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To cite this article: Andrew Spiegel, Vanessa Watson & Peter Wilkinson (1996):
Domestic diversity and fluidity among some African households in Greater Cape
Town, Social Dynamics: A journal of African studies, 22:1, 7-30
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533959608458599
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Introduction
The notion of 'domestic fluidity' has only lately acquired some academic
currency, both as phenomenon and concept. Our interest in the problem of
domestic group pliancy and labile household compositions derives from
recognising the problems of categorising settlement processes within Cape
Town's African population where both individuals and households seemed
to move almost continually. Our realisation that such movements implied
great diversity in, and mutability of, domestic units led us to question certain
assumptions that seem to underpin policies directed at the management of
urbanisation processes, particularly the provision of housing and basic
infrastructural and social services (Spiegel et al. 1994).
For reasons we have just begun addressing, housing policy formation has,
until very recently, tended to invoke a mode of 'standardising' or
'normalising' discourse.1 Its central, if often only implicit, point of reference
is a model of stable, nuclear family-based households with regularized
patterns of co-residence, commensality and income-pooling, as well as
shared 'life projects' or 'ideologies of purpose'. Households are thus
understood to be key social (and spatial) sites of processes of'domesticity' the "practices and functions of (re)production and consumption at the microlevel" (Ross 1993: 25) - that are understood to operate autonomously within
each such unit.
Moreover, when policy discourse has considered household dynamics, it
has tended to conceptualise them in terms of standardised domestic group
social dynamics 22.1(1996): 7-30
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their co-operative and individual productive efforts for the benefit of all in
the group, and to draw on a single shared pool of resources deriving from
their income-generating efforts (Netting et al. 1984). They are thus
understood as both productive and reproductive units.
There are four criteria to this functional definition of household: coresidence, productive co-operation, income-sharing and commensality. The
second fell into disuse with the demise of independent productive bases for
most domestic units and the concomitant insertion of households within an
industrial capitalist nexus (Smith et al. 1984; Smith and Wallerstein 1992).
Subsequently, the criteria of both co-residence and commensality have also
had to be reconsidered, at least in the southern African context of labour
migrancy.
For most contemporary researchers, the resulting predominant notion of a
household in southern Africa refers exclusively to the criterion of shared
income and its expenditure. As indicated above, household has come to be
defined as a group within which income and expenditure flows are
concentrated, even if the members of that group are resident in widely
dispersed parts of the sub-continent. This, then, is what we have called the
'stretched' household: its members cannot be co-resident or commensal for
most of their lives. Yet, despite the distances that separate them, they share a
common purpose or commitment to "a continuing responsibility to
contribute towards [the household's] maintenance" (Murray 1976: 54).
Our reference to this sense of a common purpose reflects a concern with
recognising people's own criteria for defining their households in that they
are said to comprise members of a group who submit themselves to the
demands of a 'life-project' requiring income sharing and expenditure on
projects thought to be for the common good of the group. Such 'lifeprojects', then, help to determine the lifestyles of members of households. In
contexts of rural-urban migrancy, they also strongly affect, if not determine,
the manner and the location, urban or rural, in which ambitions for domestic
consolidation are realised.
Although such a sense of common purpose was often clear from the
discourse of our informants about their 'households', many of their domestic
units were, at the time, households in terms of only one of the other more
functional criteria of definition. Moreover, they formed often quite fleetingly
assembled groups. As far as is possible, we have thus chosen to replace the
13
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was that many established domestic units became 'stretched' over the space
separating Cape Town from the Transkei and Ciskei 'homelands'.
By the mid-1980s, however, both housing and employment possibilities
had changed for Africans in the Western Cape. On the one hand a continuing
economic recession reduced availability of employment opportunities; on the
other hand possibilities for securing land in an informal settlement grew,
both before and after influx controls were lifted in 1986. The opening up of
large serviced areas on the city edge at Khayelitsha also attracted people
willing to endure a poor location in return for the chance of more space.
Violence was a further significant factor setting people on the move at
this time. Issues of territorial control, factionalism and patronage (Mehlwana
1992; Cole 1987), sometimes linked to control over the lucrative taxi
industry, resulted in various informal settlements being burnt to the ground,
and many areas becoming unsafe. People moved both within Cape Town and
beyond in search of more peaceful places to live.
