UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
A
TERM PAPER PRESENTED
BY
ADEKUNLE, AZEEZ O.
MATRIC NO: 195986
ON
COLONIAL RULE AND BACKGROUND TO INDEPENDENCE IN NIGERIA
COURSE CODE: POS 741
COURSE TITLE: NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

LECTURER: PROF. A. A. B. AGBAJE

JULY, 2016.

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ABSTRACT
Many centuries before European imperialism in Africa, the unlettered people of Africa
had been governing their societies through unwritten constitutions derived from their cultures,
customs and tradition. The constitutional history of Nigeria began with the conquest of Lagos in
1861 by the British. This was followed a year after by the declaration of Lagos as a new Crown
Colony or Settlement (Burn: 1978, pp.130-131). The Nigerian state has evolved through series
of turbulent times, majorly noticeable since the amalgamation of the different protectorates
having varying ideologies. Before the emergence of colonialism in what we refer to as the
present day Nigeria, it should be noted that inhabitants of the territories are organized.
This study seeks to understand issues in Nigerian Government and Politics through an
assessment of colonialism vis--vis the terrain of and struggle towards independence by the
nationalist movement in Nigeria, and how these trends have culminated significantly in the
attainment of independence in the country; this is carried out through mobilization of certain
variables of political development. The study relied on qualitative methodology, i.e. the use of
secondary sources of data which include text books, journals, newspaper excerpts, etc. The Elite
theory, used in strengthening the view on colonialism and Groups theory was adopted to verify
the nationalist movement; both serves as the basis for theoretical framework of analysis.
It has attempted to understand the concept of colonialism and how it evolved in the
Nigerian system, the various pre-independence constitutions that has formed and shaped the
governmental and political system of the country since amalgamation and how it has lead the
nation into self-rule. Furthermore, the main crust of this study which is the quest for
independence was also examined; thereby significantly noting some of the various Nationalist
movements that came on board to make the task achievable.
Nationalist movements started the clamor for independence and the motion for selfgovernment was moved on the floor of the legislative house in 1953 by Pa Anthony Enahoro. As
a result of this, series of meetings and conferences were held until the British flag was lowered
and this gave room for the Nigerian flag to soar on the 1st day of October, 1960. It should be
recalled that everything went well after independence, until that time that the ground was

made for power politics in which indigenous African people became players.

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INTRODUTION
January 1, 1914 the day when Lord Lugard effected the amalgamation of the Protectorate
of Northern Nigeria and the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria which were previously
administered as separate though related territories, is generally regarded as the birthdate of the
Nigerian state (Osaghae 1998). In another stance, Akinboye and Anifowose (1999) are of the
opinion that Nigeria started to evolve in 1861 following the annexation of Lagos as a Crown
Colony and as a result of the gradual incorporation of the contiguous areas and peoples into the
British Empire. Kenneth and Vickers (1973) as cited by Akinboye and Anifowose (1999)
asserted that the Northern and Southern protectorates of the country remained separated until
1914 when they were amalgamated by Lugard.
From the British perspective, the amalgamation was motivated by the desire to pool
resources so as to enable the relatively rich territories of the south to assist their poorer
neighbours the North, under the overall British control (Akinboye and Anifowose, 1999).
However, while the amalgamation brought together in one polity different nationalities at
different stages of political and economic development, no efforts were made by the British to
give the amalgamated units a common political orientation. Furthermore, in spite of the
amalgamation, there still existed in practice an administrative polarization between the Northern
and Southern provinces, and indeed, it was not until 1939 when the country was divided into
three Regions Northern, East and West that this was removed.
Osaghae (1998) cited (Adamu, 1978; Dusgate 1985; Takaya, 1987) noting the
establishment of the Northern empire stated that the North of the country was an Islamic push
which was the outcome of long-established trans-Saharan trade and migrations which linked the
Hausa states, Kanem Bornu empire and the Fulanis mainly to North Africa, the Mediterranean
and the rest of the Arab world. To further establish this point, (Usman ed. 1979) as cited by
Osaghea (1998) avers that the apogee of this Islamic ascendancy was the Fulani Jihad launched
in 1804 which more or less succeeded in bringing most parts of Hausaland and portions of socalled pagan groups of the Middle Belt region under the centralized and hierarchical theocratic
rule of the Sokoto Caliphate.
The west was a group of closely related empires, states and kingdoms, the most notable
of which were Oyo and Benin (Smith, 1988) as cited by Osaghae (1998). Osaghae (1998) further
stressed that the two empires (Oyo and Benin) between them controlled almost the entire
regional formation. The vast majority of the groups in the West spoke dialects of the Yoruba
language, in addition to laying claims to a myth of common origin through the legendary
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Oduduwa. The non-Yoruba groups including the various Edo sub-groups: Urhobo, Isoko and
some Igbo states were mostly subjugated by the Benin Empire.
Finally, to the East, were scores of segmented Igbo, Ijaw, Efik, Annang, Kalabari and
other city (or village) states whose political organization was highly non-centralist though not,
as earlier anthropologists like Fortes and Evans-Pritchard thought, stateless .From the midnineteenth century, a few city-states like old Calabar and Opobo rose to prominence largely due
to privileges they enjoyed in trade, in slave and other commodities with Europeans, and
approximated to the category of centralized states in the North and West. There were also the
Arochukwu (long juju, lit, masquerade) who attempted to exert political and religious
overlordship over several Igbo sub-groups whose members spoke dialect of a generic Igbo
language and therefore had the potential of large-scale political organization failed to evolve any
major centralized political system (Osaghae, 1998).
Given the scenario presented above, it is most unlikely that anything similar to the
present state of Nigeria could have evolved without external intervention. This position has also
been buttressed by Billy Dudley (1968) in his book An Introduction to Nigeria Government and
politics where he averred that even though colonialism does not take place, there is already an
existing interaction between the entities that make up todays Nigeria. Therefore, one can venture
to support the position of African Marxian scholars who are of the opinion that colonialism
disgruntled and dislocate the existing efficacies in pre-colonial political structure and tried in
super imposing theirs which in many occasions has failed to synchronize with modern African
socio-political milieu.
From the foregoing, there are some salient questions that need to be asked which will
serve as the framework to which this work will be examined and analyzed. Some of which are:

