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'First,' 'Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

Author(s): L. A. Schwarzschild
Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 82, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1962), pp. 517522
Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/597521 .
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The Fall of the Safavi Dynasty

lems, the intent has been to serve as a guide and

caution to the reader, and not at all to deflect him
from this book.
As to the ideological dispute with the author,
it must be understood that the context is the field
as a whole and that much the same charges could
have been leveled against many other works which
continue to be written. One cannot be so dour as
to fail to appreciate the humor of the perennial
wog vs. gaivurjokes of a London club or an Istanbul kiraathane; furthermore historians must recognize such attitudes and antagonisms as part of
the technical apparatus of the profession. But


unless he is dealing with the history of humor or

prejudice, the historian manipulates these attitudes; he does not cater to them. The controversy
with the author on this issue is then seen to be
partly resting on grounds other than The Fall of
the Safavi Dynasty.
One endorses Dr. Lockhart's modest statement
in his preface and must apply it to the reviewer
as well: "I hope, however, that what I have done
may serve as a basis for a more accurate and complete study of this most interesting, but intensely
tragic, period of Persian history."






words, which are linked with others as derivatives
or inflected forms, are much more frequent in
very "grammatical" languages such as Sanskrit
than in modern " lexicological " languages, where
each word tends to be a separate unit that has no
obvious etymological association with anything
else.' This, as Saussure himself pointed out, is
by no means an absolute rule, and there are numerous exceptions to it. The ordinal numbers other
than 'first' in some Indo-European languages
form one group of exceptions.2 In a very "grammatical" language like Latin, secundus 'second'
was quite separate from the cardinal numeral duo
'two,' whereas in a more " lexicological " language
derived from Latin such as modern French,
deuxieme 'second' is obviously based on deux
'two.' There is little doubt that similar remodellings under the influence of the cardinal
numbers took place in the words meaning 'second'
and 'third,' but not 'first' in the course of the
development of Sanskrit into Middle and Modern
In Vedic and Sanskrit, as in practically all
Indo-European languages, the numeral prathama

'first' was obviously based on a stem quite different from elca 'one.' The words for 'first' in the
modern languages, e. g., Hindi pahild, Gujerati
pahelit, Marathi pahila remain dissociated from
elca 'one.' The derivation of these modern forms
from the Apabhranis'apahilla or pahila <*prathil(l)a is well known,3 but the causes of the replacement of prathama> padhama by *prathil(l)a
warrant some further study.
The suffix -ma which occurs in prathama 'first'
was used in Sanskrit for forming many ordinals
above 'four' and for contrastive adjectives with
superlative force, e. g., adima 'initial,' 'first,'
carama 'last,' pa.scima 'last,' 'western.' In epic
Sanskrit the use of -ma was extended and it replaced the superlative -tama in ordinals of multiples of ten, thus navatima appears for navatitama
'ninetieth.' Because of its frequent use with bases
ending in -i the suffix was then considered to be
-ima and was used even in cases where the vowel
-i- was not justified, e.g., in carima for carama
'last.' At the same time, in early Middle IndoAryan, as shown by Pali and Prakrit texts alike,
the relative superlative was weakened and gradually replaced by the comparative. This meant

I F. de Saussure, Cours de
Linguistique Gen6rale, 3rd
ed. (Paris, 1949), p. 183.
2 J.
Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik III (GMttingen, 1930), p. 405.

I R. L. Turner, A
Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language (London, 1931).
4F. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar
(New Haven, 1953), pp. 120-121.

