Ikeotuonye

614790
research-article2015
CSI0010.1177/0011392115614790Current SociologyIkeotuonye
CS
Article
Mary Amaka Feminism:

Exploring the underside of
pop-cultured global women
empowerment
Current Sociology Monograph

2016, Vol. 64(2) 293310
The Author(s) 2015
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0011392115614790
csi.sagepub.com
Maureen Ikeotuonye
University College Dublin, Ireland
Abstract
Until recently, conventional discourses on global inequality and justice have been
inundated with what can be called the narrative of the global womens rights issues
industry. Interpersonal themes dominate the global social mission in an almost exclusive
focus on alleged remnants of colonized cultures bad cultural practices e.g. rape,
forced marriages, domestic violence, FGM, honour killing. Moreover, these widely
accepted cultural judgements are deployed mainly on the basis of the universal values
of solidarity, egalitarianism and liberty all slogans of Western Enlightenment
philosophy. There is a genealogy of geohistorical forces (that mirror key trends in the
modern/colonial matrix of power) that must be considered if we are to understand the
ascendancy of the global womanhood discourses and the institutional frameworks of
reasoning upon which they rely. This article traces this genealogy, presenting an ontoepistemological critique of humanitarian imperialism that proceeds under the guise of
global womens human rights issues.
Keywords
Africa, coloniality, Igbo systems of thought, orbis universalis femininus, women
empowerment industry
Corresponding author:
Maureen Ikeotuonye, University College Dublin, Equality Studies and School of Social Justice Administration,
James Joyce Library Building, Belfield, Dublin 4, Ireland.
Email: maureen.ikeotuonye@ucdconnect.ie
Downloaded from csi.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA on May 29, 2016
294
Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)
Colonialism is not satisfied merely with holding a people in its grip and emptying the
natives brain of all form and content. By a kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of
the people, and distorts, disfigures and destroys it. In such a situation the claims of the
native intellectual are not a luxury but a necessity in any coherent program. The native
intellectual who takes up arms to defend his nations legitimacy, who is willing to strip
himself naked to study the history of his body, is obliged to dissect the heart of his
people. (Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 1961: 210211)
Introduction
Everywhere one looks these days, the slogan of empowerment, especially of women or
girls seems to be etched on the billboards of the dominant trends of our Eugenic age
(Beck, 1995). From Beyonc and Plan UKs Because I am a Girl and Goldman Sachs
10,000 women campaign to the media-friendly antics of Femen, the rhetoric of power
and empowerment is increasingly boundless. The irony is that these dizzying aspirational slogans are everywhere at a time of mass surveillant assemblages, the economics
of extinction, trans-humanism, vanishing bio- and cultural diversity, corporatocracy,
climate change and the rise of crypto-fascism in Europe. Unlike other issues of historical
or even nominal inequality, the women empowerment catchphrase is especially thriving in a highly turbulent cultural environment dominated by what Festus Ikeotuonye
describes as the global airport and hospital society.1 Why women empowerment is
thriving in a cultural environment marked by recursive algorithmic modelling of
American radical behaviourism is a question related to the key concerns of this article.
The etymology of the term empower, a term that originated in the long 16th century
alongside the colonial matrix of power might help us discern the key issues at stake here.
According to the Online Etymology dictionary, the term is from the 1650s. It is related to
im-power, from [the] assimilated form of en- + power (n.). Used by Milton, Beaumont,
Pope, Jefferson, Macaulay, but the modern popularity dates from 1986.2 In the latter
sense, the historical uses of the term highlight the underpinning local history, which of
course only refers to Europe and Europeans. Putting aside the Eurocentric etymology of
empowerment, we are still confronted with the question of what enables only a certain
part of the world to empower in their own terms. To empower implies that one is in
power and those in power have always been viewed with suspicion by democratic
minded people, even in Europe. Therefore the uses and context of usage reveal the
underside, specific local histories or genealogy often concealed in the latest universal or
cosmopolitan triumphant interpellation. In this article, I aim to explore the undersides of
the latest layer of such universal interpellation by inserting the organizing slogans back
into the historical system that empowers those that made all the statements that named
it, divided it up, described it, explained it, traced its development, indicated its various
correlations, judged it, and possibly gave it speech by articulating, in its name, discourses
that were to be taken as its own (Foucault, 1972: 32).
In similar vein to Foucaults above definition of discourse, the people who are describing and explaining global empowerment of women or orbis universalis femininus share
family resemblances with those orbis non-secular formations now demonized for
historical abuse. In both missions (religious and secular) the power to set the global
295
Ikeotuonye
terms of engagement and the language that gives it speech are all from the centre the
people that do the thinking or philosophy. The others are then left to resist, adopt,
adapt, narrate personal experiences or confront the foregone conclusion rolled out from
that centre. This difference in the experiences of those enacting the global designs and
those at the receiving end allows those in the margins to view the connectivity of the different layers of coloniality with particular clarity. In other words, while in Europe the
secular and non-secular are viewed as polar opposites, in the colonized spaces they fuse
in ways that might seem inconceivable to those in the centre. Correspondingly, the Igbo
people under the gaze of orbis universalis christianum, were inflicted with the white
Virgin Mary. This figure of womanhood was presented as the ideal female figure by the
Victorian colonial imagination. The chaste modesty Mary represents was repeatedly
inculcated in the saved Igbo girls in the missionary schools. The term Mary therefore
signifies the Christian Victorian conception of womanhood inscribed on the African in
the 19th and early 20th century like the divine mark of Cain. The Amaka suffix in
Igbo literally means too pretty or over pretty the latter highlights the reason the term
is often used as a slur on those Africans too eager to assimilate to the colonial ideal-types.
In Igbo egalitarian systems of thought, anything that is too or over anything is often
viewed with suspicion. The Feminism is mainly used to highlight the secular layer on
top of the previous non-secular intervention and transformation. Mary Amaka Feminism
is thus a term I am using to encapsulate the underlying serial layers of Eurocentric interventions masquerading as African personhood. I am, however, not using the term to