what are the various activities that culminated into the call for Nigerias

independence?;
has Nigerias self-rule been able to achieve its objectives ever since? and
what is the position of the Nigeria state after granted independence?

However, before providing responses to the aforementioned questions, it is imperative to

examine and conceptualize some salient and important concepts; such as Colonialism and
Nationalism and also provide a theoretical framework at which this work will be examined.

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COLONIALISM AND THE NIGERIAN STATE

Colonialism as a phenomenon cannot be defined in any acceptable way; it means
different thing to different people. Hobson (1938:7), one of the earliest contributors to the study
of colonialism, in his classical study first published in 1902 stated that colonialism, in its best
sense, is a natural overflow of nationality; its test is the power of colonist to transplant the
civilization they represent to the new natural and social environment in which they found
themselves. This means that colonialism involves nationality or racial relationship between
cultures that hinges on the imposition of one over the other. It is akin to a parent - offering or
superior - inferior relationship (Paki and Edoumiekumo, 2011).
Colonialism is not a mere transplant of civilization to a new one, but was realized through
conquest and exercise of sovereignty over one political system by another. It espouses cultural
superiority of the colonizers over the colonized. It is discriminatory against the colonized people.
Similarly, colonialism can be conceptualized as the conquest and exercise of sovereignty over
one political system by another without integrating the subjugated system and assimilating its
people (Rubin and Weinstein 1977). Colonialism signifies unequal socio-cultural and political
relationship. According to Ekeh (1983:3), colonialism refers to the activities of the European
colonizers in the process of conquest and rule of Africa and the reaction of those who were
subjugated to European conquest and rule. He further stressed that Colonialism can also be seen
as a social movement of epochal dimensions whose enduring significance exist beyond the life
span of the colonial situation, lies in the formation of supra-individual entities and constructs.
The social formations include; (i) transformation of existing indigenous structures; (ii)
transplanting of new structures from Europe without the underlying cultural and social
imperatives; and (iii) the emergence of new social structures due to the dialectical relation of
indigenous and new structures based on colonial situations (Agbebaku and Aidelokhai, 2005:
562).
In order to enforce the abolition of slave trade law in Africa, Britain entered into various
treaties of amity and legitimate commerce with the city-states of the Niger Delta, aided by her
gun boat diplomacy (Paki and Edoumiekumo, 2011). However the slave trade in Africa
dragged through the 1850s and with no alternative, the Africa middlemen had to turn to the
legitimate trade in palm produce (Dike, 1956: 52). With the abolition of the oversea slave
trade, the trade in palm oil took the center stage.
The Berlin conference of 1885 provided the platform under which British claims to the
Niger Delta Basin was legitimized. The Berlin conference, which was at the instance of the
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German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, was called in order to avert a major clash among
European powers over conflicting claims, to peacefully scramble and partition Africa. According
to Coleman (1986:42), three separate, independent and uncoordinated forces led to British
penetration into the hinterland:
a. the annexation of Lagos in 1861, which was extended into the Yoruba hinterland;
b. between 1886-1890, the Royal Niger Company, an amalgamation of all trading firms
under the leadership of Sir George Goldie, was granted a charter to rule and trade in the
Niger area, which led to the pacification of the north; and
c. the occupation of the south eastern part was undertaken by the British Foreign Office,
which led to the penetration through the Niger Delta into the Ibo hinterland.
Consequently, three British territories emerged namely, the colony of Lagos, the southern
protectorate and the northern protectorate. The colony of Lagos and the southern protectorate
were joined in 1906 with Sir Walter Egerton as Governor and the two protectorates (Northern
and Southern) were amalgamated in 1914 to form the colony and protectorate of Nigeria with Sir
Frederick Lugard as the Governor-General. This was for the administrative convenience of the
colonial enterprise (Paki and Edoumiekumo, 2011).
Colonial development was urban centered in Nigeria. Colonialism introduced a money
economy, taxes in cash and wage employment in the country. In addition, the provision of
infrastructures such as pipe-borne water, good roads, hospitals, schools, housing, communication
and recreation facilities were in major towns. This led to rural-urban migration. Unfortunately,
the development of regions was only visible in majority ethnic dominated areas of the various
regions (Paki and Edoumiekumo, 2011). Apart from Lagos which was the then federal capital,
development during this period were concentrated in Ibadan in the western region, Enugu in the
eastern region and Kaduna and Kano in the northern region (Akinyemi, Cole. and Ofonagoro,
1979: 190-192).
Osaghae (1998) submitted that Nigeria was a British colonial creation through a
piecemeal and combined process of trade monopoly, military superiority, divide and rule and
outright conquest, the various groups were brought together under the aegis of colonial authority.
The nature of this bringing together requires elaboration because of the far-reaching implications
it had for state and nation building.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
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A discourse of this pedigree deserves not to be isolated from an explanatory theoretical

