Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Overall context
In a population of over 120 million, 47 percent are below 15 years of age. The vast majority live
in the rural areas. There are no studies on criminality and how criminal or deviant children are
dealt with. Official interventions are rare. Juvenile crime accounts for only 2 percent of the
relevant judiciary time. Prisons with room for 300 children nationwide had 311 children in
December 1996. There were two correctional homes for boys, with capacities of between 150
and 200 inmates in August 1996. Of these inmates, only 20 percent were involved with criminal
offences.
There are an estimated two million street children. Urban immigration and the degeneration of
family and community bonds contribute to problems. Girls are often victims of trafficking and
sexual exploitation.
Less than 3 percent of births are registered, obfuscating precise data on juvenile justice.
Officially, there is no recognition of juvenile offences as a national problem.
Why this case study?
The study indicates, through specific examples, how the current system is inadequate for the
protection of the rights of children in conflict with the law. It outlines the first steps initiated by
UNICEF-Bangladesh for focusing on juvenile justice issues, building partnerships and
identifying priority issues.
Specific objectives
The aim is to build commitment at the top policy level (law minister, senior officials), create
sustainable systems for the training and sensitization of police, the judiciary, prison authorities
and probationary services, evaluate existing laws in terms of the standards of the Convention on
the Rights of the Child, prioritize action for the amendment of laws and create a plan of action
for juvenile justice in the future.
Participants
The participants include the minister for law and justice, senior officials of the Ministry of Law,
the police, prison authorities, young people and students.
1. The context
Polapan Manush, na buijhya korse (small child, didn't understand what he did) is a common
perception signifying that children who commit offenses should be forgiven. The blanket of
innocence in traditional rural Bangladesh has been rudely lifted by the cruel hands of changing
reality. The predominantly agrarian society where children were as much a part of nature as the
rivers and the paddy fields, where the young were protected as naturally as the mother hen
shields her brood is fast disappearing. The loss of arable land through population explosion,
erosion, land degradation and natural calamities has resulted in mass-scale destitution and urban
migration. Children with or without families have flocked into cities where they live in
subhuman conditions in the streets and slums. Vulnerable to almost any kind of exploitation,
these children are inducted into a life of criminality or used by adults to satisfy their criminal
ends. No one knows with any degree of accuracy how many of these children there are or how
old they are. Lost behind the iron bars of the jails in Bangladesh or tucked away in a suburban
correctional home, the children who have come into contact with the juvenile justice system are
usually forgotten by mainstream society. The laws, the procedures, the special facilities, all
perceived by colonial rulers in the context of the concerns back in their own countries largely
turn out to be irrelevant in the protection of the rights of these children.
Not so long ago it might have been very difficult to convince authorities that children who
commit crimes also have rights. But there are signs that things are beginning to change. The
ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 has been the major turning
point. A process for focusing on the rights of children who come into conflict with the law has
begun. The process has not been easy. This case study portrays the situation of such children and
describes an initiative taken primarily by UNICEF-Bangladesh in stimulating this process of
change.
2. Objectives of the initiative
To understand, within the context of Bangladesh, the gravity of the situation of children
in conflict with the law.
3. Methodology
3.1 Assessment of baseline studies
Before the intervention of UNICEF in Bangladesh, local and international NGOs paved the way
in this unexplored area with some baseline studies. In 1992 a study was conducted on "Children
in the Prisons of Bangladesh" by Rdda Barnen. This study indicated that the official estimates
of children in jails were much lower than the number actually in jails. The condition of these
children in terms of facilities and assistance was far below acceptable standards. The "rights"
issue was not addressed in this study.
The second study "A Critical Review of the Judicial Institutions in Relation to the Rights of the
Child" was completed in 1995, also by Rdda Barnen. The study found, inter alia, that, among
the primary implementors, there was a lack of attention and awareness of the seriousness of the
situation and ignorance of the main legislation on juvenile justice, the Children Act 1974, and the
related rules framed in 1976. It revealed the vast potential of an existing correctional home for
boys in Tongi near Dhaka that had been operating since 1978 and did away with the myth that it
was not worth investing in this area which concerned only a handful of children. It also exposed
the limited use and occasional misuse of the system and facilities due to ignorance, improper
orientation, lack of logistics and fund constraints.
UNICEF supported a local NGO in 1996 so that it could conduct yet another study assessing
awareness of the concepts of community-based rehabilitation and community perceptions of
crime and punishment and reassessing the potential of the correctional home for boys in Tongi.
The study, "Children in Conflict with the Law: Dhaka City", pointed out that parents rely on
institutions as the best places for correction and reform, taking into account the standard of living
and the uncongenial environment in which the majority of people live.