deride the Africans with a monitor or prefect complex but how these terms allow me
to shed light on the hidden or underside of the dominant matrix of power. First is the fact
that Mary Amaka functions as an intersection of the older religious and latest secular
mission or orbis universalis christianum and orbis universalis femininus. Second, excavating the intersections further enables the visibility of hidden grids buried in the linear
successive interventions and designs underpinning the noble slogans and salvation rhetoric. Finally, it is in the cracks and fissures of those hidden grids that the genealogy or the
whole story becomes a possibility rather than the multiplications of marginal franchises
of Western ideological monologues. The women I am referring to in this article are crucial because they embody the transition from a predominantly Orwellian technique of
colonial power to its current Huxleyan caring version.
Hence, my focus on these African women is specifically because of the hidden nature
of the role they are playing, not merely because of their biological sex or their gender. It
is this dimension of coloniality that helps bring into view another hidden but crucial
aspect within the grid of the current world system. This is an aspect described by
Callaway as revealing another meaning, a meaning and a history that has been hidden
(1987: 244). In exploring these undersides we can begin to rediscover the ruptural
effects of conflict and struggle concealed by functionalist systemisation. This will
bring into the frame of analysis the local histories global designs seek to mask. We will
then begin to understand how certain systems of thought gained ascendency over others
and why the process appears to many as inevitable (Foucault, 1980). What role does the
pop-cultured rhetoric of empowerment play in the concealment of the modern/colonial
crossroads embodied by the Mary Amaka, African or marginal Feminist? The worst
aspect of the Mary Amaka empowerment slogan is not simply the drowning of critical
296
public conversation in the designs of mass distraction, it is the treatment of the suppressed local histories as dustbins for the hiccups of the same progress they are
defending. To paraphrase an Igbo proverb, the headless chicken always blames the soup
pot for its present-day problems rather than the person that slit its throat. This is one
aspect of the epistemic effect of the colonial matrix of power I want to focus on in this
article. As is well known the colonial matrix of power is an attempt to conceptualize the
structure and mechanisms of modernity/coloniality. It is an attempt to grasp the historical
system that emerged in the 16th century with particular modes of classification and intersubjective universes (Quijano and Wallerstein, 1992). Mary Amaka is a very good illustration of those intersubjective universes and how they are employed in the diverse
operations of the colonial matrix of power.
Mary Amaka Feminists and the politics of elu ofe and ala ite
Elu ofe in Igbo refers figuratively to the oily top layer of the soup with few or no contents and only a hint of the real taste of the soup. Ala ite is the bottom of the soup where
all the contents rest. The point is to indicate the way Mary Amaka Feminists stick to
the elu ofe and accept whatever terms of engagement that follow. In the second of his
three autobiographies, My Bondage and My Freedom (1855), Frederick Douglass
highlighted this problem of the terms of engagement that have persisted beyond his
own time and conditions. He also revealed to us the racial anchor of the emphasis on
simple personal narrative and practicality that plagues the intellectual outputs of
most Africans today. I and my husband have been told in no uncertain terms that we
should leave the complicated thinking and sophisticated issues to those better qualified. According to Douglass:
During the first three or four months, my speeches were almost exclusively made up of
narrations of my own personal experience as a slave. Let us have the facts, said the people. So
also said Friend George Foster, who always wished to pin me down to my simple narrative.
Give us the facts, said Collins, we will take care of the philosophy. (1855: 361)
Give us the facts, we will take care of the philosophy sums up the role assigned to the
African whatever their gender and this is the geopolitical underpinning of the role the
Mary Amaka Feminist continues to play.
My other aim in using the terms elu ofe and ala ite is to emphasize the non-linear
orientation to reality that is at the core of Igbo cultures and expressed in typical Igbo
names like Azubuike (what is behind me is my strength) or Azuka (what is behind me is
greater). The term ala in Igbo is often used to denote the earth or the Earth Goddess. This
brings into view the fact that the ala of the ite is more fundamental in contrast to the elu
ofe. With the phrase elu ofe in mind, it becomes understandable why many African
women that claim to be Feminist do not engage with Feminism at the fundamental,
appropriate level or depth. They more or less reflect the shallow elu ofe commodity
circulation status of their third world emerging market economies. These are all categories relevant to the biocultural classifications of the current world system, not anything reducible to gender or biological sex. A clear evidence of the hidden matrix of
297
Ikeotuonye
power operating within Feminism is the fact that third world Feminists (whether in
the periphery or centre) in general, and African Feminists in particular do not usually
partake in the luxury of ideological prefixes or strands. Their status within the colonial
matrix of power makes choosing between Liberal, Marxist or Cultural turn difficult
hence their gender is not the determining factor as it is often argued.
The ones that do engage with Feminisms deeply, like Mama (1997), Amadiume
(1987) or Oyewumi (1997), are hardly referred to or simple ignored mainly because they
are pan-African. What this demonstrates is the same Black people do not do philosophy.
Philosophy is a white persons discipline glass ceiling that people of African descent
often encounter in the Western academia (Scott, 2012). The idea is simply that Africans
are too poor (intellectually or materially) to afford philosophy, rather we should stick to
practical matters. This is clearly demonstrated in the under-representation and marginalization of pan-African intellectual outputs. Mary Amaka Feminism is then a specific
term I am developing to highlight the undersides of the adoption of the slogans of women
empowerment uncritically amongst women of African descent. The main point of the
article is not a criticism of the rights or wrong of Feminism as an ideal-type, but rather
how whatever ideology or good intention that is deployed from the centre would inevitably reflect what circumscribes those intentions historically. As Wallerstein (1996)
argues, it is impossible to be egalitarian in an inegalitarian historical system. Therefore,
the decisive factor is not the ideal-types but rather the historical system that circumscribes the spaces where the ideal-types are deployed.
The silenced Chima in the pop-cultured Victorian