Macro-historical processes such as these, in conjunction with micro-scale
material and motivational factors, have resulted in high levels of domestic
unit diversity and fluidity, and this was clearly reflected in our small sample.
Of the 37 domestic units where interviews were conducted, only one fitted
the assumed stable, nuclear-family norm.
Mr and Mrs N.M. (A5) and their three young children were all born and raised in
Cape Town. They lived together in the formal house they had bought in Khayelitsha,
and they saw themselves as staying there for the foreseeable future. They had
managed this on the strength of Mr N.M.'s formal employment in Khayelitsha, and
possibly because there were no other major claims on their income, such as the
maintenance of a rural base or the support of other kin.
15
Not all migrants with this attitude and kind of life project settled in hostel
accommodation. Mr T. (D3), staying in a backyard shack, was in a similar
position. With his wife and child in the Ciskei while he was formally
employed in Cape Town, he was also part of a 'stretched' income-sharing
unit. Committed to consolidating his rural home base, he was saving money
in the bank "because, if I could, I would [like to] build a house and live at
home. Maybe buy a tractor and farm". Yet by having moved out of hostel
accommodation in 1984 and into a backyard shack, he had created an urban
domestic unit that had a greater degree of urban security than a hostel bed,
particularly since it sometimes included his wife when she visited and
occasionally also provided accommodation for his younger brothers when
visiting from the Ciskei. For the most part, however, he maintained an
atomised domestic unit in town, with just himself as lone resident, and it was
that unit we encountered when he was interviewed.
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17
Yet, given her low paying job, and the difficulty a single woman would have had in
securing her own formal accommodation, this seemed an unlikely outcome.
H;N*
BN*
NN*
O NLN*
AA
K*
Figure 1: Kinship diagram of B2's composition at time of
interview (including absent children).
Those recorded as resident members have been marked *
All members of B2 were relatively recent arrivals in Cape Town; M.N., whom our
respondent, N.N., identified as head of the unit, had arrived in 1986 and lodged with
his father's sister and her husband in a Crossroads shack. His wife N.N. followed early
in 1987. B.N. joined them in mid-1987 and M.N. and N.N.'s children (S.N., M.K.N.,
B.B.N., T.N.) came intermittently thereafter. When violence broke out in Crossroads
in 1989, M.N., N.N. and B.N. built a shack in a nearby informal settlement for
themselves and the children. B.N.' s wife and children, N.L.N., N.D.N. and M.H.M.,
arrived in 1991 to stay in the new shack. Soon factional violence led to that shack
being burned, and they moved to a temporary shelter on invaded land while awaiting
serviced sites and houses that had been promised them by a local shacklord.
Their dependence on just two small incomes - M.N. was an airport cleaner earning
R450 per month and B.N. a farmworker earning R40 per week - had undoubtedly
prevented them securing more adequate accommodation elsewhere, or from bringing
their remaining children from the Transkei to join them, although their stated aim was
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78
to remain and consolidate an urban base in Cape Town. "I have planned to live here in
Cape Town ... because my family is here ... I have family there at home, but we are
planning to bring them here ... I want to stay here for the rest of my life ... I want
even to die here. It will not matter we do not have houses. Tell me, who in his right
mind would want to live in Transkei? The life there is difficult if you are not
educated." Given these intentions and opinions, changes in the composition of their
domestic unit seemed likely if alternative, and affordable, land were available to them,
and if they could muster the resources to bring their remaining dependants to the
metropolitan area.
Other large domestic units comprised kin groups that were either multi-
NS*
19
Both N.Q. and M.P. had been taken in to fulfil kin-based obligations: N.Q. was Mrs
P.R.'s last-born sister. Even before their mother died when N.Q. was six years old, she
had been fostered by her mother's sister who earlier had also intermittently
accommodated Mr G.R., Mrs G.R. and their children. When the mother's sister died,
N.Q. first remained where she had been, was then moved to another sister living near
a school in Khayelitsha and then to Mrs P.R., first at Mr G.R.'s parental home and
then at the couple's Khayelitsha home. M.P. had been found abandoned with nonrelatives elsewhere in Khayelitsha and they had taken him in because, in Mrs P.R.'s
words, "he was dumped by his mother, and we found him lost ... Since the child
belonged to the sister of my husband we decided to take him and make him our own
child."