3.2 Partnership with the Government
Building up on the information of the two major studies, UNICEF-Bangladesh assisted the
Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs in 1995 to organize a national seminar on the
"Bangladesh Law on Children", the first attempt to assess the level of awareness of the concerns
and situation of children in general and those in conflict with the law. The meeting confirmed
most of the findings of the two studies. It was also the first time many implementors heard about
the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The rapport thus established was temporarily stalled
with a change of Government.
In 1996 UNICEF reestablished contact with the same Ministry by assisting in a follow-up on the
seminar, this time with the focus on juvenile justice and children at social risk. The objective was
to bring together all the implementing agencies under one umbrella and discuss the problems of
implementing the existing legislation related to children in conflict with the law and at social
risk. Besides the Law Ministry, the main ministries involved were the Ministries of Social
Welfare, Home Affairs, Establishment, Women and Children Affairs, and Youth and Sports. The
main nongovernmental agencies involved were NGOs, academicians, researchers, the media and
UNICEF. Members from a newly formed Law Commission were also major participants. A
limited agenda was drawn up at the end of the seminar to follow up on four specific activities
throughout 1997 under the headings of revision of the law, training and sensitization of
implementing agencies, assessment of the situation of children in detention and enhancement of
cooperation among all agencies.
The plan was implemented through three interventions.
a. Revision of laws
A baseline study was prepared analyzing the main legislation on juvenile justice, The Children
Act, 1974, and the corresponding rules using the "rights" approach. This study highlighted areas
where the legislation does not provide for the protection of the rights mentioned in the
Convention on the Rights of the Child or is inconsistent with such protection. (A sample of the
analysis is attached in the Annexe.)
Senior officials of the Law Ministry participated in two consultations in August 1997 to scan the
study carefully and identify areas of consensus that could be sent for immediate amendment. It
was seen, however, that largely cosmetic changes received greater attention, as against any
radical reorganization of the legislation. It was felt that the latter would involve a major
overhauling of the system, an endeavor considered premature.
It was clear that major areas, such as "diversion" as an alternative to institutionalization,
specialized assistance and exclusion of status offenses from the juvenile justice system, emerged
as areas which needed further consultation and conceptualization. Meantime, the hearing on the
"State Party Report on Bangladesh" had been concluded. The remarks pertaining to juvenile
justice were valuable in earmarking priority areas of concern. One such issue related to raising
the age of criminal responsibility from the present limit of 7 years. As it was clear that this, as
well as other issues, would need a broader discussion and understanding, it was agreed that the
Law Ministry would initiate another, broader consultation to understand and assess the feasibility
of these concepts before amending the law.
b. Training and sensitization
Judges. An opportunity arose for sensitizing the district level judiciary with the inauguration of
the Judicial and Administration Training Institute (JATI), which started functioning in March
1997 in Dhaka. Three groups of subordinate judges have been introduced to the Convention on
the Rights of the Child, and their role in implementing the Convention has been explained to
them. The special laws and provisions on children in conflict with the law have been discussed
following lectures, meetings, documentary film showings and the presentation of case studies.
Gender concerns and the Campaign for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women have
also been part of the one-day orientations of the judges. A total of 120 judges have so far been
reached. The orientations have been conducted by UNICEF personnel and consultants. However,
starting with the last batch, part of the training has been taken over by JATI trainers. JATI is now
proposing to involve senior judges in the training programmes and continuing legal education
programmes. It is hoped that the JATI trainers themselves will be able to take these programmes
forward.
Lawyers. The Bangladesh Bar Council expressed an interest in including child rights and the
juvenile justice system as part of an ongoing human rights training programme. From December
1996 to May 1997, 180 lawyers in six batches were involved in participatory discussions and
imparted with the necessary information and skills by a UNICEF consultant.
Police. The Home Ministry and the police were approached by UNICEF with a proposal to
incorporate the Convention on the Rights of the Child and gender issues in regular police
training programmes through police training institutions. A two-day conference was held at
which the heads of seven main police training institutions who were committed to introducing
child rights and the behavioral and attitudinal aspects of dealing with children into the training
curricula of policemen and officers at all levels. The training institute heads agreed to include a
two-week additional component to their regular training courses, at the recruit level, in-service
level and also in special training programmes for this purpose. A broad framework of the
contents and methodology was agreed upon based on a successful training programme given to
the Calcutta Police in India. The needs and timeframe were also worked out. The details of each
of the programmes will be worked out by the training institutes themselves. UNICEF committed
itself to providing technical assistance in obtaining information regarding practices from other
parts of the world and in developing manuals for training.