Amanda
There are many examples of Mary Amaka Feminists in Africa or amongst the African
diaspora; however, my focus in this article is Chimamanda Adichie. I choose Adichie for
two primary reasons; first, because she is Igbo, meaning that I have access to the same
culture and the reasoning of the people that she is talking about. Second, she is the current
face of the girl-child/women empowerment mission in Africa and is greatly influencing
young people in Africa. For the purposes of this article, Chimamandas (not the human
being, the public figure) public statements provide an excellent illustration of the point I
am making in the piece. Her professed self-image, personal stories, representations and
reasoning all lucidly illustrate the key themes under discussion here. From her generic
cosmopolitan middle-class view of African childhood and problems to her clichd love
of the Mills and Boon genre;3 to her experience of sexism in her post-colonial Nigerian
school and restaurant environment; or her bold declaration that everybody should be a
Feminist even though she admitted she is quite ignorant of what Feminism is. All of these
signify the historical struggle and diachronic contradictions she is constantly trying to
erase with her recycling of the colonial happy synthesis stories. What she then encapsulates is not really Feminism per se, but the various interventions and cosmopolitan projects from the long 16th century that converged to produce what I describe as Mary
Amaka Feminists. One of the defining qualities of the Mary Amaka Feminist is what I
call the monitor or prefect complex. These are the promising candidates that embody
to a very high degree the classical Foucauldian continuing trajectory of subjection
298
(Foucault, 1975). In modern disciplinary institutions like schools, the micro-physics of

