408 ‘The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World defined, bat 1 would imagine that an archangel and even an ordinary angel, ina heavenly ondo saluations, would take precedence of any meve human, exept of course for the Virgin, who occupied an anomalous position, unique song. females, analogous wo that ofan Augusta in the Roman impenalhicrarchy. I's perhaps less often realised thatthe dhabolic sphere might equally be concetved as organised in an order of rank, reproducing that of the terrestial and the hicavenly regions. I ned only quote one piece of evidence for this. Paladins writing his Historic Lawics in 419-20, records some interesting information he had received froma number af leading Fgypeion monks (cronies, Hirse snd others) intimates thei youth ofthe great Antony. the fist (or onc ofthe fis) of the Christian hermits and 4 man of unrivaled prestige among the caly ‘monks, who had died in 356. Accoeding to Antony, a man possersed by an uthoriative dean (an acho pina) wan once rong om be cured; but the holy man refused eo deal with him, on the ground that ‘he himself had not yet been counted worthy of power over this commanding rank (age archontikon: Hist. Laus. xxi, ed C. Butler, p.73.10-14) He advised that hem ‘be taken to Paul th Simple, who eventually drove out the demon: i became {dragon 70 cubits long, and disappeared into the Red Sea, (This was 2 dragon larger even, perhaps, than the one disposed af, with ite difficulty. by Doratss, bishop of Euroea in Epirus, forthe removal ofthe corpse oF which eight yoke of ‘xen were required according to Sazomen, HE VIL26.1-3,) I may ade that ‘Antony the original source ofthe story inthe Historia Lausac, was an Egyptian Peasant, who, 2though his family had cen quite well-to-do (sce Athan” Vita ‘Ant. 1,2), as ilterat and unable to speak Greck (id 1,16, 72. 74,77; Pala, Hist. Laws xx, pp. 48-8). When Paul che berm died, tas to Antony tha: two lions came, to dig tie erenit’s yrave (Jerome, Vita Pal 6), vil The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane @ ‘Terror, and propaganda In this chapter 1 propose to illustrate the way im which the cass strugg conducted on the ideological plane. For any overt expression of the poin of View ofthe oppressed classes there is unfortunately very lite evidence indecd \weshall look at som ofiein Section v below, The natacof the evidence ssuch that we must resign ourselves to spending nearly al our timeon the deological class warfare (il may callie that) of the dominant classes, T shall waste litle time on the simplest form of psychological propaganda, which merely teaches the governed tht hey have no real option anyway butte Submit this tends tobe intellectually uninteresting, however elfecave it may hhave boon in practic, and consists merely of the that of free. It was parti- ularly common, of cours, in its sppication v0 shaves, “You will pot restrain that scum except by terror” said the Roman lawyer, Gaius Cassius, 0 the nervous senators during the debate on sihether there should be the tational mass execution ofall the 40 urban saves of Pedanius Secundus, the Prafecs Ubi, who had been murdered by one of his slaves i A.D. 61. "The execution was duly carried out, in spite ofa vigorous protest by the common people of Rome, who demonstated violently for te relaxation ofthe savage ancent rake (Tac. Ann, XIV 42-5)~ which, by the way, wast helaw inthe legislation of the Christian Emperor Justinian five centuries late." Pin’ eters we hear of the similar murder in the first years of the second century ofthe ex-practor Lircius Macedo (Fp. ILxiv. 1-3). The slaves were quickly executed. Pliny’s comments are worth quoting, especially since he desribes Macedo (himself the son of freedman) as an overbearing and cul master’ (§ 1)."You sce.” be sys nervously (§ 8) how many dangers insults and mockeries we arelisbe to. No _master can be safe because hes indulgene and kindly, for masters perish not by the exercise of their daves" reasoning faculty but because oftheir wickedness (non iadiio «sel lee), These are othe indications inthe Rterature of the Principate that slaveowners lived in perpetual fear of thet saves (er em Griffin, Senecs 267, citing Sen., De clon. Lexiv-1 etc). The latest literary feference Thave come across co masters ear of being murdered and robbed by their slaves is in one of St. Augustine's sermons, in the early fifth eemary (Sem. CXILA, in MPL. XXXVIIL650). Slave revolis, of course, were mercilessly punished: we hear from Appian (BC 1.120) ofthe crucifixion ofthe sx thousand Expcured followers of Spartacus along the Via Appia from Rome vo Capua, on the suppression of thegreatrevole of B.C. 73-71. To avoid sucks fate, ebelious410 The Class Struggle inthe slaves often either Fought to the death or killed each other? cate itis objected, {uite righty, that such cruel were Roman rather than Greek, let me empha sise the way in which che Greek geographer Strabo deals with the Spanish Cltberians, who, on being captured and crucified by dhe Romans, sil pain zon, went on shouting for victory from the cross: this, ro Strabo. was merely another proof of their aponoia and agrits, their senslessnese and: savagery (iLiv.18, p.165), However, I most admit that Stabo's mind had been tho oughly infected with admiration of Roman imperaim (se e.g. VLiv.2 fir, 1.258; XVHLii.26 mi. p.39), The passage Ihave just quoted reminds one of another, in Salle, where the admied hereism and steadfastness of the revol= tionaries who followed Catiline to their deaths in 63 B.C. is ssen only 35 evidence of their pig-headedness and heir urge to destroy both themselves and the state, amounting to 'a disease ke plagoe which had usurped the minds of ‘most citizens (Cat. 36.45) The Greeks. among whom sheer cold-blooded crcl towards the victims of their civilisation —saves,eriminals, and conquered peoples ~ was on the whole _much les pronounced than among the Romans, natarally acquired many ofthe characteristics of their Roman masters, inclading even a taste for gladntrial splays, which are known to have cecurred inthe Greck East from atleast 70, B.C..* when the Roman genecal Leclls provided such combats on 3 grea scale they were subsequently presented by Greck notables who could afford the ‘expense, and they became very popular Even fenle qlalisters sppested Louis Robert's bazer comment is very apt ‘La socieé grecqu a éré gangrenée par cette maladie venue de Rome. C’st un des succes de la romanisaton du monde gree.” Mommsen wrote with equal detestation of this “sbominable ‘entertainment, describing its 2 "cancerous aficton’* In matters where evidence lasting over thousands of years is availabe from many different haman societies, i isoften very dangerous to generale; but t least ic seems to be rue of many slave societies tae ruthless treatment ofthe slave (ifonly asa last resort, and combined with rewards for the obedient and faighfal slave) is most likely to maietan that insiation in being and make it serve its purpose best. There is more than alle ruth in the romark ofthe cxcslave Frederick Douglse, “Beat and cuff your slave, keep him hungry and spiridless, and he will follow the chain of his master lke a dog; bur fee and cloth him wel, ~ work him moderasly surround im with physial como “and dreams of fcdom intrude. Give him ahd maser and he aspitesto a good smater: give him a good master, and he wishes to become his urn master’ ee Stampp. PI89). On the other hand, thas recently been claimed (i as some have plausibly argued, with mach exaggeration) that even in the Amencan Old South theslaveowners relied very much upon incentives and rewards, 25 wells punishment (Fogel and Engerman, TCl, 147-53, 230-42 ef. 228-32) and yet they made far less use than the Greeks and Romane of what one might think to be the supreme incentive to the slaveto aby his masters wishes: manumission (ibid. 150-1), Genovexe's just apprsal of the evidence for American slave revolts ~ which i surprisingly scanty ~ and other forms of resistance has well shown how slaves may in certain ciscumstances be induced to accommodate themselves in some degre tothe system that exploits thems (RJR S76), es, 587-98, 613-21, 64857). And ofcourse slaves who are allowed to rear fanaiics cent Greek World VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (i) 411 thereby become subject to one ofthe most ing forms of contol eich master fn have over them: the trea of breaking up the fami (al above § 1 ‘Amore sophstiated form of tlologi cls stage was the tempt oF dlomanantclsss to pervade thow they exploed to accep thet OPpHSSe enditon without pret f posible cven to rjc nt. According t0 An {nenus of Tarentun, a pup Of Aristo, was lag dovimby the Pythagorean ‘Chool tht jst as rulers ought co be human. philatnspt aswell 3 versed the seine of rl, so dally cir sdb ouehe not onto obey them bat like them ~to be philarchovtes® Another mteresting word which sby no means tuncommon s pildeyto,mastetloving™. Inthe Archit age the