framework. The invasion of African societies by the colonial lords and the struggle for
independence by Nationalists and could be built on two solid theoretical paradigm which are the
Elite and Groups theories. The Elite theory was principally propounded by Vilfredo Pareto,
Gaetano Mosca and Roberto Michels.
The elite theory argues that every society is ruled by a minority that possesses the
qualities necessary for its accession to full social and political power. These qualities are
Consciousness, Coherence and Conspiracy. Michels (1949) adds organization to the qualities
of this minority, and refers to the rule of the minority as the Iron Law of Oligarchy Onah (2010).
He further stated that the minority are the elite, and consist of the best and successful persons
who rise to the top at every level of endeavor in the society. The majority in society is the nonelite or the mass of the people, who are always content to be ruled. The elite are divided into
two- the governing elite and the non-governing elite. The governing elite rules society through a
mixture of the instruments of force and cunning, with the circumstance determining which will
predominate at any one point in time. The colonial expatriates fit in to this theory as they manage
the affairs of the state via the instrument of force and are perceived super power and superior
over the Africans. Their economic buoyancy, gun power, and their exclusiveness amongst others
made them regarded as elites.
The group theory on another hand sees politics as the process of interaction among
groups in the society. The group theorists include, Arthur Bentley and David Truman. The group
theory has it foundations in the earlier writing on pluralism which argued that society was not
atomistic but rather composed of diverse collectivities (Varma, 1992). A group is a collection of
individuals with shared attitudes and interest on the basis of which certain claims and demands
are made upon government and other groups in the society for the establishment and
maintenance of enhancement of preferred values (Truman, 1864, cited in Olaniyi cited in Onah
2010). Groups are only defined by their activities, which are in turn defined by their interest.
Thus, there are potential groups and latent groups. In fact, groups are formed for the pursuit of
interests and the notion of interest is central to groups. A group is active and not static, and
politically relevant groups are not categoric groups but those with directional activities (Varma,
1982).
The society is seen by group theorists as the complex of the groups that compose it, and
the political system is the arena through which the various groups seek to realize their interest.
Political behaviour approximates the push and resistance between groups, and this is shaped by
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the nature of government and its policies. Government itself is composed of groups and reflects
group interest. But beyond this, government is a mediator of group interest as well as maintains
order in the relationships among groups. Therefore, stability is maintained in society by a system
of cross-cutting or overlapping memberships of groups by which people may belong to several
groups at the same time. Societal stability is further maintained by a balance of groups
pressures, as well as the adjustment operation of the government (Varma, 1992).
The group theory for the purpose of this study would mean that, the Nationalist
movements as groups in the colonial regime of the Nigerian state served as a deterrent to
oppression and tyranny that emanated from the obnoxious policies of the colonial lords. These
groups fight resistance and agitate for the promotion of their socio-economic and political status.
At this juncture, it will be important to note the activities of Aba Women who stood as a group
and fought the colonial masters against the abhorrent laws and policies. Helen (1991) also
submitted that the youth or student group, which became the vehicle of intellectuals and
professionals, were the most politically conscious segment of the population and stood in the
vanguard of the nationalist movement.
The formations listed above have significantly emerged from different ethnic settings and
in groups with the pursuit of a single course which I would refer to as tactically rising against the
obnoxious policies and dominance of the colonial lords, which eventually gave room for the selfrule that was attained in 1960.
PEREGRINATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
Akinboye and Anifowose (1999), citing the report of the constitutional conference of
1995 avers that the process of constitution-making in Nigeria is characterized by identifiable
phases with each phase accommodating certain constitutional developments leading to gradual
involvement of Nigerians in their own affairs. The first phase in constitutional making was
between 1914 and 1950. Under this phase, which witnessed the Order-in-Council of 1914 under
Lugard, the Clifford constitution of 1922 and the Richards constitution of 1946 were the sole
prerogative of the British colonial office and there was no consultation with Nigerians. These
constitutional phases will be looked into, taking into cognizance, the major features, merits and
the disadvantages which led to the collapse and emergence of a new constitution.
Akinboye and Anifowose (1999) opined that the constitutional instruments provided for
an Executive Council for the entire country and a 30 member Advisory deliberative council,
constituted by the Governor who alone possessed executive power and acted on his own
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discretion. Olusanya (1980) pointed out the creation of Legislative Council comprising a Chief
Justice, Colonial Secretary and a senior military officer commanding the imperial forces, was
introduced. The Legislative Council was charged with the responsibility of advising the governor
in framing legislation for the colony (Coleman: 1986). Even, the few educated Africans that
made appearance between 1872 and 1922 in the Legislative Council were all repatriates
(Olusanya: 1980, p.518). In fact, the competence of the Council which covered the Southern
Nigeria Protectorate before was truncated by Governor Lugard (Olusanya: 1980).
Although there was only one Governor for the whole territory, different policies and
concepts of colonial administration were maintained by both the North and South, and Nigerians
were not in any way involved in their own governance. Hence, the constitutional instrument
could not stand the test of time (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999). Having recognized the failure
of both the Legislative Council and the Nigerian Council in providing criticism of government
policies and a check upon official extravagance, Sir Hugh Clifford proposed substitution of
Nigerian Council with a new Legislative Council whose jurisdictions would at least covered the
whole South (Tamuno: 1967, p.120).
The search for a workable constitution in Nigeria started in1922 when the Clifford
constitution was enacted. Since then, the country has had as many as nine constitutions in its
political and constitutional history (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999). However, the Northern
Province was to be governed by the Governors proclamations. The difficulty involved in the
size of the country, poor transportation and communications, cultural diversity and legal
differences between the colony and the Islamized North were among reasons for the exclusion of
the Northern Province from the Legislative Council (Tamuno: 1967, p.121).
The Clifford constitution was important in that it embodied for the first time the principle
of election in Nigeria. Of the 46 members of the Legislative Council -27 unofficial and 19
official - four of the unofficial members were elected through limited male adult franchise; three
from Lagos and one from Calabar. The condition of election was the residential qualification of
one year in any of Lagos or Calabar and a gross annual income of 100 per annum (Olusanya:
1980, p.522). One major effect of the constitution was that it stimulated the formation of political
organizations in the country such as the NNDP (Afigbo: 2003, p. 52). This period also witnessed
the emergence of the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), formed by one of the foremost
nationalist, Herbert Macaulay which was succeeded by the National Council of Nigeria and the
Cameroons (NCNC) (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999).