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'Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

that the need was felt for a more emphatic suffix

where the superlative in -ma had been used, particularly in the contrastive adjectives. Such an
emphatic and popular suffix was -illa, which indicated possession as well as intensity, as in the
Ardha-Mdgadh! words tanailla 'grassy,' amdilla
'true.' -illa appears as the usual emphatic replacement for the suffix -ima, both in contrastive and
other adjectives. Thus riddhima and riddhilla
'wealthy' are used in Jain Mahdrastri, and ganthima and ganthilla 'knotty' and other similar
doublets. Sometimes -illa was simply added to
the adjectives in -ima, we therefore find in
Ardha-Magadhi puracchimilla 'easternmost' from
*purascima (puras # pps'cima) and padhimilla
'first' from prathama. But in the majority of
cases the suffix -illa shows one of the main characteristics of being a "slang" suffix: like -Ica,
it is substituted for the entire final of the word
in which it appears.5 Hence one finds for instance
in the Ardha-Mdgadhi of the Bhagavatisfitra:
uvarilla 'uppermost,' hetthilla 'lowest,' uttarilla
'northernmost,' which are based on uvarima,
hetthima and uttarima (Bhag. XVI 8). Identical
forms are found in the Jain 8aurasen! of the
Digambara texts, e. g., hetthilla and uvarilla occur
in the Bhagavat Airadhana. Everything thus
points to a very early substitution of -illa for the
suffix -ima. One may therefore postulate an early
Middle Indo-Aryan form *prathilla for prathama,
where cerebralisation of the -th- did not take place.
Prathilla gave pahilla in Apabhramsra.-illa from
being an emphatic suffix became merely pleonastic
(cf. Hc. II 164), and by the Apabhrarmsaperiod
it had become so weak that occasionally a need
was felt to strengthen the word pahilla by the
addition of the comparative suffix -ara < -tara
which had taken on the role of a superlative:
we thus find pahildraya fem. pahildri in the
Paiimacariu of Svayambhfi. The suffix -ila which
is probably just a variant of -illa occurs less frequently, e.g., both maila and mailla 'dirty' are
used in the BhagavatT {rddhanit (vs. 585 and 543).
As suggested by Professor Turner,3 the alternative
Apabhraispa form pahila for pahilla may be the
source of the modern Hindi, Panjabi and Nepali
words for 'first.'
The tendency to remodel the ordinal numerals
on the pattern of the cardinals, as previously
5 " Prakrit thakka 'tired,'" Indian Linguistics,
ner Jubilee Volume I (1958), p. 317.


pointed out, is foreign to the word 'first,' as this

is generally emphatic and has a stronger affinity
with the contrastive adjectives than with the
numerals. An isolated exception to this is elcama,
used in modern Marwar! to mean 'the first day
of the lunar month,' which is clearly derived from
elca 'one.' There were however in Middle IndoAryan a number of other derivatives of elca 'one'
which were not, strictly speaking, ordinal numerals, but which were to have an important effect
on the development of other ordinal numerals
in the early stages of Modern Indo-Aryan.
The Sanskrit words dvitiya and trtiya, 'second'
and 'third,' have survived with modifications in
Gujerati and in the Rdjasthan! languages, e. g.,
Mdrwdr! dfijo or vijo 'second' and tkjo 'third.'
Similar forms are found in the earlier phases of
other Modern Indo-Aryan languages, as in Old
Bengali: doja and tiaja, teja, and in 16th century
Awadhi: dfija and tija (Tulsidds).6 But in the
majority of the present-day languages these etymological forms of the ordinal numerals have been
restricted to specialised usages, such as Hindi
diij and tij 'the second and third day of the lunar
month.' They have been replaced in their original
meaning of 'second' and 'third' by an entirely
new type of form, widely distributed throughout
the centre and east of India: Hindi dfisra and
tisra, Bengali dosra and tesra. There is no direct
evidence of the existence of such forms in Apabhramrsa; they seem to have spread mainly in
the modern languages. The earlier Middle IndoAryan texts, Pali, the Jain canon and classical
Mdhardstri all have derivatives of the classical
Sanskrit ordinals to express the notion of 'second'
and 'third,' as well as some older formations,
docca < *dvitya and tacca < *trtya, which do not
contribute further towards our understanding of
the modern words. Yet, as is so often the case,
Middle Indo-Aryan does show indirect signs of
the modern developments.
Early histories of Modern Indo-Aryan such as
the work of Bloch 7 left the words dfisrd and ttsrd
unexplained. Hoernle 8 had made an attempt to
derive the final of these numerals from the San6 Baburam Saksena, The Evolution
of Awadhi (Allahabad, 1937), p. 152.
7J. Bloch, La Formation de la Langue Marathe
(Paris, 1915), p. 223.
8 R. Hoernle, A Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian
Languages (London, 1880), ? 271.