aristocratic poet Theogn beived tae you kick the "empy-headed demos (he mass of ople) hard enough you Ean reduc to that desable condition (ines ie. V-tahove apd itn. 16) A Syran pbc slave t Sprain the Roman Trcideology of ruling cls ito present self and eo hose it rus coberent world view that suffice) euble, comprekensive and matory 4 cove Vince the subordinate lasses ofthe stir oft hegemony.” Governing esses fave often been succesfel i achivang tis in At Rodney Fain hus sad orthe most pat inso ar asonchascrience atl, the rligidcas of eceva peatans seer to have been the ess ofthe rules of sity as transmitted 0 Trem in innumerable sermons abou te dies and the characteristic sie othe terloay orders of octery (EPLMA 1), Those who dmapprovof tetccnigurn Tn refering to tay cll them bramwshings hose who employ them will eject such terms with righteous indignation and may pre ert speak Of & process ofenlightenment by which those who serve the community sma bumble Uopaity ae enabled to achieve a more profound understanding of socal ray Those ofus who teach in universities ofen think in such rms, for s university ina clase society lke ours, among cr things place where the governing Clas secks to propagate nd perptsste its cology “The most common form of the type of propa which sceks co persuade the poor tne ty are not really Bed to read that this is much beter left to herbert” (she bet peopl’ a Blin, a Greek {geclemon liked eo call hemselves) those who have been rained ford job 3nd fave the leisure fo devote themselves thoroughly tof. Inthe ancient Greve World this demand is sometimes made guite unashamedly on behalf of the properted class assuch "Sometimes iis ted oan even smaller croft Eendcney there ar two outtanding examples. Fret, ther ithe claim made by dritocrts thatthe essential qualiction for eling i» noble bith (oF which property sof coursean inevitable accompaniment sce i and is. 5). OF his Find of meatalty we have aleady note some example, from Theoges particular (gee V.rabove). Secondly, when goverment by 3 dye of one oF nore vell-bom families had become shmost extinct over a are part of the Greek world, we begin to find che asetion, familiar everyone fom Plato shove al, hat ruling should be the prerogative of those who have the night kind ofntlleceal equipment and have recaveda proper philosophical education. In practice needles to 52. virtual all such men would be members of the roperted clas, Pato would no doubs have denied, a8 many ot his modern [mirers have dan, that he was advocating oligatehy according tothe normal ware considering is that412 The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World _meaning of thatterm (which he knew very well f,ILiv above); but this sn ‘only in the sens that he did not wish ccesa to political power tbe given tod ole properice cass a uch, (In Laws V.742e, anche ft declares, ina ater uated Way, tataman cnn bh oad an very ch, andthe goes say explicitly that anyone who is outstandingly sich cannot be outstanding 00d, and cannot be happy either! Pato himel ofcourse, wat wot one of the richest Athenians.) In fact Plato would have entrusted all poliial power to ‘those men who were in his opinion intllecualy qualified foc ruling and had received fll philosophical edueation and tach men would necessarily have wo ‘belong to the propertied clas. For Plato, any kind of work that interfered with the leisure necesary forthe practice ofthe at of government was a disguaific tion for membership of his goweming cls: this i true both ofthe ideal state Pictured inthe Republic and ofthe second-best’ state described inthe Law, and also of the more theoretical discussion of the at of ruling in the Poli (or ‘Siatesman)# The notion that manual work, because it ‘weakens the body" (5 Greek gentlemen evidently supposed), therefore weakens the mind. may have been commonplace of the Socratic circle: it is very clealy expressed in Xenophon. Orca. 1V.2, and therein reason to thnk that it was invented by Plato. But Plato has this conception mn an intensified form: for him, mantal work can actively degrade the mind, This comes out very well in fiscnating passage in the Republic (VL495e-6), describing the fearful consequences which ae likely to follow if ‘unworthy snterlopers” meddle with such high affairs 2s philosophy — and therefore govemment, reserved by Plato for gentlemen philosophers. Unpleasant as itis from beginning to end. thse a dazaling piece Ofinvective. Plo thinks deplorable whew any poor creature who has proved his clevemers in ome mechan eat secs Ihese an opening fora pretnsous ply of highrsounving wondrand pad tobreae ef he pmol rae dake payin se psa. For inher pesoge,cosughostrsra nnd fsa war, whore solos ico drudgery has varped ard maimed wo lew surely than ther celery cas ha 'isigured derbies. Foe ll de world they ar ike sone bald-headed le nee (halen: hats katona), wh, avin cone at same money, hs jst got out oF Prison had ood wanh cheba, and dressed mst upasa beeper realy marry his master’s daughter, who hse been ee oor sod fies Could hee oF ‘ich a mal eer be anything but coserptbe asters? Andy by the sme token arson of es and opin win beotten ofthe midiunof Phonon ei ‘en incapable culture? Not any ere-bom chide wind: the only ght are them wil sophistry: (Uhave made te of Comfordy transition Ic was of course the development of Greek democracy, especialy in its ‘Atheman form, where it depended very much onbald-headed litle tnkers and their like, thar impelled Placo, an arch-enemy of democracy, to launch ths tirade agains the sort of person on whom it was so dependent, But Plato was ell aware ofthe realte of the poiial clase struggle of his own day: he knew ‘only too well char (ashe saysin the Republic, IV 4220-3} cere was in cach Greck city a basic division into two groups, hostile (pelemia) 0 eachother the one of the poor, the other of the rich (f- IL above). The two states he depicts inthe Republic and che Laws were both designed, among other ends, to overcome this fundamental disunity VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (iy 413 “The physical defects Plat atsibutesto his tinker remind oneieresbubl ofthe carl portrat which we have i Greek, and perhaps in any mgaage of the Popular agitator: that of Themen eho dares to speak ow agar King ‘Agammenmnen inthe ascmbly of th Greek ary besiging Troy. Book Hat the ial ines 211-79) Three al for sang home and ving Agamerinon dna bisnobl endo find out forthemsctveshow dependent iy ely ar the ran and er and he makes pest play wih the ge char of spas, n gold tne bron and women, that the king receives fom the hort. Bs ome i ot Br allan hie side he represents che bulk ofthe army (plas, Ene 27) 35 disapproving strongly ofhisseious speech and as breaking no 2ppain ad lamghner when the great Odysseus thumps him on the back ou shoulders wis I golden seeptre and makes him subuide weeping no hisses nes 35-7) ‘Ane Hlomer bas atflly earicatured this prowondemszoguc be deseibes Thet= Stes not merely aan frre man who, when he lt inined bat is royal masters, was ever at alors fr some vulgar quip, cmpey and serious indond. bat wel calculated amuse the oops’, but also atti an that thd come co Troy: he hada gave for and was bandyIggcts Ws roundel Shoulders alot met scocbis chest andabove them rot anepe-atape ned, tehich sprouted 2 fw short hain (Ihave wed Ri’ tanta of Hes 31219) Tht 2d thatthe anstcratc sock for which the Homeric poems ‘ner composed wouldhave regarded Oden braltreatinent of Thess Feely right and proper, sn character of rest man. Ate cae inthe {ne bookof the Mad (188-208) wend eh same hero's courteous bebaviour ‘heans and leading men contrat with hi violence and contumely wars ommoncre (men othe démr) who veneured wo take nlependen ation sch ten he Bdgeoned sd sbuned, adzonishing them shut up and drt dr tetters The spect Homer gives im ond with he famous won °A oie Of citi ood thet there be one oe. “There fs much her matril of is Kind notably fom Avsuophanes (ct my OPW 135 fF}, There w evee > pace Jewish ieeatore which, under th atce of Helene nought, ers {erie which wouldhavesrarmned tc hearts of Pats Arona only he fman who. hay lure ral worker te Carpesner, the abamaker, th si apd the potter, whose pursuit areadet= Aristotle, for whom the slave is essentially an “animate tool” (empaychor arom: see IL.if above and its n. 12), says most explicitly that some men are slaves by natute*although he has to admit chat ot all those who ae in practice slaves oF free men are by nature slave or fee respectively,” For the ‘slave by nature’ he thinks i x beter that he be subjected to 2 master; for such a man slavery is both beneficial and just* He docs nox actully say that all barbarians are slaves by nature, bute quotes current Greck opinions ta that effect without lexpressing disapproval We can ccreinly say that in Aristotle's view "bat- barians are slaves by nature’, provided we remember that for him what i according tonatureisnot necessarily what occutsin every case's what