, employment of Brahmin
women, many who refuse to even recognise caste based
discrimination. So though there is gender balance and local staff
employed this conservative section practically closes the door to
caste, ethnic and other forms of equity. Indigenising personnel
should be preceded by a diversity policy which is strictly
monitored.
4.2 Finances

Raising money within India (even with the international brand

name) would result in sensitising the growing Indian middle class,
giving them an opportunity to give (other than to religious causes,
which claims the largest chunk of giving), and engages them in
social change. It helps the iNGO to set the pace of change at the
level society is ready for. It is an accurate reflection of the
acceptability of its agenda and its success in convincing its core
support
base.
It would deter some conspicuous consumption and ostentatious
lifestyles that are presently followed.
4.3
Ideology
At present most iNGOs and their staff are more conversant with
their policy documents and international covenants than the
constitution of India or implementation mechanisms. The long
history of human rights and social movements in India does not
form part of the policy discourse. Indigenising the ideology and

policy discourse would help the grassroots identify with the

agenda of the iNGO. At present most of this indigenising is done
with the limited resources of the grassroots NGO.
4.4 Agenda
Due to the asymmetric power relations arising out of the donorrecipient relationship, the agenda of social change is often set by
the iNGO. Indigenising the agenda, with genuine respect for the
local conditions and risk taking capacity would lead to more
realistic and achievable goals based on the priorities of the
community (for instance, why is it that 60 years down the line all
those eligible could not get ration cards?).
This is not to dilute the agenda, but for a more robust
engagement in both directions. The iNGO agenda during tsunami
helped in addressing caste discrimination though it was not an
NGO agenda.
With indigenisation, the experience can also be socialised
globally. Some iNGOs have successfully socialised the experience
with caste based discrimination to their global policy on social
exclusion in all its forms (not just caste). This would be another
level in horizontal linkages where locals socialise local learning
across the globe.
4.5 Programme
management
Indigenising iNGOs help in better programme management. For
instance, women are more likely to hold women headed NGOs
and NGOs working on womens rights to higher performance
standards than men. Similarly for Dalit empowerment etc.
Indigenisation helps the programme move from the charity space
to performance based, to a rights/entitlement based mode at
least attitudinally.
The flip side is that the blurring of roles of the NGO/iNGO
could lead to replacing of the local NGO from agenda setting and

leadership to merely implementation. The leadership passes to

the iNGO. This has to be guarded against. Without role clarity,
indigenisation would prove to be a disaster for the development
of civil society at the grassroots.
Show government the value of civil society, and vice
versa: Civil society organisations (CSOs) share a symbiotic
relation with government. A strong civil society can only exist
within a democratic framework guaranteed by government. CSOs
need to acknowledge that law-making should be the domain of
elected representatives in a democracy, rather than un-elected
ones. Similarly, civil societys role as a facilitator of democracy
and development and a watchdog must be acknowledged by the
government.
Open lines of communication:
Dialogue is key. It takes two to dialogue. While it is still early
days to assess what the prime ministers office thinks about the
development sector, the only real engagement with civil society
so far is via leaked reports. Thats not the best way to have an
healthy dialogue.
Make friends in high places:
Identify your allies within the government and ask them how
to present data and information. Taking a confrontational stand
only complicates matters. This is what weve learned, as LGBT
citizens deemed criminals by some in this country.
Engage the public:
NGOs need to take outreach to a wider audience. The middle
class and youth need to be engaged. There is a link between

economic and political capture by a small group and projection of

certain
kind
of
development.
Support other organisations:
NGOs are a divided community in India and have failed to
make a compelling case for themselves, not just in the public eye,
but also with government. There has been too little solidarity in
the community for those who are prosecuted by the government.
Campaign for more government transparency:
There is still a lot of information on legal and financial
compliance that the NGOs dont have easy access to. This causes
quite a few issues. There is a real need for transparency on the
processes and decision making by the government. This
information should be easily accessible to NGOs.

Dont be complacent:
The Delhi High Court order was brilliant and it will certainly
have an impact on the brazenness of state impunity in so far as
restricting foreign funding of Greenpeace. But there is no room for
complacency and I do see a trend of growing intolerance towards
all sections of society who dissent and not just NGOs. The battle
in my view has just begun, and we have a very long way to go.
Work in political and public spheres: CSOs should also learn
to work more strategically with political parties. As CSOs operate
in the space between public and political arenas, government
responsiveness is improved by engaging both arenas.
13 ways to tackle inequality in India

Create a counter-culture:
It is important to recognise that we live in an age of political
capture where the power economic and wealth is more
concentrated than it has ever been, with this impacting how
policies function. We need to create a popular narrative with a
clear vision of what change looks like in terms of poverty,
gender and social inclusion. We have stopped working on creating
a counter-culture which is fundamental to allow people to ingrain
the
idea
of
democracy
and
equality.