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'First,' 'Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

skrit past participle srta 'moved.' This theory

was not generally accepted, mainly on phonetic
grounds. Much more convincing is the view of
S. K. Chatterji who derived the final -sara of
these numerals from the verbal adjective sara,
from -Vsr- 'to move,' which was used in Sanskrit
to form the adjective purahsara 'preceding.'9
This explanation has been accepted as probable
by Turner,3 Saksena6 and other scholars. A study
of Middle Indo-Aryan indicates that the development of the modern forms was as suggested by
Professor Chatterji, although in some ways more
In Middle Indo-Aryan texts there actually
exists a form elckkasaraka(with variants ekasara
or egasara) which has the appearance of the type
of intermediate form that is required by the theory
of S. K. Chaterji. This word occurs a number
of times in the gvetdmbara canon, but always
in the same context. Typical of such an instance
is a phrase in the last sentence of the Panhavigarandim: Panhavdgarane nam ego suyakkhandho
dasa ajjhayand, eklcasaraga dasasu ceva divasesu
uddisijjanti, 'the Panhavagarandim forms one
book of Holy Writ. It has ten undivided chapters,
which are read in as many days.' Elcasara(lc)a is
thus used of chapters in the canon which are not
divided into lessons. This is proved further by a
statement in the Samavayaiiga where details of
the contents of the other sacred texts are given:
Se nam angatthayde docce aige do suyakkhandhd
tevisamy ajjhayaind tettisarn uddesanakala, 'the
second Afiga which forms part of the canon contains two books of Holy Writ, consisting of twentythree chapters to be read at thirty-three different
reading times.' Abhayadeva's commentary to this
passage mentions in explanation that the first
chapter has four lessons, the second three, the
third four, the fourth and fifth have two lessons
each, while the remaining eleven chapters of the
first book are ekkasara 'undivided.' He continues:
satteva mahajjhayana egasard hiunti biya-suyakkchandhe,'and in the second book there are seven
great undivided chapters.' This explanation accounts for the thirty-three reading times necessary
for the twenty-three chapters and corresponds to
the actual division of the Sfiyagadahga as it is
handed down to us.
The commentators and glossaries give a variety
9 S. K. Chatterji, Origin and Development of the Bengali Language (Calcutta, 1926), p. 700.