occurs ‘asa general rule (epitopol) thats most in acord withthe course of mature’ ashe himself puts it one of his geeat zoological works.” And in Book VII ofthe Politics, after prescribing forthe lands ofthe Greck proprietors inhi ideal state to be tilled by slaves (who are evidently conceived a barbarians), he goes on VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (i) ANT saat tho would nor be acl sacs (ough cay mg be hae Taye eld Tee) but who would ceraily not cay nyo he ght of eee ns Falls Malo and sm 9-53 blow Tlaceswnce ofthe ews ld by Plo ad itt on ‘nats slavery was nicely express more vividly than by ether of them an abo By do Virgina Uebminr, George Ferhuah, publat in 1854 Some mn te Bom seth Aes ths ache others howe ad spo hers he ig Ipes ten gen (chug mt have fon qunting contracting. some famous words spoken esa in 19 by the Engl ral. Ricki Rubel shook, fearing i te remarkable ada dite of Sri fr the Soh orth Fa fre Sse rape the eso he pores BY he ‘ceo the OH Suh ag a td Ge hem cronal si inbaman eaten by tke Noreen fan owns of diet bed Bouter Sines Ftsnah maintain, ver ie oF mer erm ser swank’) fo his Pcie, ater apoliing for having employed in bis aviv woud Saology he contin, Weal, however tier in the whole nme othe Engl guage, that would ee ey Canvey the Wea which we wished co cxprss” Speaking or the Vega slave Sth pe wt arene deme ee fappy cecmptin or sciatic that hacia poopy psig te Polis has pricy increing the ne ich ‘Artrl givsthe lve thr alsa shoul offered eran oF ama Sancipany be proms to ive his reasons later, But unfortunatly never dove so! I read thir advice with eather peers expan how the ave fan bone om hs ssocanon with fe mane we may see a ERY ces St the idl level, wath hth ofthe tape of Prk ar She th na plans nko) a modern Waster inypern, The serene Pins which corespods wt with theo ot ar Grek ft ornan} mies eatin hich Ant dis hve rar balay to the man wo dose not serve obs sone of asey oF 38 Sve mighty den tha the man who doveno ere tober Miveall = Thi and not thetheory of naturasvery bear desta ‘ew of thinking suveownerin Hellenic and Roman tae, ax we shal son Tero of ths shaper Even bre Anson wroe tow ad been proves uns the bypotbes otra avery a conta iSfberans oe nauraly inferior to Groce" although of cour th Brat Iraj of Grecks and Romans aways tok i for granted thatthe. wee {ately super to arbarane’- and thsi arly changed in Chri ffnes As Tae athe begining of the fit sontury of our cra the devout Chinn poet Prades could sy that there x gos dance beeen the vor of ome and tha of te burbaran: tm din man evween biped and quadrupeds, harman snd dumb bre, Che pagans (Sym 86-0). "Th cory of ataral avery" nde snot tal prominent in antigay afer Arist’ time. and whet ds reappear tony pied prop eather than individuals, Ths may ben mercy thetoreal camtext, hen Ce StigmatnesJows and Syaraas'pooles urn or slavery (De cm. 103, But suggest we418 The Class Struggle inthe Ancient Greek World We also find it seriously sated by a speaker (Laetus) in Cicero's dialogue, De republic (1.24/36, ef. 25/37), that a maton can bene rom being in a tate of complete political subjection ~ (errs, iterally slavery?) ~to another (sce my ECAPS 18 and 1,52). There were, however, some distant but powerful echocs of the ‘natural slavery’ theory in much later times, when it played a highly significant role in Cristian Spain nthe controversy conceming the rightfulnss Fenslaving negroes, and the Indians of the Caribbean and Centraland Southern America in the fifteenth century onwards, Ie was, Ibelieve, a Scottish profesor a Paris, John Major, who in 1510 frst applied the Anistorian doctrine of natural slavery to the American Indians And atthe great debate ordered by (Charles V at Valldolid in 1530, co decide whether Christian Spaniards might lawfully wage war upon Indians and enslave them, before even preaching the Faith to them, Aristote’s doctrine was accepted in principle by both the leading slsputans: the great scholar Juan Ginés de Sepalveda and the Franciscan far Bareolomé de Is Casas. The principal point of disagreement, it scems, wat simply the factual question whether or nor che indians were ‘natural slave it ‘was hardly questioned that negroes were. (The main book in English on this topic, by Lewis Hanke, on which Lam mainly relying bere. bears che delight title, Anitetle and he American Indios! Ie things lke this which give point to the remark of Engels chat ancient slavery, even afier its disappearance, left bbchind its ‘poisonous sting" (OFPPS ch, vi sce MESW'S40) ‘Anyone who is astonished atthe acceptance of 2 doctrine so intellecrually slisreputableas that of natural slavery should reflect ot only upon modern racist. parallels but also upon certain other conceptions which ae equally disreputable from the intellectual point of view but are widely accepted today because they ae so convenient from the point of view of a ruling class, {suggest 25 one patallel the extension ofthe expression the Free World to inciude countries like South Africa and a number of South and Cental American dictatorships. while ‘excluding allthe Commons counties have said nothing here about the postion most apposed to the theory of ‘natural slavery’: hat slavery was not merely ‘not according to Natur” (ow ht physin) but actully ‘contrary £0 Nature (para physn). For this postion, for ‘which we have evidence from the fourth century B.C. fom Philo of Alexandra in the early part of the frst century of the Christan era, and in the Roman lawyers ofthe second ro he sixch century, sce the nent section ofthis chapter. Gi ‘The standard Hellenistic, Roman and Christian attitude to slavery From the Helles pviod onwards, Grck and Roman tought on he subject, of slavery, with badly an exception, provides set of uninspited variations on single cheme: that de state of lavery= like poverty and war, ot liberty ches and peace~is the result of accident, of Fortune rather than of Nature ahd that it isa matter of indifference affecting exterals only (eee. Lucrt-1438-8):chat the good and wise man i never "really" a slave, even if that happens tobe his actual condition, buts call” free: that itis the bad man who is realy" slave, because he is in bondage to his own lusts ~ a wonderfully comforang set of doctrines for slaveowners. (fancy that such austere philosophical notions are of VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (ii) 419 greater asstancein the endurance of iberey riches and peace, tha of slavery Stverty and war Ancatl example ofthe lnc of thought thave ust deseribed, oo the fi haf of the fourth century B.C. y Xenophon'ssstement that tome ar slaves to gluttony, others fo kchery or drink o to fois and costly bition (Ozer, .21-3), mong many later formulations, sce the be one ‘ugustne, Dee. Da IV 3. And of course twas ey forthe who held thi postion o conclude Gat where the bad man’ war sla, bis condom 35, ima blessing disguise, Ingenious dev lopment can be found ofthis or that aspect ofthe gent ivory,andofcoune some author emphasise ne aspect of itroshers another, but theresa dreary sant of sentiment over al ek the fourteenth Oration of Dio Chrysostom i probably the ow coterai ‘Sample Know oh ind of preety eng ae rincple regarding slavery ae rare: | woud singe out tht of Chysipps the Fidin Sto ote second half ofthe third entry B.C) tha She ave should Ibeconsidered as sort of permanent hired labourer Seneess Latina perptns mmercnmaras (Sen 17 to Seton oF scape Soften said that Christianity ierocced an ently new and beter arte towards slavery. Nothing could be mnore false, Jonus accepted aver af of ihe environment (se my ECAPS 19 n.54), jst av accepted in the Okt Testament: and his flowers accepted and adapted the prevailing Gracco~ Roman view which Ihave nt described, (rom now unt eend ct Section ofthis chaper shall be very elective in giving references. especially to mode ‘works those not given hate will be found in my ECAPS,) Phe sigoticance of the much-qooted text in Colossians (I), “There neither Cire nar Jews ‘Sreumchgn nor uneucumcison, barbarian, Scythian, bond noes beter andertood inthe igh of te parallel text in Galatians H.28: "Theres meer Jewnor Greek, there encther 20nd nor fe, seiner male normal reall one io Chri Jus” There nether bond nor Fc” vac the ie sve eer ner al or alte ates arr ml iia! see: dealt) ats int sgt Of Cod and fas no lation ‘Shacever to tenors! ffs, The dotnction berwcen slave and master in this TSorld is no moee seen as nceding to be changed than that between male and Female, (AstThave explained in It above, te relition of we tober nband, in the Prine view bears very strong resemblance to that of ave to his ‘master For St Paul, Joss hod etallhs followers fee from the Reshand ais ‘Works, The exhortauon tothe Chrisaan slave to regard himalf “Christ's cman im these srs tht the Chan who Be ma “Cs slave ((Cor-iz22) may well ave aforded him greater pritl comfort than dhe pagan slave could obtain rom the familie plosoni view thaciThe was a vod man be