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This constitution remained operative for 25 years which made it the longest constitution
ever in Nigeria, it also introduced, for the first time, the elective principle, provided an
opportunity for Nigerians, particularly the southern traditional and modern elites, to deliberate on
problems concerning their territory (Agbaje, Anifowoshe, etal, 1991). However, because the
North had no constitutional representation in the legislative council, the Constitution was
vehemently opposed. Pressure was mounted by the Nationalist movements and the West African
Students Union in London for constitutional reforms (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999).
The greatest weakness of the constitution was that the Legislative Council legislated only
for the Southern Provinces, i.e. the former Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigerian while
the Northern Provinces (the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria) were excluded where the Governor
continued to make laws for the Northern Provinces by proclamation. The groundwork for a new
constitution was later laid by Benard Bourdillon who was Governor of Nigeria between 1935 and
1943. His proposals for a new constitution could not be implemented however before his
departure from Nigeria in 1943. The new Governor, Sir Arthur Richards, completed work on the
new constitution and implemented it (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999).
The Richards constitution was aimed at promoting the unity of Nigeria, providing for the
diverse people of the country and securing greater participation by the people in the discussion of
their own affairs. The constitution balkanized the country into three Regions and established
Regional Houses of Assembly and House of Chiefs. Both the Western and Eastern Regions had a
unicameral legislature each consisting of only the House of Assembly, while the Northern
Region had a bicameral comprising a House of Assembly and a House of Chiefs (Akinboye and
Anifowose 1999).
The constitutional proposal was in response to the demand and agitation by some sections
of the country, particularly the more educated south for either self-government or more
participation in government. This opinion was articulated by the WASU and the NYM (Coleman:
1986, p. 271). He as well stressed that the proposals for the new constitution which was already
been prepared by the previous Governor, Bernard Bourdillon, was presented to the Legislative
Council of Nigeria on March 6, 1945.
Perhaps the most distinguished feature of Richard constitution was regionalism. It has
been argued that the inclusion of the principle of regionalism in the constitution was a
compromise between the radical regional separatists who preferred three strong states and the
federalists who wanted the Native authority system linked with the central parliament (Coleman:

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1986, p.276). Nevertheless, the stated objectives of the constitution as presented in a white Paper
were:
1. to promote the unity of Nigeria ;
2. to provide adequately within that desire for the diverse elements which make up the
country; and
3. to secure greater participation by Africans in the discussion of their own affairs
(Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255).
As observed by Coleman (1986: pp274-275), the introduction of regionalism seemed to
be attractive to the British for three reasons. First, the idea of regionalism would at least partially
assuage the nationalist agitation. Second, it would ensure that the Legislative Council did not
grow too large and unwieldy. Lastly, it would also serve as defense against a possible seizure of
central power by an educated minority in Lagos. The composition of the new Legislative
Council included the Governor, 16 official members and 28 unofficial members, 24 of whom
were nominated by the Governor and the remaining 4 elected. In addition to two official
members, the Northern Province was represented by nine unofficial members. The Western and
the Eastern Provinces were equally represented by two officials each and six unofficial and five
unofficial respectively (Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255).
Unlike previous constitutions, the Richard Constitution had a few advantages. First, the
constitution integrated both North and South for legislative purpose. Second, the income
qualification of the aspirants was reduced from 100 to 50. It was also a constitutional advance
for Nigeria as the Central Legislative Council was empowered to legislate for the whole country.
The constitution also introduced Regional Councils. While the Regional Council for the North
had two chambers (House of Assembly and House of Chiefs), the Western and Eastern had one
chamber each. Lastly, the creation of Regional Council brought government closer to the people
of Nigeria (Coleman, 1986). Agbaje, Anifowoshe, et al, (1991) noted that the Northern and
Southern leaders were brought together in one legislative house for the first time since the
amalgamation of 1914 and the federal idea was the most popular feature in the Constitution.
The major backlash of this constitution was that there was no proper consultation of the
indigenous people as promised by the previous Governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillon (Agbaje,
Anifowoshe, et al, 1991). They further stressed that Chiefs and Emirs should have been regarded
as official members and not unofficial members. Perhaps the worst criticism came from the
educated nationalists who claimed that they were excluded from the process and that the
constitution was an imposition on the country; nominations instead of elections was the primary