Domestic unit E5 also comprised eight members. In this case its size
reflected its multi-generational and laterally extended nature (Figure 3).
O VB*
VSB*A
'DB*A
I
A
0 PB!*
Remaining in Cape Town appears not to have been a matter of choice for
many, including Mrs V.B. Hers was one of various interviews where it
became evident that some people in the Western Cape's townships have
been trapped in the city by poverty. Unable to maintain her rural Transkei
20
social dynamics
house or visit there, Mrs V.B. indicated she had little alternative to staying
on where some chances for generating income existed:
I am forced to live here because I have neither front nor back. Even at home I only
have that empty house and nothing else ... I do not have the strength to go from here.
Her rural past, she thus explained, had failed to create circumstances of
security for her and her future seemed equally bleak.
Spatially divided ('stretched') units
As already indicated, there was extensive variety, in both size and
complexity, among the domestic units our study sampled. That complexity
increases significantly with recognition that some were just parts of spatially
divided income-sharing units with bases in both urban and rural areas and
members who (usually) shared a sense of common purpose. This complexity
has been recognized in other studies on population movement in South
Africa (Mabin 1990).
'Stretching' of income-sharing units can occur for diverse reasons and in
various ways, as our data illustrate. As shown, some men who were parts of
spatially divided income-sharing units with a strong sense of common lifepurpose, simultaneously also comprised what might be described as 'single'
male members of small urban food-consuming units. Other such 'single'
men's lives revealed more complex patterns involving membership of two
income-sharing units, one in town that served limited domestic and mutual
support purposes and another in a rural area that was committed to a longerterm life project. Mr B.D. (Gl) provides an example.
A migrant in a hostel, Mr B.D. shared a room with his two brothers, their wives, and a
'homeboy' and his girlfriend. This group comprised an urban income-sharing, as well
as co-residential and commensal unit that co-operated in food preparation and
consumption, and pooled some income to facilitate that process. Yet Mr B.D. regarded
the hostel room as merely a temporary place to stay and not a home in which he might
invest: "There is no one who is in his right senses who can waste his money on a
hostel. We have our houses back home. We only spend money on our houses in the
Transkei, not here. We are here just for work."
Mr B.D.'s primary, explicit, commitment was to a rurally-based income-sharing unit
that comprised himself, his wife and their four children, aged 13 to 22, who remained
on their Transkei property. His longer term project of rural consolidation included
buying a tractor to generate extra income through ploughing other people's land: "I
21
Commenting on his hopes for his children's future, he added: "I want all my
children to grow there in the Transkei ... I know how life is very difficult
here. I do not want them to suffer as I did."
It is possible that Mr BD' s expressed sentiments are more common to an
older migrant generation (he was 55) than to younger migrants. Yet the view
of rural areas as people's 'real home' recurred repeatedly amongst people in
'stretched' income-sharing units, and even amongst some respondents with
rather tenuous ties to rural areas. Culturally based perceptions, as well as
economic factors, clearly underpin how people understand what constitutes
their 'households', whether 'stretched' or not.
Another important aspect of spatially 'stretching' income-sharing units is
the placement and re-placement of children between units, for various
reasons and with concomitant implications for changes in the size and
composition of residential and commensal groupings.
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When interviewed in 1992, Mr and Mrs O.Z. (B4) were unemployed, and living with
two of their four children in a plastic sheet shelter on invaded land. Their previous
shack elsewhere had been incinerated during taxi-related conflict leaving them to
survive by begging from neighbours. Their other two children were with Mrs O.Z.' s
sister in the Transkei; Mr and Mrs O.Z. lacked the income to support them in Cape
Town. The two now with them had also previously lived there but had come to Cape
Town for health-service reasons before fire destroyed their shack. Had they had the
resources, Mr and Mrs O.Z. would undoubtedly have sent them back to Mrs O.Z.'s
sister.