c. Birth registration
The absence of proof of age is a very important issue since it denies children in conflict with the
law their special rights. A survey has been conducted on recent birth registration practices. The
survey has been carried out in six districts (in urban and rural areas) over five divisions of the
country. The initial report found that only 3 percent of the births of children among all
respondents had been registered (3.8 percent in urban and 3.1 percent in rural areas). Most
respondents found no need to have a birth certificate, revealing the necessity of initiating a major
public awareness campaign on this issue. UNICEF has also been conducting some field
experiments to show how birth records with the local government agencies could be updated and
the registration of all births ensured through a process of community mobilization. Revisions to
the Birth and Death Registration Act, 1873, in order to facilitate these changes are being
proposed for discussing at this consultation with policymakers.
3. The unfinished agenda
This initiative has only scratched the surface of the problem of juvenile justice in Bangladesh.
Much remains to be done. Each of the interventions has raised more questions than answers. We
would like to share these questions.
How should we advocate for a sound policy on juvenile justice so that all sections of civil
society, decisionmakers, families and children themselves share in the process of the
articulation of such a policy?
The primary initiative in the recent interventions has come from UNICEF. How can the
initiative be transferred and sustained within the Government structure?
Situations in which a child comes into contact with the juvenile justice system
1. By committing a crime or by being accused of infringing penal provisions
Sanjay (not his real name), a 12-year-old boy, was caught by the public while trying to pick
pockets. He had been initiated into this activity by his older brother. Sanjay was brought to the
police station and after two days transferred to the Juvenile Court in Tongi, where he was tried
and sentenced to one-year detention. He was to spend this time in the correctional home situated
in the same complex and undergo reformative treatment with the help of social caseworkers.
(Source: "A Critical Review of Judicial Institutions in Relation to the Rights of the Child", A.
Rohfritsch with N.K. Sattar, Child Study Series, Rdda Barnen, 1995.)
2. By being accused by parents or guardians of "uncontrollability"
Mohammad Islam (not his real name), a 14-year-old, is brought before the juvenile magistrate.
His mother complains that he steals regularly from her purse and uses the money to watch
movies, that he does not study and that he smokes. lslam admits that he stole money once, but
denies that he smokes. He is sent to a remand home which is in the same complex as the Juvenile
Court. There he is kept under observation. Later he is committed to the correctional home for
three months. (Source: "A Critical Review of Judicial Institutions in Relation to the Rights of the
Child", A. Rohfritsch with N.K. Sattar, Child Study Series, Rdda Barnen, 1995.)
3. When special laws are applied to Children
From time to time, in order to deal with particular situations, special laws are enacted which
override the provisions and safeguards of the Children Act, 1974. These laws restate offences
already in the Penal Code and provide more stringent punishments and quicker trials without
provision for bail.
Mohammad was 12 years old when he was accused of murdering his step-mother by
strangulation. He was arrested the same night after the discovery of the body and detained under
Special Powers Act, 1974. His trial took three years, during which time bail was not posted.
Mohammad was found guilty and sentenced to 33 years of imprisonment. He spent six months in
a regular prison after being given the option to go to the Juvenile Correctional Home for Boys in
Tongi. Mohammad will be 18 in two years time. If the authorities do not recommend a change,
he will then be sent to jail to serve the rest of his sentence. (Source: "A Critical Review of
Judicial Institutions in Relation to the Rights of the Child", A. Rohfritsch with N.K. Sattar, Child
Study Series, Rdda Barnen, 1995.)
4. Use of vagrancy laws
The Bengal Vagrancy Act, 1943, a law originating in 14th century English laws, is often applied
to children. "Vagrants" are people who do not work and live on alms or charity, causing
annoyance to others. A child, under this law, is anyone under the age of 14. Children who live on
the streets with or without legitimate means of livelihood may be picked up by the police. On
verification of the status of vagrancy through a short summary hearing by a Special Magistrate, a
child may be put in one of the closed residential facilities maintained by the Government. The
period of incarceration is generally so long as the authorities are not satisfied that the child would
not resort to vagrancy if released.
Both boys and girls are vulnerable to being incarcerated on grounds of vagrancy. Young girls
suspected of being involved in prostitution are sometimes picked up by the police and forwarded
to the Special Magistrate's Courts, where they are declared vagrants and sent to one of the
homes.
Chanda was 7 when she lost her way while riding her bike. She was picked up by the police and
taken to the reception centre for vagrants in Mirpur. After all attempts at tracing the relatives
whom Chanda was visiting failed, she was declared a vagrant. Chanda stayed three years in this
centre with people of all ages and origins and was then sent to another home for vagrant girls.