of Sanskrit renderings and possible etymological

connections for the word elckasara(Ica).The Pdiasadda-mahannavo10mentions two Sanskrit equivalents: elca-saralcaand elca-sarga.Ekla-sarga'having
the mind intent on one object' is very unlikely
as a prototype for elcasara(lca) 'single,' ' undivided' on semantic grounds, and almost impossible on phonetic grounds. The obvious explanation is that elcasara(Ica) was formed from the verb
sr- 'to move,'11 and was parallel in composition to
purassara < purahsara 'preceding.' Elcasara(ka)
thus formed would naturally have the meaning
of 'going on one's own,' 'single,' and hence 'undivided' as in the Jain Scriptures. The variant
forms in Ardha-Magadhi with lengthening of the
final -a of elca- are easily explained by the analogy
of elcadasa 'eleven' and ekackin 'solitary': the
former word in particular brought about an extension of the long -a- to other compounds of elca
in Middle Indo-Aryan, e. g., egavi~sa'twenty-one'
in the Jain Mahardstri of the Paiimacariyam
(20.72) and ekcdnauimr
'ninety-one' in the ArdhaMagadhI of the Samavayanga. The word elcicasara(ka), although so highly specialised and restricted in use in the Jain canon survived to a
later date and still exists in the Modern lHindi
word aksar, ilcsar 'single,' Nepali elcsaro (cf. also
Middle Bengali elcasara).
It was probably the analogical influence of
ekkasara(kal)'single' that brought about the formation of new adjectives from the cardinal
numerals: do-sara and ti-sar&. These adjectives
being parallel with ekkasarac(ka)
> eksar(&)' single '
' undivided' probably meant originally 'two together,' ' making a complete two,' ' three together,'
' making a complete three.' This sense of ' making
complete a certain number' is typical of ordinals
in Indo-Aryan, as has been shown by Wackernagel 12 who quotes as one of his examples the
famous passage from the Atharvaveda: dvau
sarmnisadyayan mantrayete, rajattad veda varuinas
trtKyah, 'what two men sitting together speak
about, King Varuna knows that as a third (making
complete the number three). 'It was probably in
this manner that dosara and tisari developed into
10H. D. T. Sheth, Pdta-sadda-mahaynnavo (Calcutta,
11The adverbs bi-saram, Ori-saram 'twice,' ' three
times' occur in later Avestan (cf. Wackernagel III p.
427). For phonetic reasons they do not appear to represent a parallel development in Iranian.
Wackernagel III, p. 400.

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'Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

ordinal numerals in Modern Indo-Aryan, replacing ' Sitting there among his companions and among
the derivatives of dvitiya and trtiya over most of reciters of the verses of excellent poets, the lord
the centre and the east of India. The word for of men at once grew contented.' A variant reading
'fourth' and higher numerals are on the whole of v. 634 of the Lilavaikahd contains ekkasariless used in the completive type of enumeration yanam. The ending here is no doubt due to the
that has given rise to the use of dosard and tUsard elision of a genitive plural indicating time, such
as ordinals. Caiisara (found in the late Jain as kli&andmor samaydundrn.Occasionally the word
Mahdrdstr!of the Supasanahacaria) has therefore eklcasariarnhas been confused with ekkalsi(rn)by
not become an ordinal, but has survived as ilindi later commentators and has been glossed as ekada
