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Abstract
In recent years scholars have challenged the concept of an Islamic city by constructing a
historical narrative in which it derives from the orientalist tradition. They claim that French
orientalists in the early twentieth century created an ideal type of the Islamic city as contrasted with its Western counterpart in order to support the assumptions of orientalist
discourse. Thefirstpart of the anicle challenges this assumption by showing that the French
orientalists did not in fact posit an Islamic city type. The second part offers an alternative
explanation for the genesis of the concept by tracing it to the work of American anthropologists in the 1950s.
Keywords
Islamic city, urbanism, historiography, orientalism
In 1987 Janet Abu-Lughod published an article in the International fournal ofMiddle East Studies in which she presented the history of orientalist scholarship on the Islamic city.' She argued that in the mid-twentieth
century a succession of orientalists, the early ones working in French, set
out to construct an ideal type of the Islamic city. That is, they assumed that
all cities in the Islamic world were structured along similar lines; that this
structure was conditioned by the religion of Islam; and that these cities
were fundamentally different from cities in Europe. She wrote this in reaction to the attempts among contemporary Arab urban planners to resurrect
the so-called traditional Arab-Islamic city. Andr Raymond subsequently
expanded upon her narrative in an address before the British Society for
*' Gregory Aldous, History Program, University of Pittsburgh at Greensburg, 150 Finoli
Drive. Greensburg, PA 15601, USA: gwa2@pitt.edu.
" Janet Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic CityHistoric Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance." Intemationaljoumal ofMiddle East Studies 19.2 (May 1987): 155-176.
Koninklijke Brill NY, Leiden, 2013
DOI: 10.1163/15685209-12341315
472
473
474
473
enon, and set out to define what urbanism means in terms of Islamic law
and practice. Rather than defining Islamic urbanism in contrast with
urbanism elsewhere, he defined urbanism as opposed to nomadism within
Islam. Regardless of whether one agrees with Marcis, such an argument is
not the same as defining an Islamic city model. Abu-Lughod appears to
acknowledge this when she said that Marais's article presented "only a
very modestly etched idea of the Islamic city, one which poorly distinguishes it from cities in other religious/cultural contexts and one which has
as yet no topography." In other words, William Marcis failed adequately
to describe the model he is believed to have initiated.
Georges Marcis
William's brother Georges Marcis continued his inquiry into what constitutes "urban" in Islamic culture. His most-cited statement on the topic was
his 1939 lecture before the inaugural session ofthe fifth congress ofthe
Socits Savantes de l'Afrique du Nord in Tunis. '" In the lecture, entitled
"L'urbanisme musulman,"" Marcis argued that while Roman urbanism
in North Africa is justly studied, scholars should not neglect the study of
Islamic urbanism.
Repeating William Marais's point that the city is essential to the practice of Islam, he devoted the first part of his lecture to discussing the conditions under which Muslims constructed cities. The earliest Muslim cities,
such as Basra and Kfa, were designed for military purposesto garrison
troops and to administer the conquered regions. Later frontier bases in
North Africa also evolved into cities. Aside from military cities, there are
also cities founded to serve the needs of a princely court. Like Versailles,
they often started as elaborate hunting lodges which soon became the
ruler's means of escape from the capital.'^
Turning to the urban landscape. Marcis considered several necessary features of any citysecurity, provision of water, and sanitation
and how Muslims addressed these issues. Like most pre-modern urban
dwellers, Muslims addressed the problem of security by the use of walls.
Water was provided for by means of aqueducts and cisterns. Sewerage was
"" Janet Abu-Lughod dated it to 1940, but that was the date of publication. See AbuLughod, "The Islamic City": 156.
'" Georges Marcis, "L'urbanisme musulman." In Mlanges d'histoire et d'archologie de
l'Occident musulman (Algiers, 1957): 219-31.
'^' Ibid.: 219-22.
476
477
not make use of it in their analyses. The latter article, published a few years
later, lacks focus and wanders from one observation to another without
any clear thesis, but the basic themes can be summarized. He first discussed the factors contributing to the founding and the success of Islamic
cities. He compared three types of citiesRoman, medieval European,
and Muslimand noted their differences and similarities. He reiterated
that Islam is an essentially urban religion. Finally he described two competing forces in Muslim cities: a centripetal force represented by the congregational mosque and the Islamic faith versus a centriftigal tendency to
divide the city into quarters in contravention of Muhammad's teachings.