was “relly” fre already; but & was boil the same view. hrstian masters ac briefly enjoined ro eat their saves fly See ECAPS 19 56), but there ore many sinar exhortabons t Pagan writer, 4. Seneca Sp Epste XLVIt: see the full treatment of Sena atutede to slavery "Seneca 256-45, 158-61). And the yoke of slavery is tend even more smly upon Chistian slaves a the emphasis on obedience to th masters becomes even more sbsolurc, Certain phrases i the Pauline Eps (ee ECAPS 19.5), such as char Ephesians (VIS). exhorting saveste obey their ‘mantes “with Rar and tcmbling. in singleness of ar, unto Chea had40 ‘The Glass Strugele in the Ancient Greek World sisser implications which were filly broagit out in two post-Apestlic sworks, she Epa of Baruhes(XIX-7) ate Die IV. 11} they cape fel the slave that be mane er hie master ‘va coomerpart of Ga? (hs po thao) Revere apd fer Thnow of noha goers a that npn Ineratre. St. Augustine ev uns the apolar of St. Pal to rebuke the presumption of any Christian sive who tight fondly auido appeal to the provision in Exod XX1.2 forthe Hebrew slave aftr se year service. Now sys Auisine (remember Epbsians VIS) the apostolic authority continue aves tobe subject 0B rises, at there be no Blasphemy of Codename ad deminer (however tly ks loi) tht sigfcant of Auguste’ whole poston on social matters (Queen Het, U7; aad se fhe below om Augustine Stade wo saver) ‘Whatever the theologian may think of Crisisnty’s lim ose fee he sul ofthe slave, therefore. the hieonan canoe deny that beped to rivet the Shackles ather more Gly on hs et, Ue performed the sary seal faction 35 tbe fashionable philosonbice ofthe Grace-Roman worlds and perhios with deeper test ade the ave both more conten tock early and amore tacable and obedient. Se Terai. in hs poet Popp (V3 ftrious that Cian slaves should be nether dep no they should serve the more. othe lay of Go ‘hey shoul not wish ost re athe public cn, sth become sane of lust (confess that nd dest phrase somewharinconsucntal, narean sce exactly how an even more intense degre of labour on the pat of the save ean zhane the glory of God) The Fah Canon othe Counc Fate ae third centnry or he cry fourth) punished with no more than seven Jers ‘excommunication even the intentional fogging to death by 2 woman of her slave git ~ doubiess one who had accepted the sextalatentone of the ‘woman's husband, Later episcopal decisions decee Rogge penalty for ecclesiastical offences by slave, female at well 3 male ie me and ‘women sur some let degrading punishes: 2 or a pri af exeom Tunicaton. Andhpisn seems yb refined to saveby a et some churches without the consent of his master periape at fiat oly ia Chetan ‘ne, but ae even is pagan oe ECAP 21 fn, 530). The simation changed nor at all when Chitty socceded wo the seats of power inte fourth cet, andthe Chratan Church =r rer, hurches Zssumeda position evenin dc pablic ie of te Roman empire ofthe Forth nd entries which I cn only compare ameonlly, with the rle of swhat Eisenhower (the ial broadest of his Presidency. on 7 January 11) ‘called ‘the military industrial complex" inthe United Sea today, (One shoul ocmaly speak of the Christian “church inthe pr rier than the ‘Chueh’ because thelr expression rast theolopcl an nor estore concept: se Section v ofthis chapter. But perhaps the term the Cre i ton convenicat to be sbandoned entrely bythe hasten) Sc Augustine at las admited tht Savery was a vi in principle but with that eaordinary perverse ingenuity which acer ese to seni ore he ‘ae ic a God's punishmenc upon mankind forthe sin of Adam (De ai. De 2XIK5¢16,¢f.21).CThse areamong the many passes sing he singed VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane titi) 421 a {/Gibbomos the Cif Gal, of which Colin Hayctaft has reminded sme, that Augustine's Tearnng is too often orowed, and hyearguments ae t00 ‘often is oven’, DPREII] 217 v.86 }lecvideoty did not occur te Augustine that it anighe be thogie blayphernows oo attabute to an alleast Dey such a Singtlary ixhisrinsnate mtod of cietive punishment. fn thus sigeesting that "justly was the burden of servitude laid upon the Back of tranegrosion’ Augustine representa slavery as something ivinly ordained, and gave the Institution an ven weigher josnficaton that had ever receive from pre= (Christan thtskers sino the daye when theories of natural slavery were abroad Indeed, Auyeustine and Auabrose went so far a8 0 think that slavery cou actually be pood forthe slave, an untrucive farm of correction and a Blessing 18 Ansbrse putt, the lower the sation in life, dh more exalted the (ose ECADS 21 an.63-4). P have not boon able to Bnd in any catty riteranything like a demand fr the abandonment afslvery or exer Christ mat ave for a general frecing of exisang slaves. Pasages in eatly Christian hcratar: which src sometimes ite 3s containg sttacks onthe instieation of avery cat beshowrn on napetonnot have any sich implication ee ECAPS 21-2). Although the Claas lid great psi on Ge importance of 000- samous mariage andthe sinks of seal necourc ote with wo rea succes rat be ald: eI. above, and once, LRE L972), the Grrstian Empire dd x provide for legal matings betwen slaves, ny more than the paganshad dove. This nea not surprises The antebellum Suh was deeply stigious, bueno singe ate lgsutureevet tied to kine save tnions and thus give tem & grater chance of permanency and they aways Temalar rach marr wih Legislation giving small measure of proection caves in ean respects was pissed a aris ines by the Roman emperot, a8 when Claadan pro ‘ide that asck slave caposd by amar should, he recovered, Become fee ind enjoy ‘Lat nighsr* However, ts wometimes made cic that enact nt fv ols ae dng i ow the prota ro ‘masters in general, which might seria Few exceptionally crud mastrs were IMlowes to behave with nace and inf ntlerabeiignis ad ijn ontheirslaves(brbably it wae ractons on these nes whch made Aton feline = apparently ~e low the val mass execution of Ue slives of Hosaan {Quads sthen they sured hi: the man vividly described by Sencea Eade pom ran NO La I-A) Aga, he ar paral rom {th O1 South, a when the Supreme Court of South Carlinain 149 opal he onvction of sveowner foro ving hisses enough cx onde gros Ghar iadpbenbrel kc icin drone torn the preston of famishing sae (Samp, PLT Per the Christan Koran Empire, saws were general debated fom all rade of holy orders sete re sinsny excluded, citer ety or {cess cir muster consented to thir ordination, On eis Church and Sate there agrecd, and tere wat logdstion on the sobet from 398 onwards I ‘ould of course bearguedinUefence ofthese disqualifies hat asave woukl be unable to conser hi whole time t the service of Go hs argument foundin alee writen in 43 by one ofthe greater dhe early popes. St. Lo ‘More powerfl, Tsuxpet, was anther argament vanced inthe sume eter422 ‘The Class Straggle in the Ancient Greek World Persons whoe the mei nether of thar bth nor ofthe characr seman tig fey admit o boly orden ad howe wi avert Bev abe ev ta fRecjom Hom therawnersatcrasediote dpe fe pcsthood, sian ‘oul Lawl rece thie Rowour There doc wrong eater, da the ‘scr mits spell by such vic cnspany and he igo owner ae ve Insofarasan axdaous and Hck ssurpuson involved (Ep IV 1 MPLLIV at As Gandemet romatks, commenting on a ter of Pope Gelaias { (A.D. 492-6) im this connection, “Le respect absola du droit de prope privé et de Structures sociales cependant peu conformes la doctrine 6angeigae, 8 i rettement affime’ (EER 139, Tn the Roman lawyers (apparently pagan toa man}, ftom the second ar thied century of the Christian era tothe sixth, we sometimes find the adension that Slavery was coneary wo nature OF €0 atural ww ~ contra naa, sr ati ‘ontaria see inst, Lit; Dig. Ls. 1 (Florent, third quarter of the second {century}: XULv.66 (Teyphoninus, 200); and Ls 4 (Ulpian, Ges quarce ofthe third century); and cf. Leva 32 (Cipian).® Slavery indeed Seems to have been regarded by atleast some ofthe lawyers the only feature ofthe iu genta that ddd noc also form par of us naturale (ee olowiee and Nichols, HISRL* 106-7. Thisisa ine of hough that canbe traced eight back tothe unsaned thinkers of the fifth or fourth century B.C. who are sud by Aristode tohave dedared that slavery, because it was based on force, was contrary to nature and wrong (Pl 1.3, 1253°20-% 6, 12555-12) noe merely ‘not according to name’ (ow ata physn) but ‘onary vo nature’ (para plysin) a significant difference, not suffi- ently brought out by modem wrters (cf my OPW 45). This line of thoughe ‘may OF may not have descended tothe Roman lawyers through some of the Stoics. Cerainly, apart from the Roman lseyers, the only idenafiable Greek oF Latin author Tknow in whom we find a reflection of the argument that slavery can be ‘contrary to nature i Philo, the Hellenised Jew who wrote at Alexandra during the frst halentury of the Christian er. In one work he speaks with ‘evident admiration ofthe Jewish set of he Essenes, who (he say} donot have single slave; they denounce slaveowners. he adds, for being unpstin destroying, equality (si) and impious in transgressing the precept of Nature, the teams hrysebs (Quod som. pro. liber 7% cf. hots physeie nomi, ibs. 37). In another ‘work he similarly describes the “Therapeutat’— who must sorely have been either imaginary or a acct of the Essenes ~ as beheving that the owmership of| slaves was altogether contrary to nature, para physin (De vita emten. 