power is enacted to shift the axis of what is an Orwellian external constraint into the orbit
of the more efficient Huxleyan internal self-restraint. In Nigeria this refers to those
girls with head girl and prefect ambitions; who from childhood has been inculcated
with the values and visions of Victorian colonial education to a very high degree. For the
latter reason, such a person embodies the successive layers of interventions and missions
both religious and secular which make subsequent interventions normal or routine.
Coincidentally, Adichie began a speech with a story that marked her first experience of
gender discrimination that deterred her primary school ambition to be a class monitor.
Note that this formative disciplinary sexism happened in a school with categories such
as monitor, not in the African village under a tree:
Now, class monitor was a big deal. If you were a class monitor, you got to write down the names
of noise-makers, which was heavy enough power on its own. But, my teacher will give you a
cane to hold in your hand while you walked around and patrol the class for noise makers. ... I
very much wanted to be the class monitor, and I got the highest score on the test. Then to my
surprise my teacher said that the monitor had to be a boy. A boy had the second highest score
on the test and he would be monitor. Now what was even more interesting about this is that the
boy ... had no interest in patrolling the class with a cane, while I was full of ambition to do so.
But I was female and he was male, and so he became the class monitor. And Ive never forgotten
that incident. (Adichie, 2013)
In relation to Adichies account of her first experience of gender discrimination a few