In this article Georges Marcis spoke clearly of an Islamic city as a category of analysis distinct from classical and medieval European cities. Pace
Raymond, however, he did not insist on the inferiority of the Islamic city.
On the contrary, when Marcis compared Islamic cities to European ones
it was as often to show similarities as differences. After observing, for example, that each type of commerce in Muslim cities was generally restricted
exclusively to one street, he stated, "II en tait de mme dans nos villes
chrtiennes du Moyen Age."'^ He also regarded the congregational mosque
as equivalent to the Christian cathedral:
Des docteurs rigoristes poseront en principe que la prire du vendredi ne peut tre
clbre que dans la mosque-cathdrale et qu'il ne peut y avoir qu'une mosquecathdrale par agglomration urbaine; de mme n'y a-t-il qu'une glise cathdrale dans
les villes chrtiennes.'*
''' G. Marcis, "L'urbanisme musulman": 230. "It was the same way in our Christian cities
ofthe Middle Ages."
'" Georges Marcis, "Laconception des villes dans l'Islam." Revued'Alger2.\Q (1945): 527.
"The rigorist doctors [i.e. the 'ulam'] will propose in principle that the Friday prayer can
only be celebrated in the cathedral-mosque and there can only be one cathedral-mosque per
urban ^lomeration^just as there can only be one cathedral church in Christian cities."
"' Ibid.: 527-8. He made a similar comparison in "L'urbanisme musulman": 230.
478
'ulama, was the chief means by which the populace resisted the demands
of their political rulers.'^
In fact in his previous article, "L'urbanisme musulman," Georges Marcis
argued for the superiority of Muslim urban form. Using the analogy of
evolution, he said urban differentiation into ethnic quarters was equivalent
to coral {madrpore)that is, simple animals composed of homogeneous
polypswhereas functional differentiation was like a higher vertebrate
with specialized organs. He went on.
L'volution normale de la cit fait prvaloir sur la diffrenciation ethnique la diffrenciation fonctionnelle. Je crois que cette dernire est plus nette dans les villes musulmanes que dans les ntres. Plus que dans nos villes existait nagure et existe encore dans
les terres d'Islam ce que nos urbanistes dsignent sous le vocable barbare de zoning:
une distinction entre le quartier officiel, les quartiers d'habitation et les quartiers
479
and its evolution over time, writing extensive treatments of both Damascus
and Aleppo.^" Since these studies' conclusions and historical outlines are
essentially the same, there is no need to go over them both. AUp is more
in-depth and more often cited by later scholars so only that work will
be discussed here.
Sauvaget set out in his introduction to explain how the city of Aleppo
developed in such a seemingly unlikely location. His answer to the question is unremarkable: a combination of agricultural resources, the presence
of a tell that could be used for defense, and most importantly its location
at the crossroads of trade routes. Far more interesting is the book's explanation of the evolution of the city and its use of both historical documents
and extant archeological evidence (at least, such evidence as did not require
digging). He argued that Aleppo reached its quintessential urban form in
the Hellenistic period, this form surviving during Roman occupation. In
the Late Empire and under Byzantine rule urban life deteriorated, but that
deterioration accelerated in the Middle Ages due to two factors: the establishment of Islamic norms starting in the eighth century, and a period of
political chaos in the ninth through eleventh centuries.
When it comes to Aleppo's urban development, for Sauvaget the
Umayyad period was culturally an extension of the Byzantine. Only in
the Abbasid period did a "pense spcifiquement islamique" appear and
come to influence politics and society.^' He did not, however, stress an
accelerated deterioration of Aleppo's "urbanism" until the ninth century
as Abbasid central rule gave way to a period of political instability. With
the city contested among Byzantines, Bedouin, Fatimids and Turks, a lack
of security contributed to the rise of "socits de chevalerie" and the division of the city into quarters.^^ The civic spirit that had maintained the
old urban order crumbled away.^^ Once this happened there was no way
'"' Jean Sauvj^et, "Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas." Revue des tudes Islamiques^
( 1934): 421 -80; idem, Alep: Essai sur le dveloppement d'une grande ville syrienne des origines
au milieu du XJX' sicle (Paris, 1941). For a modem review oAlep, see R. Stephen Humphreys, Islamic History: A FrameworkforInquiry, rev. ed. (Princeton, 1991): 234-8. For his
discussion on another Syrian city, Latakia, see Jean Sauvaget, "Le plan de Laodice-surMer." Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales 4 (1934): 81-114; and idem, "Note complmentaire."