70) 0d again we have the interesting assumprion that equality is the ideal: Philo speaks ofthe injustice and greed of those who introduce inequality, che origin of evi (Gin archelon aniott), eis perfec clear, however, that Plo hime id not by any means eject slavery shogether His own basic portion was tht which have described as the stndard one in Hellenistic and later thinker: hatte good 1, even if he happens to be enslaved, ‘really’ fre, while the bad man, the 3N who is worthless or enscless ~ in Philo's Grek, the phaser or apn = alwways ‘realy a slave. Philo wrote ewo whole treatises on this theme, of which ‘we possess only the second, usually referred to by its traditional Latin ile, Quod ‘mis probuslibr sit; dhe other, intended 0 prove "that a phd i slave (ce (Quod oom. prob. liber 1), has fortunately noe survived, The treatise we do posiess iS actualy the earliest fll-length statement of the theory to survive complet, ‘. The Class Struggle on the ldcological Plane fii) 423 forthe sill exter Sto sind other writings om the subject now exis, Fa aon in fagarents Its perfectly posible tod vorstrate re Palos wha hhavedeseribed as the standard view ofsbvery from Helloistc rms onwards can be assimilated 20 he oll hooey oF "san roid slavery. for the worthless man, is trated asa beset atenapt crash borrowings by Creek sat Zeon he under oF Sic iron the Jewish Scriptures, Philo sccalls Genesis XXVILMD, where fae tells Eso thai eis ea serve hs bnorhct Jaro. fs rhe Scpruging, nse by Phi, thew inthis passage wa form of doulnc, the comaznonest Grock wm for scrvang 364 slave, saa believed. Philo consis, at wis scemto be the gresescof ih namely slavery (ula). ithe highest possible good ora fool an opiro)sines Fis being deprived oflberty prevents: trom: dots wrong unecathed, sad > characteris improved by the contol le experisnees (Qed ammeter 37) Plato and Aristotle face Section iofthie chuprt) would have wacmy approved tothem, sucha mys was slave ‘by mare ‘Some Stoies~ the e-slve Epiters. or example — stay oceanonaly have spoken as if they actully disapproved in principle of poneasing secs (se 89 ECAPS 22 0,72). But this wal ultmaccly unreal. pat of the smokexercn oF plausible ideas by which the more fretdiogs thinkers of antiques concsabed from themselves the unpalatable eruth about 2 ruthless world of which they ‘eere trying to make the est they could. aeconding to their hgbes. The umacaity ‘ofall this talk emerges most dearly from Epictetus descripoon ofthe «xa ‘who ends up by becoming a senators he s then subj, savs Epitet, code fairest and sleckest slavery of all (Dis. 1V iM, p30... Schenk. £916). 1 being a senator was slavery, it was slavery in a Pckovcksan vom, & Rind of slavery which the vast mority ofthe popultion of the Gracco-Roman srorkt ‘would have embraced eagerly enough, In early Christian thought I have bon abl to Find nothing that goes eve {ar in rejecting slavery a te purely theoretical statements to the fect tha ‘contrary tonature’, made by th carly thinkers mentioned in Arstotk’s Pei, by the Exsencsas reported by Philo Jadacus and by some ofthe Reman eyes “The farthest that I think any early Chistian writer goes eo amit a does Pope Gregory the Great (590-004), when freving two of ee many slaves of the Roman Church ~ that it» right that men whown nature fram the being produced free and whom the ius gent has subjected to the yoke of shvery hey ‘Should be reinstated by the benefit of manuinission in the Hee tw were born’ (Ep. VLi2}. Yet even Gregory ordered no kie-acale missions. except of Christian slaves owned by Jews. T cannot speak from [personal knowledge of Christian lterature much aftr the sith century, bat 1 Know of no fundamental change inthe auitude of the Chetan churches (0 slavery for well vera thousand yeuts after the (ll of the Roman cmpiein the West, and there was ceruinly no absolute condemation of shvery 2s at institution by any Christian writer during the Middle Ages: statements have scen quoted from Theodore the Studie, Smaragdas Abbas and ethers aways have some particular limited application (see ECAPS 24 and n 70). dare say i's nly my own ignorinee, but | know of na geaceal, outright condemnation of Slavery, inspired by 3 Christian outlook, before dhe pettion of the Mennonites fof Germantown in Pennsylvania in 168 ~ 3 sct (not far xmoxed fom the424 The Class Strwggle in the Ancient Greek World (Quakers) whose sixtenth-century founder was an Anabaptist and who were joutside the main steam of Christianity. Christian writers have often ent- pphasised attempts by Chrintans to prevent or at last discourage enslavement bur these effors were rarely fever extended forthe benefit of dhow outside the (Christian fold, and writers who have drawn attention to thera have often fled to mention that condemnation ofthe sn of cnalavng Cristiane is commonly accompanied by the tacit admission tht enslaving non-believers s permissible and even praiseworthy enslavement is followed by conversion tothe Fa conversion which pethaps in some cases could hardly be attained by other ‘means. Christianity, therefore, acrally came to play a very poiive rote inthe ve tade ofthe fifteenth to the eightcerah cantury. Bower has remarked upon ‘the dichotomy which bedevilled the Portuguese approach ro the black Alricans foe so long ~ the desire to save their immortal souls coupled with the urge (0 ‘enslave thes vile hos’ withthe result that’ lose connection spesly grew ap between the missionary and the slave-trader' (PSE 98, 101) Papal bulls of Nicholas V and Casts i a the 1430s ecord with approval the way in which ‘captured negro slaves had been brought to receive bupeiam and embrace the Catholic ith; they gave the Portugese, as a reward for their efforts tn this field, a monopoly of navigation and trade over a large area between the Gold (Coase and india: and they expressly authorised the king of Portugal to reduce to slavery all unbelievers inimical to Christ (see Boxer, PSE 20-3) Inthe American ‘Old South Christianity was regarded by slaveowners ac aninvaluablemethod of social control. As Kenneth Stampp his suid, not only di pious masters feel an ‘blation co care forthe immortal soul oftheir slaves and to look ate their spirwual fe; ‘many of them also considered Chistian indoctrination an elecive method of keeping saves docle and contents! (PI 186-82, a 156), The Bible, ‘ncedlest to say. Was pressed into service in favour of slavery, as itso often as been, notably in the great argument over Abolition in the eightornth and nineteenth centuries in the U'S.A. The negro, it wae widely beived, inherited ‘Noah's curse upon Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. IX.25-7), and vome would ccven have made him the inhertor of God's curse on Cain (Gen. 1V. 10-15). Those who knew cheir Aristotle could easly buttress his theory of natural slavery with an argument supposedly founded on the Bible. FT have vented far beyond the aneene world in tracing the attitude of the Christan churches towards slavery iti because I wish to emphasise hat we ned fel no surprise a allat what we find in the writers ofthe carly Chistian eonturies, ‘Axis point I must mention ane thing that has long pucred me, Urals that ‘02 Christian principles « good ease ean perhaps be made for acceptin the ‘condition of slavery jo the slave, in the way that Stoice and Epicurcans accepted ix, as well a St.Paul and so many of the other early Christians a something external and unimportant. This is $0, even for those who might not go all the ‘way with Cardinal Newman when he declared that according tothe aching of his church it were better for san and moun to drop from heaven, forthe csrhto fal, and for all the many millions who are upon it to die of starvation in ‘extremest agony. 