The desire to secure a good education for children is another factor that has
served to create 'stretched' income-sharing units. Because schooling in the
former homelands tended to be less affected by boycotts and disruptions, and
possibly because students there may be less tempted to drop out of school, a
number of people interviewed indicated that their children were in rural
areas primarily in order to complete their education. Among them were Mr
and Mrs N.M. whose 'stretched' and laterally extended unit, as we have just
seen, included school-going kin in the Transkei as well as others in town.
Another was the unit A3 which occupied a formal Khayelitsha house.
A3 was the residential base for Ms M.M., two of her children and a grandchild by
another daughter, as well as a female companion, Ms A.S., "while she is looking for a
place to stay". The latter looked after the children weekdays when Ms M.M. was at
her 'sleep-in' domestic job. Ms A.S. had two children, both with her sister in the
Transkei because "there are no school boycotts in Transkei. Let me say it is not
common and it happens in certain places but it is not serious."
23
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Ms N.S. (Bl), now aged 53, came to Cape Town from the Transkei in 1979. She
stayed with a relative of her mother in a wealthy suburb where she found a sleep-in
domestic job. Having lost that job, she moved into her brother's formal township
house, and was joined by her youngest child from the Transkei. But when that place
was "getting too crowded" she moved into a shack with a man, his younger brother
and four other people. In 1987 she built her own shack in another informal settlement
and was joined by the other members of her present extended kin-group (Figure 4).
When this area was burned out in 1991, they moved to an invaded site to await
relocation to a site and service scheme promised by their shacklord.
6NQ*
b PR*
1 NTR* 1
A
A
NXR*
A GR*
TNZR*
I BFt*
O
MP*
25
Conclusion
Although it remains statistically unrepresentative, our data demonstrate a
level of domestic diversity and fluidity among Africans in Cape Town that
throws any model of a 'standard', nuclear family based household into
question. Current work under the auspices of the Western Cape Communitybased Housing Trust seeks to test this hypothesis by means of a
questionnaire-based survey of 800 randomly selected domestic units in Cape
Town's African residential areas. Already, however, we are confident that
our own investigation has revealed sufficient of the complex dynamics of
domestic change and consolidation among African households to suggest
that the 'standardized' model is inadequate and inappropriate as a basis for
policy formation, particularly in the field of urban housing provision.
The case material also allows an important methodological conclusion to
be drawn. If we are interested in tracking patterns of domestic fluidity,
research procedures must be designed around two commitments. The first is
to undertake relatively long term, 'longitudinal' studies of a number of
domestic units, rather than one-off 'snapshots' represented by a single
interview. The second is to assemble detailed biographies - urbanization and
employment histories, as well as domestic or household histories - of
selected individuals within at least some of these domestic units.
One final important point remains: we are very conscious that the
experiences and perceptions we have uncovered in our case material have
been strongly shaped by the specificity of its Western Cape context. Indeed,
we have tried above and elsewhere (Spiegel et al. 1995b) to address some
aspects of this regional specificity by pointing to the significance of
particular 'macro' processes. We believe, however, that there is real need for
comparative work elsewhere in South Africa along lines broadly similar to
those we have sketched here and we appeal to the research community to
take up this challenge. This country cannot afford any longer to allow policy
makers to continue to operate on the basis of outdated concepts and
'operational' models that have become patently inadequate. Also urgently
required therefore is a comprehensive, well grounded and contextually
sensitive analysis of the assumptions that continue to underpin much of
current urban policy discourse. South Africa's present needs are too great
and its resources too limited for critical observers not to take up these
challenges.
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Acknowledgements
We acknowledge financial assistance from the Centre for Science
Development (and Spiegel from the Wenner-Gren Foundation), but bear full
responsibility for views expressed here. We also gratefully acknowledge the
assistance of interviewers Anthony Mehlwana and Ayanda Canea.
Notes
1
27
The 'coloured labour preference policy', initiated with the so-called Eiselen
Plan of 1955, was progressively tightened up through the 1960s and abandoned only
in 1985.
6
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