points should be noted. This formative experience happened in a Eurocentric institution
whose fundamental values are completely contrary to the Igbo horizontal world-sense.
One clear example is that next to things like murder, which is seen as a fundamental
violation of the earth ns ala the Igbo equate robbery with spying or backstabbing.
But in the modern/colonial school such monitoring is rewarded, because of the strategic
and tactical value or war concept underpinning the modern/colonial school systems.
Adichies denied ambition to be class monitor may or may not explain her subsequent
stolen Feminism, but it highlights her early quest to assimilate to power. One can see a
correlation or similarity with the colonial court clerk, tax collector or the much hated
krtima otula ntu in the Igbo language. In fact the Igbo womens war of 1929 was aimed
squarely at people like Adichie whatever their gender. The reason is that most African
cultures abhor the monitor or the native informant the Igbo call it ikpa ama and, as
previously stated, lump it alongside robbery. Even the civilized countries on whose
platform Adichie stands, execute or imprison people for treason or whistleblowing.
More importantly, monitoring at an early age is connected to the dividing practices of
coloniality in unexpected ways. According to McGarvey:
An example of this conflict, according to Semali, concerned the traditions of village trust
and unity learned during ceremonies like matanga. As soon as we entered the fifth grade,
remembers Semali, we were no longer allowed to speak our native language, Kichagga. We
had to speak English. The way that teachers enforced this rule was through a wooden block.
This small block, which had the word English carved on it, would secretly be given to one
of our schoolmates who was told to report to the teacher if he or she overheard anyone
299
Ikeotuonye
speaking Kichagga. If anyone was caught speaking Kichagga, the teacher could punish
them.
The student with the block was a spy, a witch-hunter, Semali continues. The trust of the
community was betrayed. We were taught by the village to trust each other as children, but now
we learned that we could not trust each other; we never knew who might have the block. The
community was supposed to bond together, but the colonial school was dividing us. As the
saying goes, Divide and Conquer. We were taught that the only ones we should trust were the
colonizers the colonial teachers and the colonial government. (McGarvey, 1997)4
It is important again to note that what was happening in these disciplinary institutions
was not simply education, but a drastic shift in the conceptions of personhood, peoplehood and attitudes. In other words, Mary Amaka Feminism can be seen as a register of
the series of layers of intersection and diverse operations of coloniality. Intersectionality
in this sense is not about class, race or gender, but the cumulative effect of the different
layering of colonialisms that intersect to normalize the version of events that aligns with
the dominant axis. This is why Mary Amaka Feminists often refer to themselves as
hybrids or cosmopolitans who ironically can straddle the gulf between local histories
and global designs.5 The vicious ongoing epistemic and material rape that produced the
so-called hybridity is concealed in the eager attempt to assimilate to the demands of
power. Since power controls the present, the hybrid wants to rewrite the past in order
to suit that double consciousness present. In pursuing the universal rapists in the
Congo and northeast of Nigeria and ignoring the occupying rapists in Okinawa, they
present these outgrowths of coloniality as uniquely African a product of African
culture. However, the same logic of coloniality that infuses the latter absurd logic with
dubious credibility is linked to the reward system of systemic empowerment its
magnificent bribe (Mumford, 1964). The cosmopolitan hybrid is shrouded in the
same diachronic contradictions that plagues most Western linear concepts.
The complicated contradiction, in many ways, helps in creating Adam Curtiss
Happidrome system of rewards that both keeps us passive and happy and also makes
the elite a lot of money (Curtis, 2014). Ironically, Adichie, for example, calls herself the
happy African Feminist (2013). How one can be African and be the happy anything in
the last 30 years beggars belief. However, it is important to add that the reward platform
is old and improved and many young promising people will be seduced. In that sense,
the Mary Amaka Feminist is standing on the shoulders of native informants, warrant
chiefs, court clerks and this is reflected in their rather limited choice of topical issues.
Like the early Christian converts, they often enlist the same African culture they denigrate as the source of fetish, ancestral curse, evil, human sacrifice, juju or
oppression which from the emergence of modernity has been the target of one Western
mission or the other. One good example of those reward platforms is TEDxEuston, dedicated to issues concerning Africans and Africa and sponsored by Shell International the
same multinational oil company that is responsible for the destruction of one of the
worlds richest wetlands and its ecosystems (Akankali and Jamabo, 2012). It was from
this platform that Chimamanda Adichie (2013) was calling on fellow Nigerians and
Africans to become Feminists. The basic crux of Adichies argument aligns with the
300
dominant who stole Feminism trend of focusing on single empowered individuals and
feely touchy personal experiences. She adopts the same rhetoric, reasoning and language
replete in institutions like the UN, World Bank and the BINGOs, designed to target
African cultural practices.
The myth that African cultures do not value their children has its roots in the 19thcentury religious mission of saving the heathen. Even what is described now as female
genital mutilation (FGM) in itself was a key concern of the Protestant missionaries and
administrators in East Africa. The idea that African women are oppressed by their men
was an integral part of the rhetoric of the British colonial government in the late 19th and
early 20th century. The version Adichie is echoing in the quote below that cleaves the
girl-child from her practical and empirical history and genealogy is the secular version
of the religious mission. In both instances, the African cultural practices made the intervention necessary. The narratives of the abhorrent African practices were part of the
justification used for the enslavement and colonization of Africans. It is, then, not surprising that many Africans are now deploying the same argument against their own
culture somewhere down the colonial line. As Adichie exemplified on that reward systems platform:
Some people will say that a woman being subordinate to a man is our culture. But culture is
constantly changing. I have beautiful twin nieces who are 15 who live in Lagos. If they had
been born 100 years ago, they would have been taken away and killed because it was our
culture; it was our culture, the Ibo/Igbo culture to kill twins. So, what is the point of culture? I
mean, there is the decorative the dancing but also culture is really about the preservation and
continuity of a people. In my family, I am the child who is most interested in the story of who
we are in our traditions and the knowledge of ancestral lands. My brothers are not as interested
as I am, but I cannot participate. I cannot go to umu nna meetings, I cannot have a say, because
I am female. Culture does not make people. People make culture. So if it is in fact true that the
full humanity of women is not our culture, then we must make it our culture. (Adichie, 2013)
The statement Culture does not make people. People make culture in significant ways
exposes Adichies confused modern/colonial epistemic stance anthropocentricism. The
latter is something completely alien not only to the Igbo consciousness but something
profoundly modern. In fact, the Igbo will say the opposite because their understanding of
culture is very different. The insanely arrogant idea that an ancient culture such as the
Igbo is something we make or arbitrarily reconfigure at will is very much colonial. It is
this cultural change-making Cartesian subject that can stand outside culture to make
it that defines modernity.
Anyone with an adequate knowledge of Igbo language and culture will easily see that
Adichie does not know what she is talking about. Her view of umu nna meeting restrictions is almost laughable. I am sure her brothers will start protesting about not having
access to umu ada meetings and accuse her of sexism. Obviously, she is packaging
Igbo for a quasi- non-Igbo colonial audience. Her view is mostly a diluted version of
what can be found in colonial anthropological texts and novels. The fact is that the Igbo
are so diverse from the clan level to the kindred and broader kinship level that such a
practice being common to all Igbo is far fetched. Her Disneyfication of the Igbo as twin
killers flies in the face of the fact that many Igbo cultures have a name for twins ejima.
301
Ikeotuonye
What do they call the killing of the ejima? If it is an Igbo practice, it must have an Igbo
name. These questions are important because the Igbo people Adichie is deriding with
her colonial knowledge cannot defend themselves. They do not have the platform she
has therefore she is basically kicking her ancestors because they are down. The narrative
of the Igbo twins killing cannot be traced back beyond the advent of Europeans in Igbo
land. There is no physical evidence to speak of when it comes to this issue but it is almost
common sense amongst the modern/colonial Igbo. My husband once asked a relative
who grew up in the 1950s in Aro Chukwu if he ever saw or heard of this twin killing
practice anywhere in Igbo land. His source, as it were, is not his grandfathers, mothers or
oral tradition, but Mary Slessor, the white African mother, from Scotland (Adogame
and Lawrence, 2014; Ilona, 2012).
No such narrative is found among the Africans that were enslaved in the Americas, and
Igbo people formed a large part of those enslaved. What we see today are numerous
accounts of the religious and belief systems, eating habits and social organization systems
and the music that was taken to the Americas by Africans, but there is no well-known
account of Igbo people killing twins from people like Olaudah Equiano.6 Where are the
oral histories or historical documents that can confirm that this indeed is the practice of
Igbo people? On the other hand, their neighbours, the Yoruba people, who share a close
genealogical connection with the Igbo, venerate twins. That apart, supposing it is true
Igbo people killed twins, what moral authority do the people in charge of that reward
system that gave Adichie the platform have? If one is to engage in her perverse logic, is
abortion more moral than twin killing? As a Feminist, she must be pro abortion since it
is part of womens right. What about the racist death penalty that exists in the US?
The rehashing of the old Roman slur about barbarians belies the untenable implied
argument that Igbo culture has to be perfect to exist. Can this then be used as a justification for the rationalization of the serial genocide Igbo people have endured since the 16th
century simply by evoking Lugards (1922) evolutionary garb? Clearly, Adichies
notion of her own culture speaks volumes since no African culture engages in her very
Eurocentric war against the ancient regime. The clichd but ludicrous debate on cultural fixity and the fluidity of change demonstrates the extent to which Adichie is in
the grip of modern/colonial reasoning. Fundamentally, what the generic change statement illustrates is the hierarchy that is embedded in the fundamental way people like
Adichie see the world. There are no other ethnic groups from the Chinese, the Australian
Aboriginals to the Native Americans who will refer to their own historical injustices by
pointing to the fact that things change nothing is static. For example, is it possible to
tell a Jew that the Holocaust is about freedom by pointing to the Nazi inscription work
sets you free? The generic change argument exemplifies the way colonial rationalizations are making the rounds amongst Africans. Adichie is making this argument as
though she is trying to rationalize the sufferings of African people in the hands of the
colonialists and their agents for the past 500 years.
The suffix of the Universal Church of Feminitude