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method of selecting members and the governor had the sole responsibility for choosing the
unofficial members.
The Richards constitution was to last for nine years and was to be reviewed, first after
three, and then after six years. John Macpherson who succeeded Governor Richards in 1948, felt
that much constitutional progress had been made in Nigeria and he announced the need to
introduce changes in the constitution (Agbaje, Anifowoshe, et al, 1991). By March 1949 a
Selected Committee of Legislative Council was set up to make recommendations on the
proposed new constitution of Nigeria. Having examined the problems emanated from Richard
constitution, a wide consultation was made even to village level (Olusanya: 1980 p.530). Agbaje,
Anifowoshe, et al, (1991) noted that the review of Richards constitution was carried out at
various levels, i.e. in the villages, districts, emirates, divisions, and provinces; the draft proposals
were approved by the regional assemblies and the central legislative council before they were
submitted to the Governor and the Secretary of State for the Colonies in London.
The Macphersons constitution is unique in the sense that Nigerians fully participated in
its making (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999). The constitution introduced a single chamber
central Legislative House (known as the House of Representatives) and the executive Council for
the entire country. The constitution introduced bi-cameral legislature, the House of Assembly and
the House of Chiefs- into the Western and the Northern regions but only House of Assembly for
the Eastern region. Besides division of the country into three, the constitution also established
regional executive council for each region. The composition of the House of Representatives
comprised of the President (the Governor), six ex-officio members, One hundred and thirty six
elected members and six special members appointed by the Governor to represent interests not
adequately represented (Okonkwo: 1962, p.275).
Agbaje, Anifowoshe, et al, (1991) asserted that of the one hundred and thirty six elected
members, sixty eight were to come from Northern House of Assembly, thirty one from the
Western House of Assembly and three by the Western House of Chiefs, the remaining thirty four
were members of the Eastern House of Assembly. Elections were both direct and indirect
methods and only male tax-payers voted in the North, whereas both males and females voted in
the East and West.
One major advantage of Macpherson Constitution was that it increased the level of
participation of indigenous people (grassroots) in the government. For the first time, the number
of unofficial members in the House of Representatives was overwhelming. It is significant to
note that the number of unofficial elected members was far greater than unofficial nominated
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members. More importantly, the constitution provided much longing opportunity for Nigerian
nationalists to learn the art of constitution making. Lastly, the constitution ushered in the
formation of new political parties.
Yet, the constitution was not without a few shortcomings. First, it is true that the
constitution granted election principle; the franchise granted was limited by economic status and
sex. Second, the election into the Federal Legislative Council was through electoral process. This
was unsatisfactory to some politicians. The Governor still had power to veto any bill he deemed
inconsistent with general interests. Lastly, the constitution as argued by some disgruntled
politicians, further widen the ethnic relation gap in the country. But it should be noted that the
spate of ethnic chauvinism and regional divisions that followed the Macpherson Constitution was
orchestrated by the selfish politicians who bent on acquiring powers by all means. Hence, the
creation of the Action Group and Northern Peoples Congress were forged along ethnic lines
(Okonkwo, 1962).
Agbaje, Anifowoshe, et al, 1991 identified four major factors that led to the collapse of
the Macpherson constitution. First, the exclusion of Nnamdi Azikwe from the House of
Representatives; secondly, the crisis in the eastern house of assembly; thirdly, 1956 motion for
Nigerias self-government and lastly, the Kano riot of 1953.
In the heat of crisis looming the political landscape, the London Conference of 1953 was
converged. This Conference of 1953 in the words of Coleman (1986) was the most agreeable
constitutional deliberation that Nigerian nationalists would embrace before independence. The
conference agreed to allocate limited but specific power to the Federal Government while the
regions operated within residual list. The constitutional conference conveyed in 1957 ushered in
two momentous developments. The formal attainment of self-government by both the Eastern
and the Western regions on August 8 was approved. More importantly, there was creation of
national government by the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa in spite of
regionalization of the three major political parties- the AG, the NCNC and the NPC.
The Lyttletons constitution of 1954 was preceded by two constitutional conferences
aimed at reviewing the constitution. The importance of the Lyttletons constitution lay in the fact
that under it, Nigeria emerged as a federation with the three Regions independent of the centre.
In this regard, all legislative and executive powers were transferred to the Regions with some
exclusively reserved, and others in part for the centre (Akinboye and Anifowose 1999). Indeed,
both the Western and Eastern Regions achieved self-government on August 8, 1957, while the
North Region was to attain its own in 1959. Also significant is that the post of Prime Minister
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was established and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC),
parliamentary leader in Lagos, became the first occupant, with his installation on September 2,
1957. Thus, the way was cleared for the countrys independence in 1960 and Republic in 1963
(Akinboye and Anifowose 1999). A consensus was reached that the Northern Region should
achieve self-government on March 15, 1959 while Nigeria should attain independence on
October 1, 1960.
THE MELEE AND CONQUEST FOR INDEPENDENCE IN NIGERIA
Notable in history of freedom from the shackles of colonial imperialism are the frontiers
of this quest who are nationalist movements, civil societies, traditional societies, charismatic
individual, etc. Before sliding into the headway towards Nigerias independence, there is need to
succinctly look into the most pertinent and encompassing term which combines all others when
discussing agitation for independence; nationalism. Nationalism is a term generally used to
describe two phenomena: first, the attitude which members of a nation have when they care
about their national identity; and second, the actions that the members of a nation take when
seeking to sustain self-determination. The term has therefore been defined as loyalty and
devotion to a nation, especially a sense of national consciousness exalting one nation above all
others and placing primary emphasis on the promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to
those of other nations or supranational groups (http://www.merriamwebster.com...).
Chukwu (2000:114), on the other hand sees the term as a patriotic feeling which
brings an oppressed, but related people together to demand for their independence. It is often
found rooted and promoted by the presence of another superior power. In the words of
Nwabughuogu (2004:4), nationalism is defined as strong devotion to ones own country,
patriotic feelings, efforts, principles a consciousness on the part of individuals or groups of
membership in a nation, or a desire to forward the strength, liberty or prosperity of a nation.
Chikendu (2004:48) sees the term as a sentiment and activity directed towards the creation of
a nation and the attainment of independent statehood, while in Omolewa (1986:182), it is
defined as the love and pride in a country shown by its people.
In the Nigerias context, however, nationalism connotes the devotion of some elite groups
(the nationalists) in advocating for the political emancipation of Nigerians from colonial yoke. It
created in Nigerians a national feeling or consciousness which disposes them to think as a
distinct group and fight a common cause (Ubaku et al, 2014). He further identified different
types of nationalism. Some of them include Civic Nationalism, Ethnic Nationalism, Left-wing
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Nationalism (occasionally known as socialist nationalism), Proto-nationalism, Ultra-nationalism,