Bulletin d'tudes Orientales 6 (1936): 51-2.
^" Sauvaget,^/): 72-3.
"' Ibid.: 96-7.
"^ For the peak of Aleppine urbanism, see Sauvaget, Alep: 52, 246. For the deterioration
of the city in the Late Empire and the Byzantine period, see pp. 66-7. That the Byzantine
480
trend continued under the Umayyads can be found on pp. 72 and 81-2, and the Abbasid
transition on p. 82. See chapter 7 for the changes wrought by the period of instability,
particularly pp. 93-7, 104-5 and 107-8.
"' Sauvaget, Alep: 73, 247.
"' See for example Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City": 159; Raymond, "Islamic City, Arab
City": 1-7; and Eldem, Goffman and Masters, The Ottoman City between East and West
(Cambridge, 1999): 2.
^'' Sauvaget, y4/i/>: 128.
"' Ibid.: 249. "From the Arab conquest to the middle ofthe 19th century, Aleppo is less a
Muslim city, stricto sensu, than an avatar of Beroea."
"' Sauvaget, "Esquisse": 425-424, Alep: 242-244.
^'^' Sauvaget, Alep: 248. ".. .the city [of Aleppo] that Islam modeled is undoubtedly of
an aesthetic value superior to that which ancient Beroea could offer, which developed in
monotonous vistas its checkerboard streets and the interminable line of columns along its
avenue. But that matters little. A city is not a work of art."
481
"" Sauvaget's contempt is at its most explicit when speaking of Latakia, "Le pian de
Laodic-sur-Mer": 81.
^" Roger Le Tourneau, Fs avant le protectorat. tude conomique et sociale d'une ville de
l'occident musulman (CasManca, 1949).
'^' Roger Le Tourneau, La vie quotidienne Fs en 1900 ([Paris], 1965).
' " Janet Abu-Lughod, 'The Islamic City": 159. Le Tourneau's later work. Les villes musulmanes de l'Afrique du Nord, will be discussed below.
*" Roger Le Tourneau, Fs avant le protectorat. 247-250.
482
Ibid.: 495.
^'^ Roger Le Tourneau, Les villes musulmanes de l'Afrique du Nord (Algiers, 1957). From
the context it is clear that Le Tourneau used the term musulmanes here in the sense of
"indigenous." Cf Raymond, "Islamic City, Arab City": 8; and Haneda, "Introduction: An
Interpretation of the Concept of the 'Islamic City'." In Islamic Urban Studies: Historical
Review and Perspectives, ed. Masashi Haneda and Toru Miura (London, 1994): 4.
'^' Le Tourneau, Les villes musulmanes: 11-12.
^' Ibid.: 12-13.
483
Le Tourneau was careful to note change over time throughout his discussion of Maghrebi cities. In his discussion of Jewish quarters he stated
that while Jews concentrated in their own quarters early on, it was not
until the fifteenth century that the authorities restricted them to a certain
quarter (called a melLth), first in Fez, then later in other cities.^' In his
discussion of popular piety, he noted with characteristic caution that the
sources do not allow him to state with confidence the degree to which people attended mosque in past ages.''" Le Tourneau summed up his sensitivity
to geographic and chronological variation in North African cities thus:
U est naturellement trs malais de parler de la population des villes m^rbines: les
diffrences de l'une l'autre sont considrables et, l'intrieur d'une mme ville, les
lments du peuplement ont beaucoup vari travers les ges.*'
Andr Raymond has argued that the orientalists contrasted the Muslim
towns with their Roman antecedents, and consistendy defined Islamic cities in negative terms in that they lacked the physical and political order
characteristic of ancient cities and of European cities. While Le Tourneau
did draw a contrast with Roman cities in this passage, in several places he
noted that the Maghrebi city resembled the medieval European city."*^
Furthermore, in contrast to Raymond's assertion that Le Tourneau had
a merely negative approach to describing the city, he in fact took a rather
sophisticated, and not wholly negative or dismissive, approach to such
matters as municipal institutions and public space. He noted that Muslim
cities lacked city-wide institutions, but he did not therefore conclude that
these cities lacked internal order and were thus easy to control by central
authorities. He stated that order was maintained in a different way than by
means of the municipal organ2^tions common in the West. He anticipated
the work of later historians by stating that the various communities in the
city, in their vying for particular interests, created a stable equilibrium:
484
483
"' Toru Miura, "Mashriq." In Islamic Urban Studies: Historical Review and Perspectives
(London, 1994): 88.