28 fara temporal affliction goes, dan thane sou, Twill ot say, should be lost, but should commut one single venial sin, should tll one wilful truth, ehough i harmed no one, or ste one poor farthing without ‘excuse see ECAPS 25.74) Bur what of avery ast affects the master? Surly VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (ii) 425 the Christan sho prays not 0 be "led into tempuaton’ should proceed Fenounce the total irresponsible domination over fellow human bengs whi belongs tothe master of slaves and is only too likely to lead him (as we know often di) into the gravest temptation, co commit acts of eracy and Tut? To snot know when this was first realised: but it was evident tothe genius of Tolstoy, who in atemaskable pasagein War and Peace makes Pace Andrey tl Pierre shat hat is most evil abou senfdom its effec upon those maseen Wh have the power ta punish thir serfs as they please, and who, in doing so, 'stfe their remorse and become hardened’. (The conversation ocests i Book V, f52 home and publish the news of the divine work, he procaims x, in Take (VUL3), “throughout the whole pol", and in Mark (V2) in the Deeapols ‘The situation scxacty th samen the two occasions on which sass have visited the territory of cities outside his main area of action, Bes no wt in its hima (Mk VIIL2D, oF mee rs (Mt, XV.21-2; Mk VIL.28, 31), and he is dhe approached by 2 woman ‘from those hers. When multitudes come to him on anosher ‘occasion from Tyee and Sidon, itis from their puralis (coastal dsr. Lk VLLZM. Theres one reference im Matthew (XI.21) and Luke (X.13 ro the dang ‘of ‘mighty works" in Tyre and Sidon: but (and this icely confirms whe have been saying) this is simply parc of che reproach to the cis” (n realy. hima ‘Chorazin and Beehsaida (and Capernaum) tha ifthe mighty works which had actually been done in them had been performed instead i Tyre and Sndon would have repented! Te will have been noticed that Ihave std nothing so far abou the fist 390 Palestinian cites which T put at the head of my Bet above: Scpphoris and ‘Tiberias, the only two eal tes of Galle, which ad be Founded by Herod ntips (sce ECAPS 7,7). There isthe best of reasons fr th just 2» we hear nothing in the Gospels of Scbaste (the pole oF de Samat), s0 ee heat not 4 Word e Sepphrin and Tiber mena ey the Fur Cape OXI T), atid then ne ms own right but ely in connection with the ncihatboreiname bout koen untrbe keer Calle, Yerspybs was only about four miles From Jew’ home village of Nazareth and Tiber ‘on the shore of the Lake of Galice a almost the narest pon to Nazareth. One ‘can understand that Jesus would not wish to enter Scbaste, a predomsnandy [pagan city: bur both Sepphoris and Tiberi were thoroughly Jewnh is pops Tacom and region, even itheir evi institutions (those of Tiberias a any ate were ofthe standard Greck pattern, and even if Seppiors was tobe except Ally pro-Roman during the great jewish revole of A.D. 66-70 ace ECAPS 7 fia 18-19). Yet it need not surprie ws to Find no record of Jes” prescace it citer ofthese cities: they were both regarded with hatred by the Galacars in Josephus’ army in 66 (see ECAPS 8.20), and Jsus would no daube have seem them as belonging toan alien world, In Mark 38s the nearby himopolis (he430 ‘The Class Strugele in the Ancient Greek World substantial villages) of Glee in which he contemplates preaching: that represen he reahy. {daresay that some New Testament scholas may object that have made fat two much oftopogeapical evidence the Goxpcs wich they themscvesaretn general reluctant 9 press. To tis [would reply that Tam Hot using any ofthe Gospel narratives for any opographicl purposes amatrofinierencsto me whether forexarpl, the pericope containing the ‘onfeon of Peter (Mk ViIL27#-: Mt. XVLLBI se ghlyTocated eat Caesarea Phipps ater than anywhere ele. Nor lave denn any conlisions rom wis ofthe word poli ‘My’ one purpose hasbeen to demonstrate thatthe Synoptic Ganpele 270 tnanimous and consstent i Toeating the mibson of Jews entirely in the Couey side, mot within he els prope. and therefore cutie the ra iis of Hellenistic eisai, Iescems to me inconceivable that this can be de to the Evangelist thems, who (as we have sen) were very Hkely to digi an obscure village like Natateth or Caperaum cf ECAPS 2) withthe ie of pis but would certnly not ‘downgrade’ locality by making i counery src ifm their sure appeared ava pois conclades therefore htt ns respect the Evangel accurately reece the situation they find in their sources: and i scems © me tha these sources are very Hey indeed 0 have presented 1 te picture of the general locus of the activity of Jus, Tay 38d thac although {ave not been able to find the point [have jst been making plus by even single moder New Texament specs, td not ‘ene escape te noe ofthe greatest scholar ofthe ary Chueh, Se Jerome ‘As Henry Chaciiek bas now kindly potted out 89 me, Jerome oaks ahs In Bsa xi 0.507 (he commentary on faa XLU. If sn MPL XXIV.437), that if we reid that Jsas was with the Boundaries termini] of Tyre ad Sidon othe confines [ea of Casurca Pipi which snow ella Panes inverthelss we mut wote hat tnt writen ha he entered tothe a8 his iss eit ‘Jesus. then, Hive and eaught within an area which wa nster Roman, bat shelly Jens. This ix best brought out, in my opin, n the admirable recent book by Gera Veen, Jens the Jur A Hioron’ Reading othe Gaspels (London, 1973se¢ ep ts489)- As mcoroned eater, Gale, within which by far the greater part ofthe aevity of Js apparently tok plac, ss hot even @ Roman province during his ee: was sella Roman {kingdom unt 39 part ofthe eerarehy of Herod Antipas th on of Herod the Great. OF couse Jus was well aware ofthe Roman imperial power that ad already engulfed Judas 3a tbutaryprovine abd could easily swallow op the remaining petty client Kingdoms of Palestine whenever i wanted to, But he may well have had willy no direc contact withthe Roman imperil n= station before his al artest and Wa, on he pretence that he waa politcal agitator indeed a"Restanceleder =a charge which was certainly als, evenif ns followers may have included a few men with evolutionary assocations* Even the ‘pubicans”ubla in Lai, tlina in Grek) who crop op in the Gospel, suchas Matdew (or Levi the on of Alphacis) wil have been employed by Herod Antipas, thetearch, and not bythe Roman governor ofJudscs Who by the way at hs date, as we know from a rcentlydcoverednsenpeon, had the tte not of Procutato bu of Praeectus ” How mach contac Jest had with VIL, The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (wy) 431 Greek culeure itis not possible to say, butts likely to have bee sinina “The main element the preaching of Jesus was the message, upon, for he Kingdom of Hleaven is at hand’. The meaning ofthis thatthe sudo’ the whol present dispsnsation near: God wil intervene and bing spe cad al the powers of this world. In preparation for these cath shaking events sien ms Fepent oftheir sine and obey the law of God, In anther sense of the expression ‘Kingdom of Heaven’ (or Kingdom of God’, thit Kingdoms is within mans power to grip now fhe ropents and follows theright way of. he can to tha Extent enter ino the Kingdom even before the final cach * Various cans {quences follow from this, One of the most important ix that the possesion oF Wealth is postive hindrance to entering into the Kingdoms “I 8 ease for # camel to go through the eye ofa needle than For rich man tocnter ie Kingdon of God, sae Jesus, alter the man seckingetcnal fe who had great possessions had gone away disconsolate on being told to ell chat chad ande i toe pot (Mk X.17<3t; Mr, XIX. 16-3 Lk, XVII, 8:30), This story. By the 33y {scommonly refered to nowadays as that of ‘The Rich Young Man’ ar tat i certainly what Mahe calls him but Math and Like make clea that ntheit finds young is sebat he is not, for they make hiro atm to ive hep! the commandments Jesus recommends from ray youth up Theee seme respec! Wwhich Matcbew'saccounr differs adically from chain the art Synoptic Matthew (XIX.21) insert into the command of Jesus the qualifestion, "you would be perfect’ (i theleistlie ein) which i not im Mark (X 20 o¢ Lake (XVIE.22) in them the command co sll lls ungualifed. As we shal ce presently. itis in Matthew's formulation thatthe pasagetsinvariaby quoted by the early Fathers ‘Nothing better conveys che contrast between Jewish and Graeco-Roman attiuudes to questions of wealth and povery than the account given chapter TV fof Luke's Gospel of she public preaching of Jesus at Nazareth, (Te point Lam Interested in doesnot otcur in parallel acevunts in the other Synoptic.) Jesus reads from the saty-firet chapter of Isuiah, opening wih the words ‘The spicit ‘of the Lord is pon me, becatee he has anointed inc to preach the gospel othe poor" (Li.IV.18). Now the word for poor” used here by Lube. as in the Septuagint version of lssidh, i procho, very strong word indeed. which very often in Gresk means not just the poor but the down-and-out, the destitute, the begyat — Lazarus in the parable isa polos (Lk. XVL20, 2). Clasieal scholars will remember the appearance of Poverty (Poni) a8 3 character inche Pluss of [Aristophanes (ines 415-612), and how angry she becomes wher Chremiyhis refers to Penis and Peocheia as sisters: no, says Pen, the pcos has nothing, Whereas her man, the penis, may til and serape, but he has enough ta lise on Glines 548-59). must just mention here that though the word pivhe docs akoappear in the Septuagint version of Isiah LXI 1 ttre translates a Hebrew word which is sometimes better rendered ~ 38 indced it isin the Authorised Version ~by "the meek’, But this takes us into itelevant questions, which I am anyway not ‘competent co deal with, ofthe various shades of meaning of the Hebrew words expressing poverty, lowliness and the like. Some