causar 'fourfold (particularly of a necklace),' 'a 'once' (cf. Llltlvavkahav. 178), but in the texts
dice game,' while the higher numerals do not seem it always signifies 'cat once,' 'simultaneously.'
to have followed the analogy of ekkasara(ka) at
As the use of the endings indicates, ekkasariamn,
all. Although the formation of dfisra and tisr&is unlike ekkasi(r), was adjectival in origin and was
therefore probably due to the Prakrit word to some extent still felt to be an adjective in
ekkasara(kla)'single,' 'undivided,' it is necessary, Prakrit. The derivation of ekckcasariamn
is clearly
in order to trace the history of these modern not from elca+ avasara 'opportunity,' 15 nor from
ordinals, to take into account several other deriva- ekkasara(kal)'single' as suggested by the Pdiatives of ekla 'one' in Middle Indo-Aryan.
sadda-mahannavo.10 The correct explanation of
A fairly common word in Prakrit is ekkasi@(n) the word has been indirectly hinted at by Modi
'once' which occurs in the Jain canon and con- in the glossary to the Gurjarardsdval.16 It seems
tinues to be used in Apabhrams'a (e.g., Pailma- certain that ekkasariarn was derived from eka
cariu 2.14.1). Ekkalsi(y) is generally taken by 'one' + sadrs 'like'> ekllcasari, to which was
the grammarians to be a derivative of Sanskrit added the adverbial ending -amnas in the case of
ekas'as 'singly.' Special rules are formulated by ekkalsi(yi), ekkcasiamn.Ekkasariamn thus meant
Hemacandra to explain it and its variant ekkalsiain originally 'like one' and when used with a word
in Prakrit (Hlc. 2.162, where however it is taken for time 'simultaneously,' ' at once.' The evidence
as an equivalent of Sanskrit eklade 'once'), and of the Middle Indo-Aryan texts supports this view:
in Apabhrams'a (Hlc. 4.428 ekas'aso di). The ir- sari-vacnno'resembling' occurs both in Pali 17 and
regular change of the final -as of ekas'asto -i is Prakrit (Hlc. I.142) and sari(a) < sadrs- appears
almost certainly due to the analogical influence occasionally in Prakrit from the Ardha-Magadhi
of other adverbs,particularly sai(y) < sakrt ' once,' of the Jain canon onwards (cf. Nayaddhammakcahdo
rather than to the survival of an Indo-European I.1.24). It is found for instance in the Jain
affix *-kis as suggested by S. Sen.'3 Such analogi- Mahdrdstr! of the Manipaticarita of Haribhadra
cal changes in the endings of adverbs and con- v. 475: Marnivai-ramma-kalhaeuvasama-rasajunctions are not rare in Prakrit, as for instance pasara-deva-sariyae, translated by R. Williams18
in jai and jaiyd(Qn)from yad&'when.' 14
as 'in the charming story of Manipati, which is
A very similar adverb, derived from ekla also like a divinity spreading the essence of tranquility.'
figures in Prakrit. This is ekkasariarn 'at once,' Sari 'like' is used by Hemacandra in the Kum&'simultaneously,' which is mentioned by Hema- rapalacarita I. 90, and in his grammar, I. 142.
candra (2.213: ekklasariamijhagiti samprati). In Sari(a) 'like,' although never as common in Middle
some of its occurrences this word appears with
the ending of the locative singular feminine as
This derivation is mentioned by A. N. Uparhye in
ekkasariyai or ekkasariyae, presumably with the his edition of the Lflavaikahd (Bombay, 1949), p. 336,
elision of the noun velae < velaydm 'time,' e. g., note on verse 131.
16 Gurjararasavalti, ed. B. K. Thakore, M. D. Desai and
in the Mdhdrdstr!of the Lildvaikahd (v. 131):