"' Raymond, "Islamic City, Arab City": 9. See also Abu-Lughod's treatment in "The
Islamic City": 157-158.
'"'' Gustave von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam (Chicago, 1953-first ed. 1946): vi.
"' Ibid.: 173-174.
"' Abu-Lughod also noted that this is "interesting," but made no attempt to account for
it. "The Islamic City": 157-158.
486
and its subject matter, however, it is hard to see why he would leave out an
Islamic city model.
"The Structure of the Muslim Town" was published a few years after
Medieval Islam as part of a collection of essays entitled Islam: Essays in the
Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition.^'^ The volume considered Islam
as a unified civilization, and the essays addressed what distinguishes this
civilization and how it developed. This was an old theme for von
Grunebaum, reflected for example in Medieval Islam. Unlike Medieval
Islam though, this volume included an extended treatment of the Islamic
city. While some of the essays in the volume had been published previously, his article on the Islamic city appeared here for the first time.
In many respects the article simply amalgamated some of the arguments
of previous orientalists, for example that Islam is an intrinsically urban
religion with an antipathy toward nomadism (the Marcis brothers), and
that cities found in the Islamic world were a degenerate form of the classical city (Sauvaget). Yet while he rehashed old arguments, he recast them by
framing them as characteristic of an Islamic (or, in his words, Muslim) city
type. Throughout the article he made reference to the "Muslim town":
"The full-fledged Muslim town, as has been said before, has two focal
points.. ."^' "For the unity of the Muslim town is functional, not civic."'^
He noted that while the layout of cities in Iran and Turkestan prior to
Islam were different from those in the Mediterranean region, "within the
arbd gradually the universal pattern came to prevail," the universal pattern being the presence of a bazaar and a central mosque.^'
The article is more than just a description of the typical Islamic city. Von
Grunebaum also implicitly set out to explain how the city in the Muslim
world exemplified Islamic civilization. He argued that in Greek and Roman
"" This work appeared in two editions in 1955, but the text and p<^ination in both editions
are identical. First the American Anthropological Association published it and distributed
it with the April 1955 issue of the American Anthropologist (G.E. von Grunebaum, Islam:
Essays in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition, Comparative Studies of Ctiltures
and Civilizations 4, ed. Robert Redfield and Milton Singer, in the American Anthropologist,
57.2, part 2, memoir no. 81, April 1955). Later that year it was published in England for
commercial distribution (G.E. von Grunebaum, Islam: Essays in the Nature and Growth of
a Cultural Tradition, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1955).
' " Von Grunebaum, "The Structure of the Muslim Town." In Islam: Essays in the Nature
and Growth of a Cultural Tradition (London, 1955): 145.
" ' Ibid.: 147.
" ' Ibid.: 148.
487
culture, the state existed prior to the individual and "only within a state
can the distinctively humane in man be adequately developed." By contrast, in Islam the role of the state was to assist individuals in their service
to God. Thus their citizenship is ofthe Muslim umma rather than of their
city.'"* Education took place in the mosque, reflecting the fact that education was motivated by religion. The division of the city into quarters was
an echo of the tribal divisions of the conquering Muslim armies in the
seventh century, each tribe receiving a portion of the newly-built city.^^
Citing Sauvaget, he noted that the orthogonal street pattern ofthe classical
city was lost in the Byzantine period, and then continued.
But the development was consiunmated under the Muslim domination, and what had
been the haphazard result of the infiltration of Orientals into the population of the
town became now the adequate expression ofthe mores backed by a definite religious
oudook on social relations. The ancient political interest in the community, the classical ideals of city-oneness and of the clarity of the architectural (and administrative)
design have been replaced by a dominant religious interest, by ideals of quarter or
group loyalty, by the desire to shield the family group from dispersal and contamination, and by the concept of government as an outside agency with which one no longer identifies but which one rather wishes to keep at arm's length from the spheres of
one's personal and ^miliar life.''