of these ave 35 ambiguous a8 the English word “bumble, which can be purely socal or pute ioral or mixture of tne to, The only point I need make here tht inthe Hebrew ere432 The Class Struggle i the Ancient Greek World wology, unlike the Greek, poverty and a lowly sation in life are often associated with the moral vis, Luke s ako the only Evangelista give us the Parable of Lazarus (XVI19-31) ‘= who, as Thave just sad. i specially a pucks, here quite righely translated negaat", Fxpositors seldom bring out the face thatthe terrible fate ofthe ich ‘man in the parable Dives. as we usually calli) is early seen a direct sat cof his great wealth. for he fels (verses 27-8) that Lazarus alone wil be able to teach his ive surviving brothers how to avoid similar fate, InLuke'saceount oF the Beatieudes, wo. there ia very interesting divergence from Matthew's version. In Mathew (in the so-called “Sermon on the Mount’ chapters y-vi) Jesus made to say, "Blessed are che poor in sprit [hot phot pana we ‘might say, “humble 2 heart’) for theiss the kingdom of heaven’ apd "Blowed are those who hunger and thirst afer righteousness for they shall be fled (V3, 6): but Luke's corresponding version (in the “Sermon on the Plan’, VIL17-4 has simply ‘Blessed ate ye poor [pvio, without qualification), for yours tthe Kingdom of God", and “Blessed are ye that hunger now [not "hunger aficr righteonsres, for ye shall be filled” (VL20-1). In both cases, of course. the falfment ofthe blessings is intended exchatologicaly:chey willbe realised not in this world bue only in the Age to come, And even the Lacan version echoing the large number of paseagcs inthe Old Testament (epee lyin the Palms, Isaiah, Proverbs and Job) m which the poor and lowly as such are eated with special reverence ~ several different Hebrew expressions are ite volved. Inthe thought-world of Palestinian Judaism. out of which Jess came, ‘was not so much the ich and influential from whom the moral virtace were to be expected (as inthe Graceo-Roman world), but the poor. An iiminating recent treatment of the Beatitudes by David Flusscr (oe ECAPS 12 2.233) shows interesting connections with some ofthe Hierature ofthe Dead Sea Sct. Although Flusser is sure tha seis Me, V.3-5 which “Tithfally prserves te saying of Jesus and that Lk. V1.20 isan abbreviation of the original tex, he nevertheless insists chat ‘Matthew's “poor in spant™ azo has a socal conten “Theres jut one other New Testament passage, agri in Luke sonc, which | wish to mention: the Magnificit (Uk 146-55, esp. 52-3)” Here we find an interesting variant on the eschatological conception we have noticed already according to which in the Age eo Come the poor and hungry will be satisfied ‘We are still within the realm of eschatology. but the desired reslt is now conceived ~in one form of the tradition of Jewish Apocalyptic ~as having been Jn some mysterious way achieved aleady, “He hath pa down the mighty from theit seats and hath exalted them of low deytee, Heath filled the hang’ ith good things and the rch he hah sent empey away. Inthe Greek dhe "mighty ae snd Thomas Hardy took his ttle, “The Dynasts, explicitly fom this passage (see ECAPS 14 140), In fact nothing of the sort had actualy happened: the Dynasts were now more firmly in control than ever, asthe Roman Principate began its long era of powcr. The pera in the Magnificat. sohich the events ate represented as having ins mytieal sense occurred already. ‘eas a pleasantly harmss one from the point of view of the Dynasts, who certainly cashed the blank cheque Se. Pal ater wrote them when he said, “The [powers that be are ordained of God" and enjoined strict obedience tothe cel authorities: Rom. XUL1-7;Ticus M1 ef. [Pet #13617; [Tim 1-2. (On the VIL. The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (iv) 433 nature ofthe “powers wo whom every souls commanded wo be subjecr, a Roos XII 1, see ECAPS 180.31.) fs worth mentioning here tat the Greek word tapino, whic iswedin the Magnificat for them of low degre’ (in opposition tothe night” the dost) and has in Classi Greck terature, with very rare exceptions, « horoughly pejorative seme (mea, lovely, poor, weak, bas) sppeats 4 potsatal tl 2 Greek papyrus entanating fom a Jewish sectarian community at Nabal Secs in Palestine about A.D. 10: one of the “brethren there 1 actually calle Tapeitos, aterm which may have had much the same sigiticnce oh eal ‘community a evident did fr the composer ofthe Magnificat. Teed noe cite any of tae other evidence fram the Gospels showing tthe possession of any substantial amount of propery was regarded by Jess as 2 positive evil, if only Breas it was all too likely to ctanate its ponicsor ate {vert him from th task ofsecking the Kingdom of God. Lam empresa sy dat Jnthis respectthe opinions oJesus were marr to those of Bertot Brest chart eo those held by some ofthe Fathers ofthe Chorch and by sonic Christsns txt. ‘Within a generation the message of Jesus had been transformed irto what sometimes described (perhaps nor unfairly) as Pauline Christianicy. This process ‘Cannot be understood by the historian a5 distinct from the theologian) unlessit ie scen asthe transfer of whole eystem of deas from the world of the rao that ofthe polis~a proces necessarily involving the most profound changes im that system of idexs. And in my opinion it in this process of transformation ‘hat the most seriow problems of Christian origins’ asc. 1 shall waste litle ci on the so-called comamumismy ofthe earliest Apostolic ‘communicy, which appears only momentarily in the opening chapters of Acs (445; 19 32-7, VHC J XIL6; XID_29), while dhe Christian Chueh was 4 single small body, and thea ceases altogether, to reappear only within single ‘monastic communities from the early fourth century onwards, This sition, ‘which was already charicterstc of certain Essene and other comimunitis among the Jews, is enorely absent from the remainder ofthe New Tesamett land even inthe early dupers of Actsits cea that communal ownership was vot ‘complete, and in any event had nothing to do with communal prodaction, Later references Which have semetimes been taken wrongly as evidence of 2 com ‘nuance of community of property are no more than ealsaions of station ‘in which charity is conceived as complete, a¢ when Tertullian ays, “All chings are in common ariong us, except our wives (Apol, 38.11), or wien Justa ‘boasts that Christians shae all eheir property with one another (1 Apo. 14.2. tum now to the attitude ofthe ealy Christan Fathers tothe question of property ownership." There are considerable differences of emphasis, but I Shine i would be tre te say that with hardly an exception all the orthodox writers seem to have no serious qualms in accepting that 4 Chestian may own property, under certain conditions, dhe most important of which are that he rmust neither sek it avils not acquire it unjusdy; chathe ought not to possess supeefluity but only 2 sulficency; and that what he does have he may use bot must not abuse; he must hold it asa kind of erste Gf may be permitted to use that peculiae technical term of English law) for the poor, co whom he mast give434 The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World charity. (Ofmany possible examples Iwill cite only Jerome, Epi, 130,14 tothe very wealthy Demetmas) Iris upon the necesity of almagiving that dete ‘mostinsistence: the whole conception of course descended directo Christianity from Judaism: and here the Christan churches do sem to have gone fur beyond the ordinary pagan stindard. (There are some intersting remarks about the absence of similar organised activites among the pagans in the works of the Emperor Julian: see ECAPS 25 n.81.) Shall return in a moment t0 the question of almsgiving, which is worth special attention, and I shall also have something to say on the question of Sufficiency or superiity of property. But I must first adda adr co what Ihave Said about the general carly Christan view of property ownership, The words of Jesus co che rich man secking eternal life, which I discussed easier, were not ‘entirely disregarded: bu it seems that che unqualified version of Mark and Luke was conveniendy forgotten and the words of Jes were always quoted in Matthew's formulation (XIX.21), in which eh diection vo sel all and gave co the poor was prefaced by the qualification, ‘If you would be perfec’. Out of scores ‘of passages I have come across in the Father [have not fosnd one that ven notices che discrepancy berwcen the Matthacan text and that of Mark and Luke So complete was the refusal ro recognise the existence of any other version than that Of Matthew that when Clement of Alexandria, in his Quis dee salvetr?, sets out Mark's narrative ofthe whole story in exten in his Own txt ‘explicitly as his source, he mseres Matthew's if you wold be perfect atthe point that corresponds to Me. XIX.21, without any indication that these words {are not in Mark! (See ECAPS 26 v.82 for references to the standard text of ‘Clement and the good Loeb edition by G. W. Butterworth) St.John Chrysor= toms even at pains to put the conditional lausein che forefront and to make out that Jesus did not merely say tothe ich man, “Sell what you have e actualy rubs itn, expanding the words of ests nto ‘lay it down for your determination, give you ull poser to choose, Ido notlay upon you any necessity" (Hom. Ide sat. 3). Thus, by quoting the statement of Jesus in its qualified, Matthaean form. the Fathers were able to make use of the standard distinction between “precept and ‘counsel’ the command to sell ll became literally a counsel of perfecion (Among very many examples, I will cite only Aug, Hpi. 157. 