In 2009, on the same Ted reward system platform (this time TEDGlobal) Adichie
drew attention to the danger of a single story that ignores the fact that there are other
302
sides to any story. In Adichies attempt to usurp the position of privileged agent of historical change she also had to bury the history and genealogy of her grandmother in order
for the latter to reappear as a proto Feminist which was all the time teleologically
leading up to the happy Feminist (Adichie, 2013). The cultural framework that allowed
her grandmother to act in a way that made sense to her and those around her was completely erased. According to Adichie:
My great-grandmother, from the stories Ive heard, was a feminist. She ran away from the
house of a man she did not want to marry and ended up marrying the man of her choice. She
refused, she protested, she spoke up, whenever she felt she was being deprived of access, of
land that sort of thing. My great-grandmother did not know that word, feminist. But it doesnt
mean that she wasnt one. More of us should reclaim that word. (Adichie, 2013)
Fundamentally, Adichie is denying her grandmother the very culture that allowed her to
thrive in the Igbo society and crediting it to some alien time travelling idea of protofeminism a classic case of giving to Caesar what is Gods. Adichies reasoning differs
from her grandmothers, because the latter lived in an environment that uses words like
nne ka (mother is the greatest) and understood that despite the separate male and female
autonomous sphere in Igbo land, the relationship between the two is based on complementarity rather than some type of binary conflict. The focus is on the relational bond
that connects the whole to the parts.7 African societies are fundamentally clan- and kindred-based societies. They are societies of relationality not societies of binary contrasts,
hence the absence of the political struggle format well developed in the West. The Igbos
idea of self and community (for example, umu nna and umu ada)8 is a constellation of
relationships that are fundamentally complementary. Although there are distinctions,
these distinctions exist on top of those resemblances and relations which are at the core
of the culture (Amadiume, 1987; Ekechi, 1989).9
Essentially, what Adichie sees as feminist tendency in her grandmother is an indication of the democratic nature of the Igbo people, as Ekechi reminds us:
Decisions of village affairs were arrived at by consensus after a prolonged and often heated
debate. To an outsider unfamiliar with Igbo political culture, such meetings will give the
appearance of law and order. But public participation is the very essence of Igbo village
democracy, meaning that every member of the village, including women and children, could
attend [the] village meeting. Anyone was allowed to air his/her views. Indeed, no interested
party would be debarred from attending a village council meeting. (Ekechi, 1989: 143)
The fact that Adichies grandmother was successful in her actions is not because she was
allowed to attend umu nna meetings. On the other hand, as an Igbo women, it is quite a
strange demand, but not strange from an Ibo or Nigerian woman that is, the Ibo of
Archbishop Dennis and Mr. Yellow (Achebe, 1999; Ekechi, 1989). Because an Igbo
woman understands the interconnected ways those autonomous spheres in Igbo land
function that it is not an antagonistic relationship where umu nnas autonomous sphere
is in a constant battle of the sexes with the umu ada or umu nne autonomous sphere. In
many ways, what we see is not a tension between the Igbo culture and Western culture,
but a tension between the two intersubjective universes (secular and non-secular interventions) that have come to shape the character and worldview of many Africans today.
303
Ikeotuonye
It is through this attempt to rewrite history that, increasingly, women like Queen
Amina, Fumilayo Kuti and the Aba women are being subsumed into the structure of a
Western ideology Feminism. If one is to adopt Adichies logic of her grandmother as
an African proto-feminist, the Igbo womens war against the colonialists then becomes
an act of Feminism that is an act by Igbo women against Igbo men. What is concealed
is the fact that the Igbo womens war was in opposition to the infamous colonial hut tax
system imposed by the administration and collected by the chiefs. In essence, the colonial system was encroaching on the home the domain of the clan and kindred. The
chiefs were local agents, appointed by the British administration. The authority and
power conferred on the chiefs included functions which necessitated wide and often
arbitrary powers (Tignor, 1971: 346). As historian Robert Tignor points out in Colonial
chiefs in chiefless societies, it is the farthest extension of colonial administration and
agents of social change (1971: 349). Hence to understand what these African women
were doing, one has to take into account the historical conditions and the forces that were
shaping that environment. What is often concealed in Adichies type of grand declarations is the fact that what these African women were protecting and fighting for is a
culture, a society that includes both men and women and children (male and female)
and their action was against colonialists, whatever their gender. In Africa, colonialism
did not only intervene and transform the social arrangement in Africa, but also disrupted
the womens traditional autonomous spheres and their positions in the society. To be able
to make the claim that these women were simply a vehicle for the unfolding of the current African Feminists some historical content had to be buried, concealed, for the
modern narrative of proto-feminism in Africa to gain ascendancy. In other words, what
is the current inquisition of the orbis universalis femininus concealing in order to rewrite
the history of the world as the history of a Western binary conception of personhood/
womanhood? What happened in-between the generation of Fumilayo Kuti, the Igbo
women who fought the colonialists and contemporary so-called African Feminist?
These are important questions that ultimately allow the excavation of those local histories and subjugated knowledges that had to be buried for the narrative of African
Feminism to emerge.
It goes without saying that Adichies (2008) bestseller, Half of a Yellow Sun, rather
illustrates this point very well. As an Igbo woman, the genocide of more than 3 million
Igbo people during what is often misrepresented as the Nigerian civil war was not a
love story in any conceivable sense. My grandmother lost her husband and seven of her
siblings and many other relatives during that war. She will never describe it as a love
story, in fact Chinua Achebe (2012) in his book There Was a Country: A Personal History
of Biafra described it as a nightmare. Why is Adichie then shrouding a horrific event
that happened to her own people in the far removed sentimentalism of Mills and Boon
an early 20th-century Victorian sadomasochistic romance fiction genre?10 Adichies
take on what is a serial historical trauma for her people is the typical Lugardian functionalist colonial apology, comparable to the one Nigeria rhetoric of the colonial elite that
seeks to conceal historical abuses and ongoing injustices. The focus, as always, is the
maintenance of the oppressive existing order rather than justice or fairness. Would she
have this platform if she were talking about the vanishing diversity of Igbo (or African)
culture or language and the injustice that Africans have suffered at the hands of the West
for the last 500 years? Therefore in order for the narratives of Africans to be accepted in
304
the West it has to be reconfigured to suit the Western palate and served in familiar benevolent portions of Du Boisian pity and contempt.
In an interview with David Smith in The Observer (UK) (4 March 2012), Hugh
Masekela, reminds us that the happy synthesis doctrine behind these benevolent portions is part of the fashionable weapons of mass distraction:
Theres never in history been a people who have ever said to another people: Hey, sorry we
made so much money off your backs. Heres 500 trillion to show you how sorry we are for
enslaving you. The inequalities are still there. And life is not an act, were not in a movie.
These inequalities can be seen in different parts and layers of the colonial matrix of
power. For example, the Mary Amaka Feminists that are assuming the position of the
privileged agents of historical change in the margins cannot operationalize that empowering, as the term is understood in the centre. Their focus is mostly marginal i.e. the
problems of African girls and women, from how to raise a boy-child to protecting the
human rights of a girl-child. These are issues that are usually considered third world
peoples issues, for instance, underage marriage, FGM, etc. Furthermore, the Mary
Amaka Feminist cannot claim to be a global Feminist because she does not have the