Diaspora Nationalism, and Anti-colonial Nationalism, etc.
Civic nationalism as noted by Nash (2001) is the form of nationalism in which the state
derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry from the degree to which
it represents the will of the people. It is a kind of non-xenophobic nationalism compatible with
liberal values of freedom, tolerance, equality, and individual rights. Ethnic nationalism on the
other hand, is the type of nationalism that defines the nation in terms of ethnicity, which always
includes some elements of descent from previous generations. It also includes ideas of a culture
shared between members of a group with common ancestors and language. Membership of the
nation is hereditary in this type of nationalism, and also the state derives political legitimacy
from its status as homeland of the ethnic group, and from its duty to protect the national group
and facilitate its family and social life, as a group (Ubaku et al, 2014).
Left-wing nationalism refers to any political movement that combines left-wing politics
with nationalism. Proto-nationalism, on the other hand, refers to the nationalism that existed
prior to the foundation of a nation-state. Ultra-nationalism is a zealous nationalism that expresses
extremist support for ones nationalist ideals. It is often characterized by authoritarianism, efforts
towards support or stoppage of immigration, expulsion and/or oppression of non-native
populations within the nation or its territory, predicating the existence of threats to the survival of
the native, militarism, populism, and propaganda. This type of nationalism is usually
characterized as a call to war against enemies of the nation/state, secession or in the case of
genocide (Ubaku et al, 2014).
Diaspora nationalism refers to nationalist feeling among a people in Diaspora such as the
Jews around the world after their expulsion from Jerusalem. This sort of nationalism acts as
phantom bedrock for people who want to experience a national connection, but wouldnt actually
want to leave their Diaspora community. This type of nationalism involves members of a
Diaspora who are no longer resident in their national or ethnic homeland. Anti-colonial
nationalism is a form of nationalism experienced during the decolonization of the post war
period. It was a reaction mainly of Africans and Asians against being subdued by foreign powers.
It took many appearances. This form of nationalism is grounded in the experience of literate and
bilingual indigenous intellectuals fluent in the language of imperial powers, schooled in its
national history, and staffing the colonial administrative cadres up to but not including its highest
levels (Anderson, 1983). It was witnessed in Nigeria, India, Ghana, Democratic Republic of
Congo, Malawi (formerly Nyasaland), and Ceylon (now Sri-Lanka), etc, during the colonial era.
15 | P a g e