tatthasino sahiehim sukai-chandd2nuvattiehimca

samuyamisuha-santuttho niara--nho ekkasariyyae.
13 Sukumar Sen, A Comparative Grammar of Middle
Indo-Aryan (Calcutta, 1960), p. 142.
Quelques Adverbes Pronominaux du Moyen Indien," J. A. CCXLV (1957), p. 248.

M. C. Modi, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. CXVIII

(Baroda, 1956), p. 151.
17 R. L. Turner,
op. cit., p. 590. For details of the
development of sadr? to sari see H. Berger, Zwvei Probleme der Mittelindischen Lautlehre (Munich, 1955),
p. 42.
18 R. Williams, Two Prakrit Versions of the Manipaticarita (London, 1959), p. 327.

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'First,' 'Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

Indo-Aryan as its synonym sarisa < sad~rsa,continues to exist as sari 'like,' 'similar' in modern
Nepali. There are signs of its survival in other
modern languages, as for instance in Kumaoni,
which has the extended form sarilco. There is thus
nothing surprising in the use of sari(a) in the
formation of the Prakrit adverb elckkasariarn.
Elcasariarn 'simultaneously,' ' at once' has survived in Modern ilindi and its dialects as the
adverb elesar 'all at one time,' as distinct from
the adjective ilesar, aksar ' single.' There are indications that the adverb elesarwas more wide-spread
in the earlier phases of Modern Indo-Aryan, and
that like its Prakrit prototype ekkasariaiy it could
occasionally be used adjectivally: in the Old Gujerati of the Gurjarardsavali16 there appears a
nominative plural ecklasar&' all at one time.' The
change in the final syllable of the word elesar<
ekkasariamnshows that there may have been some
confusion with the very similar word elcasara(lca)
> elcsar(a)> modern alesar, ilesar 'single,' ' undivided.' The adverb elesar 'all at once,' 'all together' has caused analogical developments among
numerals in the dialects of Hindi: for instance
the adverbial forms do-sar ' doubly,' and ti-sar
'triply' in Bhojpur! are almost certainly based
on elesar ' all together.'
Although the Prakrit words eckkasara(ka)
'single' and ekkasariam '"atonce' help to illuminate the main features of the development of the
new ordinals duisratand tisrat and of the adverbs
dosar and tisar, there are still many side-forms
to be investigated in Middle Indo-Aryan. These
may in turn shed some light on the early history
of the modern words. Among the most interesting
of the Middle Indo-Aryan forms is the isolated
word dosa, which is found only in the Destndtmamral (5.56). It was obviously regarded as of Desi
origin by Hemacandra and is given as an equivalent of ardha 'half.' The similarity with do 'two'
makes it almost certain that this is an Indo-Aryan
word. Ordinals are used in Indo-Aryan as in a
number of other languages to form the names of
the fractions. This applies less to '1 ' than to the
other names of fractions, as there is usually a
specialised word for ' half.' There are however
instances in Sanskrit quoted by Wackernagel19
of the use of dvitiya 'second' in the sense of 'half.'
There is thus a possibility that dosa was based on

Wackernagel III, p. 412.


an early form of dosari 'second' with loss of the

final -ra, which was felt to be a suffixal element
(cf. its use in doha-ra below). Tagare 20 lists the
suffix -ra as being a rarely used pleonastic suffix
in Apabhrams'a. -ra was frequent in Sanskrit as
a possessive adjectival suffix and there is no doubt
that it was very much further extended as a suffix
in the Modern Indo-Aryan languages. It is therefore possible that dosa was a back-formation from
dosara 'second' and belonged to such low strata
of the language that it was thought to be a Desi
word. A number of DesR words can be explained
in this way; some have been recognised as IndoAryan long ago by Pischel,21 while others have
been examined more recently, especially by P.
Tedesco.22Dosa 'half' may therefore be considered
as an indication-however uncertain-of the existence of *dosara(ka)> dosara 'second' before the
time of Hemacandra, and it tends to show that
the analogy of ekkasara(ka), which brought about
the formation of the new ordinal numerals, belonged to the Apabhramsa rather than the Modern
Indo-Aryan period.
The Modern Indo-Aryan series typified by the
ilindi ilesar, dfisrd, tisra, causar, 'single,' 'second,'
'third' and 'fourfold (of a necklace)' has a close
parallel in the series typified by the Hindi ekahr&,
dohri, tehra and cauhrd, 'single,' 'twofold,' ' threefold,' 'fourfold.' In Bengali these words appear
with a long -a- in the penultimate syllable: ekahara, dohdrd, tehdr&and cauhdra. This group of
words is explained by S. K. Chatterji as being
derived, like the series ilesar,etc., from the cardinal
numerals, but with the addition of the suffix -hara,
which he equates with the agentive suffix -harL.
There is no evidence in Middle Indo-Aryan to
support this view. R. L. Turner3 suggested that
the modern ilindi dohrd 'twofold' was based on
the Middle Indo-Aryan adjective *doha 'twofold,'
from Sanskrit dvidha 'split in two,' with replacement of dvi- by the Prakrit cardinal numeral do.
The pleonastic adjectival suffix -ra (see above)
was added to form the new word dohara > dohra,
'twofold.' The Middle Indo-Aryan adverbs dohd
G. V. Tagare, Historical Grammar of Apabhramsa
(Poona, 1948), p. 341.
21 Degindmamdla of Hemacandra, ed. R. Pischel, 2nd
ed., Bombay Sanskrit XVII (1938), p. 8.
22 In his article
"Sanskrit uhch- 'to gleam,'" JAOS
77. 3 (1957), for instance, P. Tedesco derives the Desi
word pufich- 'to wipe' from Indo-Aryan.