She receives education and vocational training, but is extremely conscious of and unhappy about
her status and lack of liberty. An orphanage, she believes, is even worse, for she knows that her
relatives are alive and enjoying the property her parents had left her when they died. (Source: "A
Critical Review of Judicial Institutions in Relation to the Rights of the Child", A. Rohfritsch with
N.K. Sattar, Child Study Series, Rdda Barnen, 1995.)
5. Children in preventive detention
The most common situation involving children in contact with the juvenile justice system is
through preventive detention. Prior to political demonstrations, strikes, hartals (political strikes),
or any major national events at which young persons and children become participants, because
of incentives, in activities disrupting public tranquillity, the law enforcement agencies are
routinely alerted to round up prospective "agitators" and put them in preventive detention. The
detainees are automatically released after the anticipated event is over. However, during this time
the children may be kept in the police stations or a vagrant home or even in jail. Sometimes legal
interventions are required. Street children and homeless children are specially vulnerable to these
kinds of arrests.
"I have a mother who works very hard. We have nobody to support us. I came to Dhaka to look
for a job so that I could help my mother. I read up to class five. A man offered me a job in a
hotel. I was hungry and scared. I started working for him. I worked in the hotel all day. At night I
brought water for my employer's house from 12 to 3 in the morning. One night I fell asleep. I
was woken up by my employer's son who reproached me for not finishing my work. Out of
fatigue and frustration I hit the employer's son with a mud pitcher and ran away. Since then I am
living in the streets. I met another boy who showed me the scavenging business, where I could
sell the rubbish. Life in the streets is extremely hard. Twice I have been picked up by the police
and both times before a political strike. The first time I was kept along with 80 others in the
police station for a week. It was a horrible experience [being] cramped in a space which
accommodates 20 people and given very little food, only one piece of bread for each meal. I was
later released when the strike was over. I was picked up again, although I tried to tell them that I
had not done anything. I was arrested. This is hard: one gets the blame for doing something he
hasn't done." (Shagor, 14 years old) (Source: "Face to Face with the Prime Minister
(Disadvantaged Children Meet with the Prime Minister of Bangladesh)", telecast on International
Children's Day on Bangladesh Television, 5 October 1997.)
6. Children in safe custody
Children, both boys and girls, are sometimes kept in jail as material witnesses of a crime. These
arrangements, although seen as a "protective" measure, are no different from incarceration and
sometimes even worse. Children who may be rescued from traffickers, girls who elope and are
said by guardians to have been kidnapped and girls who are arrested on suspicion of committing
crimes under certain powers given to the police to arrest without warrant are a few examples.
"I met this woman on the train. She said, `Come with me. I'll put you in school with my
daughter.' At night they took me to a big building. Someone called the police. The police rescued
me and arrested them. I learned I had been in a hotel. The Inspector said, `Child, you can't leave,
you're a victim. Stay here in jail. I'll help you.' I was in jail for four years. In jail I found out that
those bad people had wanted to sell me." (Pinky, aged 15.) (Source: "In Our Own Words",
UNICEF-Bangladesh, short film in which urban disadvantaged children describe their
perceptions of child rights in their own words.)
Sima Chouwdhury was 15 when she was interviewed in 1992. She had been in Chittagong
Central Jail for two years. Sima had been visiting a friend's house with her boyfriend. Her
mother, thinking that she had run away, had filed a case of kidnapping against him. She was kept
as a victim of kidnapping in "safe custody" in jail while the police arrested her boyfriend. Sima
was very unhappy there. Everyone treated her as if she was to blame; the food was not edible,
and she did not like the association of her companions, most of whom were criminals. (Source:
"Children in the Prisons of Bangladesh", Rahman Rezaur, Child Study Series, Rdda Barnen,
1992.)
7. Children with their mothers in jail
Children are also taken to jail with their mothers who have been arrested. Although the discretion
for providing bail to such women is available even in the case of nonbailable offences, it is often
not practised. A 1992 study revealed that 11 percent of the children living in jails had not been
accused of committing any crimes, but were simply there with their mothers. Such children are
usually taken to Government orphanages or homes through the probation officer as soon as a
vacancy is available, which is very rarely. In 1994 unofficial sources reported that there were six
or seven children with their mothers in the Dhaka Central Jail.
Annexe
Bangladesh General Profile
Bordered by: India to the east, west and north, Myanmar to the southeast and the Bay of Bengal
on the south.
Area: 147,570 square kilometers. Flat, deltaic and fertile land crisscrossed by seven major and
200 minor rivers.