What became known as nationalist movement in Nigeria or Nigerian nationalism after the
amalgamation of 1914 had its roots prior to the amalgamation. Olusanya (1980:545) concurs to
this when he wrote that, the emergence of Nigerian nationalism predated the establishment of
effective British rule over the whole country now known as Nigeria. This is because, the various
areas which now constitute modern Nigeria were acquired at different times and certain forces
and conditions favouring the emergence of the nationalist idea were already at work before 1914
when Nigeria became an administrative unit.
Ubaku et al, (2014) noted that there was non-cooperation with the British in trade, and
wars were fought against the British. Examples of such wars include the Aro-Anglo war of 19011902 which took place following the resistance the Aro and their allies mounted against the
increasing penetration of the British that challenged their powers which had extended across
Eastern Nigeria and beyond; the Benin expedition of 1897 which occurred following the refusal
of King Ovonranmen to sign a British treaty which tended to make Benin a British Colony, and
his subsequent placement of trade embargo on the Benin River which affected the trading
activities of the British traders; the Ijebu war of 1892 which broke out following the refusal of
the Awujah- Chief of Ijebu Ode (the capital of Ijebu Kingdom)- to lift the blockade of the trade
route from the interior into Lagos (a crown colony by this period); and the Aniocha war fought as
part of Ekumeku movement of 1883-1914 which was directed towards the rising power of the
Royal Niger Company of the British Empire. There were equally some roles played by King Jaja
of Opobo in opposing the desire of the British traders to have a direct access into his hinterland
knowing fully that the basis for his power rested on his control over the hinterland palm oil
markets. This brought about a quarrel between Jaja and the British leading to his banning of all
trade with the British.
Nationalist movement in Nigeria, after the 1914 amalgamation, brought about the
emergence of political organizations whose various activities contributed tremendously to the
actualization of Nigerias independence. They continuously served as vehicles that aired the
grievances, expressions, and the aspirations of Nigerians, contributed in creating political
consciousness among Nigerians. Some of them had newspapers, which served them. These
newspapers played significant roles in sensitizing the general public on the situation of the
country. They also made public the views of the members of their organizations.
An example of these organizations was a branch of the National Congress for British
West Africa (NCBWA) created in Nigeria following the formation of the organization in 1920
(Ubaku et al, 2014). Crowder, (1966) asserts that NCBWA contributed to nationalists movement
16 | P a g e

by sending a petition to the secretary of State for colonies making the following demands: the
establishment of a legislative council in each of the British West African Territories with half of
its members being elected Africans; African veto over taxation; that appointment and deposition
of chiefs be left in the hands of the people; separation of the judiciary from the legislative branch
of the government; abolition of racial discrimination in civil service; development of municipal
government; repeal of certain obnoxious ordinances; regulation of the immigration of Syrians
and other non-Africans; and the establishment of a University in West Africa. The result of this
petition was the incorporation of the elective principle in the new constitution that was developed
for Nigerians in 1922. This gave Nigerians the opportunity to be elected into the legislative
council.
Another political organization that emerged during this period was the Nigerian National
Democratic Party (NNDP) whose formation on 24 June 1923 by Herbert Macaulay. The
organization had been formed to contest in the elections of that year. It was served by its
newspaper known as Lagos Daily News. The organization championed national cause by
criticizing the colonial government over income tax of 1927, the appointment and deposition of
chiefs ordinances, the reform of provincial courts, and the extension of indirect rule system to
Lagos. In addition, the organization demanded from the colonialists for the development of
Nigerias resources and equal economic opportunities for Nigerians. It also demanded for
compulsory education and the development of higher education institutions in Nigeria. This
contributed to the establishment of Yaba High College in 1932 thereby marking the emergence of
higher education institutions in Nigeria (Ubaku et al, 2014).
The Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), an organization described by Coleman (1986) as
the nucleus of Nigerias first genuine nationalist organization, is another political organization
that equally emerged during this period. Olusanya (1980) pointed out that the movement turned
into a national organization in 1938, the Nigerian Youth Movement was formerly the Lagos
Youth Movement which was an organization formed in 1934 to organize opposition against the
Yaba High College. Its aim was to develop a united nation out of the diverse elements, which
were found in the country. Served by its own newspaper; Lagos Daily Service, the Nigerian
Youths Movement contributed to the nationalists struggles by advocating for free education,
the separation of the judiciary from the executive, universal adult suffrage, protection of
Nigerians against unequal economic competition, better conditions of service, and higher
executive appointments for Africans in the administrative branch of the civil service
(Olusanya, 1980).
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The organization condemned all unpopular policies throughout the country; agitated
against the ban on the exportation of palm kernels from the western province; and demanded for
the representation of all provinces in the legislative council. As noted by Nwabuaku (2013), the
organization also fought against the cocoa pool act of 1938 which was a strategy adopted by the
foreign firms with the principal aim of keeping down the prices of Cocoa. It also encouraged the
formation of trade unions.
In a similar vein, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) also emerged.
Upon its emergence, the political organization contributed to nationalist movement. Formed on
26 August, 1944, with the aim of achieving internal self-government for Nigeria, the
organization was led by Herbert Macaulay, and Nnamdi Azikiwe as the president, and the
secretary respectively. Its newspapers; West African Pilot, and The Comets served it. Cameroon
was included in the partys name following the desire of the Cameroonian Association in Lagos
to affiliate with the new movement. However, by 1959, the partys name was changed to
National Council of Nigerian Citizens (Ubaku et al, 2014).
The contributions of the organization to nationalist movement were mostly felt after
World War II. During this period, it called for self-government. Its newspapers particularly, West
African Pilot, played a significant role in creating political awareness among Nigerians. It carried
out hostile campaigns against colonial administration. This could account for the reason why an
English journalist wrote after a visit to Nigeria in 1945 of a revolutionary native press whose
activities pose threat to the stability of the British Empire of Nigeria (Winchester, 1945).
The NCNC during its period devoted itself to the constitutional proposals presented by
Sir Arthur Richards to the legislative council. These proposals were received with hostility by the
organization and it concluded that the proposals had not met the post-war reforms anticipated by
Nigerians, which ranges from immediate self-government to ample accommodation of the
educated elites in government (Ubaku, et al, 2014). Consequently, several organizations and
groups began to protest against the constitution, leading the protest; the organization toured the
length and breadth of Nigeria stimulating the people. It equally sent some delegates to London to
demand for reforms. This goal however was not achieved, a development which made the
organization to enter into a dormant phase and it resurfaced on the Nigerian political
environment in 1951 with the emergence of the Northern Peoples Congress, and the Action
Group.
Apart from political organizations and newspapers, there equally emerged professional
unions during this period. Some of them therefore include the Railway Workers Union formed in
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1932, the Post and Telegram Workers Union, the Marine Workers Union, the Public Works
Department Workers Union, the Fishermens Association formed in Lagos in 1937, the Taxi
Drivers Union formed in 1938, the Wholesalers Builders Union formed in 1939, the Women
Sellers Union formed in 1940, the Nigerian Students Union formed in 1939, the Night Soil
Removers Union formed in 1942, and the Canoe Transport Union formed in 1938, etc (Falola, et
al, 1991). These unions in one way or the other contributed to the nationalist movement in
Nigeria.
In the wake of serious agitation for self-government by organizations and political
parties, the British Colonialists organized federal elections (which were fought on party lines)
into the House of Representatives in December, 1959. In addition, there were the appointments
of the members of the newly created legislative chamber, the senate. Furthermore, there also
emerged a coalition government comprising of both the NCNC and NPC. Consequently, the
NPC, due to the fact that it got the highest number of votes, produced the prime minister (thereby
emerging as the senior partner of the coalition), while the NCNC produced the president of the
senate. The AG was in opposition (Ubaku, et al, 2014).
In a motion passed by the Federal House of Representatives, in January 1960, an appeal
was made to the British crown to grant independence to Nigeria from October 1, 1960.
Consequently, an independence act was subsequently passed by the United Kingdoms
parliament, which received Royal Assent. In September 1960, the constitution of Nigeria
(otherwise known as the Nigerian Order in Council), which set up the Independent Federation of
Nigeria consisting of the three existing regions (eastern, western, and the northern regions), was
approved. The constitution also recognized Lagos as the Federal Capital Territory of the
Independent Federation of Nigeria. However, on October 1, 1960, Nigeria became a sovereign
nation within the Commonwealth. The last British Governor-General of the country, Sir James
Robertson, was later succeeded by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. Consequently, Azikiwe, also known as
Zik of Africa, became the first and only indigenous Governor-General of the federation of
Nigeria.