12 ways to communicate development more effectively

Improve the sectors reputation with the upper class: Many
sections of Indian society view NGOs with suspicion, particularly
the upper echelons. While it is true that a few black sheep have
tarnished the image of the sector, much of the opposition is
because it clashes with the class interests of the elite in India.
NGOs need to work much harder to convince people of their
motivations.
Biraj Patnaik

10 ways to sustain momentum after the Peoples Climate

March
Take
responsibility
for
accountability
and
transparency: Businesses have been accused of using NGOs for
money laundering. NGOs should account for the money they
spend while working within the parameters of national governing
frameworks and laws. The best NGOs strategise about how they
can be accountable to the communities for whom they work.

Convince the middle class that poverty affects them

too: Highlight to the middle class that in the long run
governments focusing on the interests of the top 1% is
detrimental to their interests, not just that of the poor. This is a
challenge in the UK as much as it is India. Globally we need to
work harder on scripting a new narrative and as the recent
elections in Greece demonstrated, it is possible
Show government the value of civil society, and vice
versa: Civil society organisations (CSOs) share a symbiotic
relation with government. A strong civil society can only exist
within a democratic framework guaranteed by government. CSOs
need to acknowledge that law-making should be the domain of
elected representatives in a democracy, rather than un-elected
ones. Similarly, civil societys role as a facilitator of democracy
and development and a watchdog must be acknowledged by the
government.
Open lines of communication: Dialogue is key. It takes two to
dialogue. While it is still early days to assess what the prime
ministers office thinks about the development sector, the only
real engagement with civil society so far is via leaked reports.
Thats not the best way to have an healthy dialogue.
Make friends in high places: Identify your allies within the
government and ask them how to present data and information.
Taking a confrontational stand only complicates matters. This is
what weve learned, as LGBT citizens deemed criminals by some
in
this
country.
Engage the public: NGOs need to take outreach to a wider
audience. The middle class and youth need to be engaged. There
is a link between economic and political capture by a small group

and

projection

of

certain

kind

of

development.

Support other organisations: NGOs are a divided community

in India and have failed to make a compelling case for
themselves, not just in the public eye, but also with government.
There has been too little solidarity in the community for those
who
are
prosecuted
by
the
government.
Campaign for more government transparency: There is still
a lot of information on legal and financial compliance that the
NGOs dont have easy access to. This causes quite a few issues.
There is a real need for transparency on the processes and
decision making by the government. This information should be
easily accessible to NGOs.
Dont be complacent: The Delhi High Court order was
brilliant and it will certainly have an impact on the brazenness of
state impunity in so far as restricting foreign funding of
Greenpeace. But there is no room for complacency and I do see a
trend of growing intolerance towards all sections of society who
dissent and not just NGOs. The battle in my view has just begun,
and
we
have
a
very
long
way
to
go.
Work in political and public spheres: CSOs should also learn
to work more strategically with political parties. As CSOs operate
in the space between public and political arenas, government
responsiveness is improved by engaging both arenas.

13 ways to tackle inequality in India

Create a counter-culture: It is important to recognise that we

live in an age of political capture where the power economic and
wealth is more concentrated than it has ever been, with this
impacting how policies function. We need to create a popular
narrative with a clear vision of what change looks like in terms
of poverty, gender and social inclusion. We have stopped working
on creating a counter-culture which is fundamental to allow
people to ingrain the idea of democracy and equality.

12 ways to communicate development more effectively

Improve the sectors reputation with the upper
class: Many sections of Indian society view NGOs with suspicion,
particularly the upper echelons. While it is true that a few black
sheep have tarnished the image of the sector, much of the
opposition is because it clashes with the class interests of the
elite in India. NGOs need to work much harder to convince people
of
their
motivations.

10 ways to sustain momentum after the Peoples Climate

March

Take
responsibility
for
accountability
and
transparency: Businesses have been accused of using NGOs for
money laundering. NGOs should account for the money they
spend while working within the parameters of national governing
frameworks and laws. The best NGOs strategise about how they
can be accountable to the communities for whom they work.
Convince the middle class that poverty affects them
too: Highlight to the middle class that in the long run

governments focusing on the interests of the top 1% is

detrimental to their interests, not just that of the poor. This is a
challenge in the UK as much as it is India. Globally we need to
work harder on scripting a new narrative and as the recent
elections in Greece demonstrated, it is possible