Major language: Bangla.
Dominant religion: Islam.
Others: 22 percent.
Children under 14: 6.5 million (11 percent of total labour force).
Literacy Rate
Population
Courts of Additional and Assistant Sessions Judge: number determined by the District
Judge.
Other Laws
The Control of Oppression of Women and Children (Special Provisions) Act, 1995.
Jails in Bangladesh
Law applied: Prisons Act, 1894, Section 27, persons under 16 to be kept separately from
other offenders.
Opened in 1995
Staff support: above 50, including one probation officer, four social caseworkers,
teachers, nurse, matron and guards, supervised by a superintendent.
Juvenile Court: One magistrate of the first class assisted by social caseworkers and a probation
officer.
Features: parent-referred cases (those in which parents bring complaints against their
wards directly to this court), Government-referred cases (those in which the state
prosecutes a child accused of infringing a penal provision), admission of children at
social risk (found begging, destitute, in moral danger and so on) subsequently to be
committed to approved homes.
Section 66: The Court shall make inquiry as to the age of a person when it appears any
person brought before it is a child and shall take evidence as may be and record a finding.
Subsequent proof of a different age than that recorded will not invalidate judgment.
Section 55: A probation officer or police officer not below the rank of assistant
subinspector or any person authorized by the Government may take to a place of safety
any child in respect of whom an offence has been or is likely to be committed.
Section 50: It is the duty of a police officer to inform the probation officer immediately
after the arrest of a child.
Section 13(2): It is the duty of the officer in charge of a police station to inform the parent
or guardian of such arrest and direct him to attend court, specifying date.
On bail
Section 48: Children may be released on bail by the officer-in-charge of a police station
even if the child has been arrested on a charge of a nonbailable offence who cannot be
brought forthwith before a court if sufficient security [bail] is forthcoming.
Section 49: Children not released on bail are to be detained in a remand home or a place
of safety.
On jurisdiction
Section 3: Juvenile courts, one or more, may be established by notification in the official
Gazette, for any local area.
Section 4: The High Court Division, a Court of Sessions, including an Assistant Sessions
Judge, and a Magistrate of the first class can exercise the power of a juvenile court under
the Act, whether trying any case originally or on appeal or in revision.
On trial
Section 7: The sitting, etc., of juvenile courts are different from the sittings, days and
times of ordinary courts.
Section 9: Trial to be held in camera (only people directly involved with the case and the
officers of the court are to be present).
Section 10: The court may ask people not involved with the case to withdraw.
Section 16: The report of probation officers and other reports are confidential.
Section 71 and 70: The words "conviction" and "sentencing" are not to be used for
children; all disqualifications attaching to conviction are not to have any effect
(employment, election, officeholding, etc.).
On specialized assistance
Section 31: A juvenile court may appoint probation officers from among suitable persons
in the district if there is no probation officer in its area, and it may appoint a probation
officer for a particular juvenile. His duties are to be under the supervision of the juvenile
court and, where no court exists, the Court of Session. The duties of the probation officer
consist in visiting or receiving visits from the child to see that the conditions of bond are
fulfilled, report to the child, assist, advise and find suitable employment, if necessary, and
perform any other duties as prescribed.
On victimized children
Section 12: The withdrawal of persons from court when a child is examined as a witness
in relation to an offence against, or any conduct contrary to, decency or morality.
Section 20: Remand homes are for the purposes of detention, diagnosis and classification
of children committed to custody by any court or police.
Section 2(j): "Place of safety" includes a remand home, or any other suitable institution,
or, where such an institution is not available, in the case of a male child only, a police
station in which arrangements for keeping children separately in custody is available.
On punishment
Section 15: The age and character of a child and the circumstances in which the child is
living, the reports of a probation officer and any matter which needs to be taken into
consideration in the interest of the child are to be taken into regard in passing any order.
Sections 53 and 54: A court may discharge a child after due admonition, release on
probation of good conduct or commit a child to the care of fit person executing a bond
with or without sureties; a parent may also be fined.
Ministry of Home Affairs: police services and training, administration and maintenance
of police stations, jail administration and maintenance.
Ministry of Women and Children Affairs: maintenance of a special cell for complaints
involving women and children, repression, rehabilitation homes for girls and women in
four administrative divisions.
Schools for street children, daycare centres, drop-in programmes, vocational training
centres and hostels for underprivileged children, shelter homes and skill training
programmes for girls and destitute women, nonformal education programmes, drug
rehabilitation programmes, community-based rehabilitation programmes for mentally and
physically handicapped children.