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'First,' ' Second' and 'Third' in Middle Indo-Aryan

'doubly' and tihet, Pali tidhae'triply' from San- and cauhcra'fourfold' and the corresponding Benskrit dvidhaeand tridhd, probably also played some gali forms, but the analogy was not extended to
part in the formation of the new adjectives. The the higher numerals. The new adjectives ekahra,
long vowel in the Bengali words doharc, etc., may dohrd, tehrd, and cauhre just like iksar, diisra,
indicate that these words date back to the period tisra and causar show that the first four numbers
when the adverbs doha and tihd were still prowere felt to be a group in Indo-Aryan, a series
nounced with a long final vowel, which influenced
par excellence. They are also a further indication
the new adjectives. The development of *tiha+
ra > tehr&, Bengali tehdr&, was exactly parallel of the tendency in late Middle Indo-Aryan to
to that of dohra, Bengali dohard. The analogy replace etymological forms of numerical adjectives
of these forms has spread to the remainder of the by "motivated" words based on the cardinal
first four numerals, whence Hindi ekahra 'single' numerals.






in the history of Advaita Veddnta.

If, on the one hand, he is treated as a great
authority on Mimamnsd,on the other he is respected
and honoured as one of the foremost teachers of
Advaita as well. His Brahmasiddhi occupies a
unique place among the works on Advaita Veddnta
not only because of its comparative antiquity but
also because of the comprehensive and elaborate
treatment of the various aspects of the doctrine
it contains serving as a model of philosophical
reasoning. Before the publication of the Brahmasiddhi we had access to his views on Advaita only
through the references to the Brahmasiddhi contained in other works, and these references were
not in any way helpful to us to decide whether the
traditional account of his life and literary career
as contained in the various biographies of Safikara
is reliable or not. Even after the publication of
the Brahhmasiddhi,'for which we are indebted to
Professor Kuppuswami Sastri, we are not in a
position to say either that the tradition about
Mandana is perfectly reliable or that it should be
thrown overboard. Bewildered as we are about his
date, we are even more bewildered about his
identity, and much light remains to be thrown on
this question.
We shall first consider what tradition has got to
say about the identity of Mandana. Probably the

1 S. Kuppuswami Sastri, editor (Madras Government

Oriental Manuscript Series No. 4, Madras).

earliest life history of gafikara that we possess now

is Anantanandagiri's oahkaravijaya. In Canto 55
of this work, Kumarila informs Aankara that
Mandana is his sister's husband and advises him
to hold discussions with Mandana who, when convinced of the greatness of Sankara, becomes a
saipiiydsin. He then comes to be known as
Suresvara and is placed in charge of the Sringeri

In Vydsacala's ahnkaravijaya, Visvariipa with

whom Safkara holds discussion is not referred to
as Mandana. VyAsdcala narrates the meeting of
Sankara with one Mandana, who is a householder,
on his way to meet Visvarupa on the advice of
Kumdrila. After blessing this Mandana, Saiikara
leaves him and goes to the house of Visvarupa.3
Cidvildsa in his oahkaravijayavilasa identifies
Mandana with Suresvara. We are told in this
work that Mandana is the name of the same person
in his earlier life who on becoming a samnydsin
assumed the name of Suresvara.4
Govindandtha, the author of the gaftkardca-ryacaritra, must be later than VydsAcalaas he refers
to the latter with great respect. He refers to
Sankara's meeting Visvaridpa on the advice of
Kumarila and does not mention the meeting of
2Vide introduction to gloka-vdrtika (Madras University Sanskrit Series No. 13), p. xi.
8 Vyasacala,
Oriental Manuscripts Series No. 24, 1954), pp. 57-58.
'Vide introduction to 9loka-vdrtika, p. x.

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