required platform that white women have that enables them to produce theories and
make universalistic proclamations. African women like Ifi Amadiume (1987), Oyewumi
(1997) and Mama (1997) who attempted to produce a non-Eurocentric theory are ignored
and relegated to their local histories. They were basically told to stick to the facts and
leave the philosophy. Clearly it is not the gender of these women that is determining their
position within the reward framework of the reigning world system.
The crux of the issue is that Mary Amaka Feminists play the role they play not because
of their gender, sexuality or disabilities, but mainly because of their geocultural position within the classificatory matrix of the system. Adichies own ancestors would
describe what she is advocating as lu oyibo (the job of whiteness), and who is venerated
or condemned in our current social environment bears that fact out. Not so long ago,
Patricia Hill Collins (1990) was complaining about the side-lining of Black women
within mainstream Feminisms and Audre Lorde (1984) was lamenting about how Black
women became inside outsiders within a movement where they were supposed to be
insiders. There is nothing within Feminism that can explain their marginal status, after all
they share the same gender with the white women.
Race and Eurocentricism as the core rationality of the colonial matrix of power are
always outside Feminism and this is not an issue that the concept of intersectionality can
hide. The point is that even within the Feminist movement the binary faultline corresponds to the racial axis of the modern/colonial world system. Hence it means that within
that modern/colonial world system, the distributive effects of privileges are operating
within Feminism itself. Therefore Feminism is not an independent country outside the
structure of the dominant matrix of power simply because of a Eurocentric reference to
gender or sexuality. This also means that the solution cannot be found within the confines
of Feminisms. It is obvious, as Jessica Valenti (2014) observed during a recent
TEDWomen conference, that the homogeneity of the audience mostly white women
with coiffed hair speaks volumes of the racial anchor of the global gender order. Like
305
Ikeotuonye
the African man torn from his culture to work for the colonialists as the only way forward during Victorian times, the gendered sorting reflects the changing twists within the
same geocultural structure of domination. The question that foreshadows these series of
observations is how can we explain these binary categories without reference to what
they are embedded in or the logic behind the basic architecture of the dominant structure
of global domination? On the other hand, to claim that Westernization is inevitable and
therefore to constitute a universal with the West in the vanguard is an integral part of the
logic of coloniality. This is precisely why the Mary Amaka Feminist functions as part of
the designs of mass distraction and constitutes an obstacle to critical public conversation
in and about Africa.
Conclusion
The imposition of the Feminist label on women everywhere is thus a re-enactment of the
childhood baptism of the old religious inquisition. For instance, in the last decade or so
the tendency is for every single woman to declare they are Feminist. Where, one should
point out, they do not share in that affinity, the response is that of shock are you saying
you are not a Feminist? This is the automatic response I receive each time, because the
naturalized expectation is that one has to be under that Feminist label. Basically,
Feminism is a bit like trees or air now. No ideology should attain this level of power,
because power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Correspondingly, the
Igbo would view the too much power of Feminism with suspicion.
The primary argument most Feminists rely on is that male domination (patriarchy) is
universal and universally experienced by women in some shape or form i.e. something
akin to the Holy Ghost figuration of the Trinity. What is missing in this account is the
identity of that male or man with such Holy Ghost capability, to use Nussbuams
(2001) term. Equally crucial is the fact that such a man will necessarily have the universal platform to express such power that can be universally felt by all women in some
shape or form. To put it bluntly, Feminists have not been able in the last three decades to
tell us if the patriarch is Lady Chatterleys lover or her husband. Historically and as
documented, even by some Feminists (Callaway, 1987; Mies, 1998; Mills, 1992; Strobel,
1992), the only male that had and still has the platform to exercise such power globally
is not the African, Chinese, Indian or the Native American male. These males can only
act in a patriarchal way locally, hence why he often appears in interpersonal issues with
domestic as the prefix.
Also central in mainstream Feminist political struggle is the quest for women to join
or be equal to/with this Holy Ghost man in all spheres (political, social and economic)
within the same Patriarchy. To use or perhaps abuse the words of Minh-Ha, Feminism
or Feminitude is seeking to reclaim a denied (patriarchal) heritage by constructing a
positive identity within the same system of gender oppression. What is not clear is who
the ideal-type man Feminists wants to be equal to actually is. Again is it Lady Chatterleys
lover or the husband? For example, Lady Chatterley would not want to be equal to her
lover for obvious reasons. It is also to be remembered that during the suffragist movement there were non-propertied men that could not vote, men like Lady Chatterleys
lover.11 Many men alongside their women were denied voting rights also for religious or
306
ethnic reasons the Irish Catholics in Ulster for example. The man whose voting rights
the suffragist women wanted was the propertied man the lord. If this is the case why is
gender then the focus? Unlike in Lady Chatterleys complicated gendered world, in
Africa, the Lord, Lady Chatterley and her lover automatically become aristocrats because
of that order of whiteness that circumscribes relations between Africans and Westerners.
Can an African man embody such character and qualities attached to that ideal-type male
of Feminist imagination? Or express such powers that can be universally felt by all
women, especially women in the West? Feminism proposes a global solidarity, that all
women should come together and fight oppression in their respective locations. If that
global organizing framework is the truth, the only people that can do that global organizing are people who occupy a particular framework that has a global reach and the only
people that have the network of that framework available to them are in the West.
Westerners placed themselves as the leaders and vanguard of human rights, humanitarianism, Marxism, liberalism, capitalism, and using those isms in the periphery
requires one to adopt terms that are consonant with the local history and reflect the political struggles those isms emanated from. Since that global organizing framework in
itself is completely subsumed by its local history, how then is it possible to claim that
Western ideologies like Feminism are something to be found in all cultures? Given that
those cultures did not experience Western womens political struggles that began with
the suffragist movement. While white women were agitating for voting rights, Africans
(both men and women) were fighting for their freedom from enslavement and colonization by the West. My argument is that because coloniality has a span, the current Feminist
inquisition in Africa is happening at a different and perhaps the most dangerous phase of
coloniality because of the pre-existing conditions deployed on top. And, it is not simply
because second wave Feminism morphed into or was conned into what Luc Boltanski
and Eve Chiapello described as the new spirit of neoliberal capitalism (Boltanski and
Chiapello, 1972; Fraser, 2013).
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or
not-for-profit sectors.
Notes
1. Ikeotuonye made similar argument in his chapter in Lentin and Lentins Race and State (2006:
213232) on the penetration of technocratic thinking into every sphere and the conversion
of the inner and outer world into terrains of securitization (both hard and soft), observation,
intervention and technocratic management. The two Huxleyan towers from where these
ubiquitous concerns are deployed are public heath or care and protection or security
of those classified as insiders as opposed to outsiders whose inevitable death serves the
Foucauldian death function.
2. It should be noted that 1986 was the era of the rise of neoliberalism and the rugged individualism of Reaganomics. See www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=empower
3. A rather sadomasochistic and sexist Victorian fictional novel series a sort of precursor to
Fifty Shades of Grey.
307
Ikeotuonye
4.
5.
6.
7.
See also Semali and Stambach (1997).