CONCLUSION
This paper has attempted to examine the road-map and impacts of the nationalist
movement in actualizing Nigerian independence. These were revealed from the contributions of
the Nigerian nationalists in their struggle to liberate the country from the nefarious claws of
colonialism. As divulged in this paper, however, the struggle had its first phase in the early
19 | P a g e

resistance mounted against the British penetration into the various territories that were later
brought together to form a single political entity, by the native inhabitants. These inhabitants
never believed that they required British protection to continue living. They equally wanted to be
free to live their lives as they chose. After the imposition of effective British rule, however, the
resistance struggle continued against foreign rule. This struggle sometimes was passive,
sometimes diplomatic and constitutional, and sometimes violent. It was first directed towards
equality, justice, and participation in government, and subsequently assumed the dimension of
campaigns for Nigerias independence.
Nationalist movement in Nigeria brought about the emergence of political parties,
students and youth organizations, newspapers which laid the foundation for journalism in the
country; the emergence of higher education institutions which provided Nigerians with the
opportunity to acquire higher education; the emergence of political organizations and
associations which provided Nigerians with the opportunity to participate in the political affairs
of their country; the emergence of professional unions; the establishment of a federal structure of
government; and constitutional reforms which laid the foundation for the subsequent
constitutional reforms experienced after independence.
The question we need to ask ourselves at this juncture is that to what extent has Nigerian
leaders make positive use and impact of the agitated freedom? it is pitiable to note that those
who fought for independence, i.e. student organizations, market women, organized labour
unions, professional organizations, etc. have been at the receiving end and has mostly felt the
decay posed by their leaders, hence, cut-off from the polity. With the new set of ruthless political
leaders, who are having their ways in Africas socio-economic and political landscape, not only
personalize power but also privatized the state for the purpose of primitive accumulation,
clientelism, narcissistic and egotistical repression and all forms of opposition. Instead of using
the state for initiating development, African leaders utilized it as a vehicle for terrorizing the
citizenry, thereby leading to the disengagement of the populace from the public realm.
For the labour of the Nationalist / heroes past not be in vain, this paper recommends that
Nigerian leaders should look inwardly at the core objectives and purposes at which the struggle
for independence was geared towards. Some of which were for equity, unity, development,
promotion of ethical values amongst others; hence, there is need for collective governance and
administration, good governance and administration, equity, fairness and justice as well as
respect for the rule law. Nigerian leaders should as well exhibit the good traits embedded in the
character and leadership styles of the past heroes.

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