So the Islamic urban pattern was "the adequate expression" ofthe mores of
Islam, and the loyalties to quarter and group that were characteristic of this
city were urban "ideals" motivated by Islam. Elsewhere in the essay he
went so far as to say that Muslim orthodoxy was a "product of urban life."^^
Von Grunebaum treated the Islamic city as an ideal type, and he proposed
that this city type was an expression of Islamic civilization. This was shown
even in the structure of the book, where the title indicated that it was
about Islam as a ctiltural tradition, and the article on the Muslim town was
included in the section entided, "Expressions."
This represents a rather sudden appearance of the Islamic city type in
the orientalist literature, even within von Grunebaum's own work. A clue
"" Ibid.: 143-144.
"' Ibid.: 147. Note the contrast with Georges Marcis: while Marcis believed the division
of Muslim cities into quarters contradicted Islam's ideals (e.g. La conception des villes dam
l'Islam: 526-527), von Grunebaum believed that quaners, along with everything else in
Muslim cities, reliably expressed an Islamic essence.
' Ibid.: 149.
"' Ibid.: 158 n4l.
488
489
Yet Redfield went a step further, arguing that the two revolutions posited
by Childe, the neolithic and the urban, were really one large transition.
In the long view of human affairs, the food-producing revolution and the urban revolution of Childe form into one mighty event: the transformation of the folk society
into civilization. The first revolution appears as a prelude and precondition of the
second. Taken together, they are one major turning point."
He furthermore stated that the urban revolution was the more important
phase of this transformation, because "it is with the coming of city life that
we are able to see novel and transforming attitudes taken toward life and
the universe."*^ With the development of cities, Redfield argued, comes
division of labor, the appearance of specialized trades and crafts, and new
social institutions. But beyond that, the rise of cities involves a transformation of a culture's ethos. The old order is broken down and reconstituted
in the new social environment of the city, and the city becomes the center
of the new culture, defining it and giving it its fullest expression."^^
This theme of the role of the city in the shaping of a civilization's ethos
was elaborated in the article Redfield co-authored with his colleague Milton Singer entided "The Cultural Role of Cities." They noted that while
the urban revolution involves a fundamental transformation of folk society, it does not involve a complete abandonment of the folk tradition.
Rather, that tradition is "universalized" through a process of generalization
and abstraction. The tradition, formerly oral, is committed to writing in
the form of sacred books maintained and interpreted by a cadre of specially
trained literati. These literati construct urban monuments, such as temples, dedicated to the ritualized expression of the tradition. This new urban
form of the local tradition then disseminates to the surrounding region
and replaces, or at least holds a privileged status with regard to, the local,
rural culture on which it is based."
The question of how to define and compare the major civilizations of
China, India, Islam and the West preoccupied Robert Redfield in his later
years, and he sought out collaboration with colleagues working on other
been reprinted in several editions. His most succinct treatment may be found in "The
Urban Revolution." Totvn Planning Review 2\.\ (Apr. 1950): 3-17.
' " Redfield, The PrimitiveWorld and Its Transformations: 26.
"' Ibid.: 5.
'^^' Ibid.: passim, esp. 48-58.
"* Redfield and Singer, "The Cultural Role of Cities": 66-67.
490
491
' " G.E. von Grunebaum, Everett C. Hughes and Sylvia L. Thrupp, letter to the Behavioral
Sciences Division of the Ford Foundation dated 2 February 1956. A carbon copy is contained in the Gustave E. Von Grunebaum Papers, box 12, folder labelled "URBANIZATION".
University of California Los Angeles Library.
' Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City": 160.
492
Bibliography
Primary sources
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Von Grunebaum, G.E., Everett C. Hughes and Sylvia L. Thrupp. 1956. Letter to the
Behavioral Sciences Division ofthe Ford Foundation dated 2 February 1956. A carbon
copy is contained in the Gustave E. Von Grunebaum Papers, box 12, folder labelled
"URBANIZATION". University of California Los Angeles Library.
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