The cosmopolitanism is always in the same direction Kantian happy synthesis.
See also Basden (1912) and Ilona (2012).
For example, pouring libation for our forebearers, the people who were there before us and
those forbearers have other forbearers and so on.
8. Umu nna means children of the father, while umu ada means children of first daughters. This
is the closest translation, however in Igbo language it has a different connotation: is not gender based in the biological term.
9. From the perspective of this way of seeing the world, the idea of engaging in practices that are
in contrast with its core principles, such as colonizing, exploiting or dominating other people,
is alien to the Igbo system of thought.
10. We need to bear in mind that there are no statues, Remembrance Day or even acknowledgement of what happened to the Igbo. In fact, the issue is still up for debate and many of the
Nigerian government military officers (the so-called 1966 group) that participated in that
genocide are amongst the reigning elites in Nigeria today.
11. This is why she was using the lover for her sexual pleasure, an act Feminists claim is part of
the male oppression of the female.
References
Achebe C (1999) Tomorrow is uncertain: Today is soon enough. Odenigbo Public Lecture. Owerri,
Nigeria.
Achebe C (2012) There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra. New York: Penguin Group.
Adichie C (2008) Half of a Yellow Sun. New York: Knopf Doubleday.
Adichie C (2009) The danger of a single story. TEDGlobal. Available at: www.ted.com/talks/
chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story?language=en (accessed 15 June 2014).
Adichie C (2013) We should all be feminists Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie at TEDxEuston.
Available at: tedxtalks.ted.com/video/We-should-all-be-feminists-Chim (accessed 25
September 2014).
Adichie C (2014) We Should All Be Feminists. New York: Knopf Doubleday.
Adogame A and Lawrence A (eds) (2014) Africa in Scotland, Scotland in Africa: Historical
Legacies and Contemporary Hybridities. Leiden: Brill NV.
Akankali J and Jamabo N (2012) Effects of flooding and erosion on fisheries resources in Niger
Delta, Nigeria. European Journal of Scientific Research 90(1): 1425.
Amadiume I (1987) African Matriarchal Foundations: The Case of Igbo Societies. London:
Karnak House.
Beck U (1995) Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Basden G (1912) Among the Igbos of Nigeria 1912. London: Routledge.
Callaway H (1987) Gender, Culture and Empire: European Women in Colonial Nigeria. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press.
Collins PH (1990) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment. Boston: Unwin Hyman.
Curtis A (2014) Happidrome. Available at: www.bbc.co.uk/blogs/adamcurtis/entries/5a7b18b50ec3-3d3e-a307-54820a7c6a59 (accessed 6 April 2015).
Douglass F (1855) My Bondage and My Freedom. Part One Life as a Slave, Part Two Life as
a Freeman. New York: Miller, Orton and Mulligan.
Ekechi F (1989) Tradition and Transformation in Eastern Nigeria: A Socio Political History of
Owerri and its Hinterland 19021947. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press.
308
Fanon F (1961) The Wretched of the Earth, trans. C Farrington. New York: Grove Weidenfeld.
Foucault M (1972) The Archaeology of Knowledge, trans. A Sheridan. New York: Pantheon.
Foucault M (1975) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random
House.
Foucault M (1980) Power/Knowledge Selected Interviews and Other Writings 19721977, ed. C
Gordeon. Brighton: Harvester Press.
Fraser N (2013) How feminism became capitalisms handmaiden and how to reclaim it. The
Guardian, 14 October.
Huxley A (1932) Brave New World. New York: Harper and Brothers.
Ikeotuonye F (2006) State, racism and the modern/colonial habitus. In: Lentin A and Lentin R
(eds) Race and State. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Press.
Ilona R (2012) The Igbos and Israel: An Inter-Cultural Study of the Oldest and Largest Jewish
Diaspora. Washington, DC: Street to Street Epic Publications.
Johnson-Odim C and Mba E (1997) For Women and the Nation: Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti of
Nigeria. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press.
Lawrence DH (1928) Lady Chatterleys Lover. Harmondworth: Penguin Books.
Lorde A (1984) Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches. New York: The Crossing Press.
Lugard F (1922) The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa. London: Frank Cass.
McGarvey A (1997) Conquest of the mind. Available at: news.psu.edu/story/140936/1997/05/01/
research/conquest-mind (accessed 28 June 2013).
Mama A (1997) Sheroes and villians: Conceptualizing colonial and contemporary violence against
women in Africa. In: Alexander MJ and Mohanty C (eds) Feminist Genealogies, Colonial
Legacies, Democratic Futures. New York: Routledge.
Masekela H (2012) I dont think I have the power to forgive. Interview with Smith D. The Observer
(UK), 4 March.
Mies M (1998) Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale: Women in the International
Division of Labour. London and New York: Zed Books.
Mignolo W (2000) Local Histories/Global Designs. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Mills S (1992) Discourses of Difference: An Analysis of Womens Travel Writing. London and
New York: Routledge.
Mumford L (1964) Authoritarian and democratic technics. Technology and Culture 5(1): 18.
Nussbaum M (2001) Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Orwell G (1949) 1984. London: Penguin.
Oyewumi O (1997) The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender
Discourses. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Quijano A (2000) Coloniality of power and Eurocentrism in Latin America. International
Sociology 15(2): 215232.
Quijano A and Wallerstein I (1992) Americanity as a concept, or the Americas in the modern
world-system. ISSA1 134: 549547.
Scott J (2012) Towards a place where I can bring all of me. In: Yancy G (ed.) Reframing the
Practice of Philosophy: Bodies of Color, Bodies of Knowledge. Albany: State University of
New York Press.
Semali L and Stambach A (1997) Cultural identity in African context: Indigenous education and
curriculum in East Africa. Folklore and Instruction in Africa 28(1): 323.
Strobel M (1992) European Women and the Second British Empire. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
Tignor R (1971) Colonial chiefs in chiefless societies. The Journal of Modern African Studies
9(3): 339359.
309
Ikeotuonye
Valenti J (2014) The empowerment elite claims feminism: As the movement enjoys a star moment,
controversial issues risk being left behind. The Nation, 3 March. Available at: www.thenation.com/article/178363/empowerment-elite-claims-feminism (accessed 14 April 2014).
Wallerstein I (1996) Open the Social Sciences: Report of the Gulbenkian Commission on the
Restructuring of the Social Sciences. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Author biography
Maureen Ikeotuonye is an independent researcher with a professional background in law and
equality studies. She obtained her PhD degree in human sciences from the Department of Social
Justice at University College Dublin. Her research interests include global justice, African systems
of thought, the colonial matrix of power/knowledge, African ontologies/epistemologies and
African local histories/global designs.
Rsum
Jusqu rcemment, les discours conventionnels sur lingalit dans le monde et la justice ont t inonds sous ce que lon peut appeler le rcit de lindustrie sur les problmes de droits de la femme dans le monde . Des thmes interpersonnels dominent la
mission sociale et mondiale avec une centration quasiment exclusive sur les restes
prsums des cultures colonises, soit les coutumes des mauvaises cultures ; par
exemple les viols, les mariages forcs, la violences domestiques, les mutilations gnitales
fminines, les assassinats sur lhonneuretc. De plus, ces jugements culturels globalement accepts se sont principalement dploys sur le principe des valeurs universelles
de solidarit, dgalitarisme et de libert ; tous des slogans issus de la philosophie
occidentale des Lumires. Si nous voulons comprendre lmergence des discours sur la
fminit mondiale ainsi que le cadre institutionnel de raisonnement sur lesquels ils
dpendent, nous nous devons de considrer la gnalogie des forces go-historiques
(qui reflte des tendances cls dans la matrice moderne et coloniale du pouvoir). Cet
article tablit cette gnalogie en prsentant une critique onto-pistmologique de
limprialisme humanitaire qui opre sous lapparence des problmes de droits fondamentaux de la femme dans le monde .
Mots-cls
Colonialit, orbis universalis femininus, autonomisation des femmes en Afrique, systmes de pense Igbo
Resumen
Hasta hace poco, los discursos convencionales sobre la desigualdad mundial y la justicia
han sido inundados con lo que podra ser denominado como la narrativa de la industria
de los asuntos mundiales de la mujer. Los temas interpersonales dominan la misin
social mundial en un enfoque casi exclusivo sobre los supuestos remanentes de las
malas prcticas culturales de las culturas colonizadas. Algunos de estos ejemplos
incluyen, pero no se limitan a las violaciones, los matrimonios forzosos, la violencia
domstica, la mutilacin genital femenina y las matanzas por honor. Adems, estos
juicios culturales ampliamente aceptados son desplegados principalmente a base de los
valores universales de la solidaridad, el igualitarismo y la libertad, todos lemas
de la filosofa occidental de la iluminacin. Existe una genealoga de fuerzas geohistricas
(que reflejan tendencias clave en el entramado moderno y colonial del poder) que debe
ser considerada si intentamos entender la procedencia de los discursos de la condicin
310
de la mujer mundial y los marcos institucionales de razonamiento en los que se basan.

Este artculo traza esa genealoga y presenta una crtica epistemolgica del imperialismo
humanitario que acta bajo el pretexto de los asuntos mundiales de la mujer.
Palabras clave
Colonialidad, orbis universalis femininus, empoderamiento de mujeres en frica, sistemas Igbo de pensamiento

Ikeotuonye

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Ikeotuonye

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

614790

Mary Amaka Feminism:

Current Sociology Monograph

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

The silenced Chima in the pop-cultured Victorian

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

(Foucault, 1975). In modern disciplinary institutions like schools, the micro-physics of

In relation to Adichies account of her first experience of gender discrimination a few

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

The suffix of the Universal Church of Feminitude

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

See also Semali and Stambach (1997).

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

Current Sociology Monograph 1 64(2)

de la mujer mundial y los marcos institucionales de razonamiento en los que se basan.

Você também pode gostar