23-38.) And i think it would be tre to say that after the rise of monasticism inthe foureh century there was a tendency fo ake Ifyou would be perfect to refer essentially tothe adoption ofthe monastic life thus when Jerome prestes on his ich rend Jian te desirability of ridding himself ofall his possessions (again ofcourse on the basis of the Matthacan text we have been considering) he is clearly advising him to become amonk (Epis. 118, exp. 65 4, 5,6, 7c. pit. 60.10). 'Weecan now retum to almsgiving. There ean enormous amount of evidence of the high value attached to almsgiving by easly Christan thinkers which i ‘would be superfiuous to quote. and I shall concentrate on to passages, one from a Latin and one from 2 Greck Father, both of which emphasise the expiatory character of slmsgiving and thus demonstrate the Jewish roots of Christan thinking in this fc. Optatus, in he polemical work against the [Donaties (I. 3), had ocesion to allude toskmspiving when speaking oF the visit ‘of certain imperial emissaies (Macarius and ers) to Aftiea in 37, in order to make charitable distributions provided by the Emperor Constans. He frst VII, The Class Struggle on the Ideological Plane (iv) 438 claimed, on the strength of Proverbs XXIL,2, that it was God who had nade booth the poor and the rich (a sigmificane and characteristic use ofthe Chistian religion 4 justify an oppeesive socal order) and he then proceed that God had a very good reason for etablishing this distinction: ie woud of ‘course have been perfectly possible fr him to give to both classes t once, baci Ihchad done-so, the sinner would have had no means of atoning for his Fauks (1 dambobs dae, pecan guse sib saccaneretinvenve now pv). To drive bis point hhome, Optatus now quotes what was for him another inspired and canonical ‘work, Eeclesiaticus (U3); usta watcr quenches fire, soda als atone fr in (Gc eleemospna extngut jesitun, Optatus might abo have quoted Tobie W-16, XII). Later. the theology of almegiving ~ af I may call that - may have become more subd, bur whenever almsgiving is being discussed, the nenon that can be an atoncment for sn isseldom abrent. This conspicacialy tue o the second example Isai I would give ofthe Christian concvpe of alsin from a Gres Father. This comes from the work by Clement of Aland, usually referred to by its Latin tle, Quis aves saver, which actually he catliest erate t0 provide a detailed jostfeaion of property ownership by (Christians, and is perhaps the most important work ofits kind, Clement puts ‘most cloqucntly the argument that almegiving can actually purchse il vsion, and he exclaims, “What splendid commerce! What a divine trading! (32 : ct 19.4.6). Needless cosy, aensgving often played an important part in petance (see EGAPS 27 n.89). Too often, however, it seems to have been resorted 0 ‘contrary tothe admarable prescription of Jesus in Matthew VIL1-l, asamicins of selFadvertisement: there isa goo examplein Pauls of Nols, Epi. 38 2,7, 10, The early Christian atitude to property ownership. then, developed into something very different from that ofJesus~as ofcourse it was bound'9 do.not merely because, as time went on, the eschatological nature ofthe eonce7s 0 Jess gradually los its original force, but (and this i muuch more imperian because such a development was imposed on the Church by ircsistle eal pressures. The orthodox Christian postion that | have outed was eld wth ‘only minor variations by virtally al he grea ames among boththe Greek and Latin Fathers (see ECAPS 28-31) So fir {have found only thee partal xe > tions among the non-beretical writers: Origen, St Basil and St. Ambrose. OF these, much the most interesting is Ambrose. certainly in the social sense oe 0 the most exahed of the early Christian Fathers — he was 2 member of the senatorial aristocracy, the son ofa Praetorian Prefect ofthe Gauls, and hinself, at the time of his appoitment tothe bishopric of Milan in 374, che governor of ‘the province of Aemika and Liguria, of which Milan was the eapkal (now of scarcely any other ently Father who could be considered his social equal, ekcep Paulinus of Nola.) Now Ambrose is fir ftom consistent in is aticude to property rights: nd some recent Continental eommentator, in tei anstity £0 Fescue him from any such heinous offence asa belief in ‘communisin’ fome ‘monograph, published in 1946 by J. Squitie, is entitled I pre‘ comanimo di San Ambrogio!), have given rather perverse interpretations of some of his ‘writings. The facts that in certain passages Ambrose shows great uncasniess fon the whole question of property rights. Yet he can allegorise away the Statement of Jesus contained in all three Synoptcs (Mk X.25; Mt. XIX.24 Lk 2XVIM.25) that ieis easier fr a camel vo pass through theeye ofancedlethan or86 ‘The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World ‘ich man to enter the kingdom of God he can say that not all poverty shay nor Allriches necessarily asoitce of crime, and that n good men riches can bea prop Of virtue: and of course he accepts slmgivang as the great panacea “rough ‘which the taint of riches can be removed: thas alone can riches become ‘he ransom of' man's if and the redemption ofthe sou’. or almsgiving purges from sin’. And so, when Ambrose sa that God intended the whole euth and its produce to be the common possession of ll men, nd continues, “sedavarita possessionum jura distrbuit’, he nevertheless goes on to accept the existing Fitoation, provided the property owner gives co the poor. His aturudeisperhaps best broughe out in a paseage im the De Heli tui (76), where he tells the sinner to redeem himself From his sins with his own money, thus using one poison to subdue another ~ wealth itself is poison, but almsgiving, which fedeems from sin, ems wealth into sin’sanidote! ‘Se Augustine sets not to have been troubled about property righs. Wich characteristic ingenuity he extacts an argument in his favour even fom the Parable of Lazaros: Lacarus, we are told, went co Abraham's bosom: well, Abraharn was rich! (Eps, 197.234; of. Serm. XIV. etc). As this and many other passages show, the level of axgumenc in this eld isnot always high, and Some may (cel some sympathy for the Pelagian who turned one of Augustine's favourite weapons against him by advocating 4 Figurative iterpreition of ‘Abraham in the Parabc (sce ECAPS 31,112), Sometimes in the fourthcentury the poor are warned that they must not think dhey can take the initiative and demand even the necessary minimum of subsistence ftom those Christians who had vast possessions. Two centuris earlier Irenaes, citing the Scriptural parallel of the Israclites “spoiling the Egyptians’ atthe time of the Exodus (Exod, U.21-2: X12; XIL35-6), had expresed some sympathy for che man who, after being compelled to give years of forced labour to another, makes off with some small porcion of his property (Elen 1V,30. 1-3). But now Gregory of Nyssa is Careful co show that no such initiative can be justified by an appeal to the “spoiling ofthe Egyptians’ in Exodus asa precedent (Vita Mey. 2). if we may ignore some pasiges in early Judaco-Christian writings, itis only in the mouths of heretics thar we find at unqualified denunciation of private property ownership. Usually. of eourse, we know nothing of their arguments, Tour information being derived from orthodox condemnations of ther views inthis category are four or five strane of heretical thought From the second third and fourth centuries, which Uhave already suffcicady idenniied ekewhere (ECAPS 3253), [have been able to discover only one single surviving work ‘which argucs at lengeh that the mere posession of wealth creates a teniencyt0 Sin and thaeit really tsbest a divest oneself ofall one’s possessions thisba work probably writen inthe fret decade of the fifth contury, che De divs, ether by the heresarch Pelagius himself or by one of his disciples. (Ic was fist pablised jn 1890 and has been much discussed in recent yeats: see ECAPS 33-4 and fin. 1245,) I wall only say that although this remarkable eeatise does recom mend divesting oneself of all property (thus ‘wansferring it from each co heaven’), it does not actually condemn sffcienta' and it regard even wealth ‘not as an actval sin but as something thats very Hike indeed oeesultinsin. The ‘most radical passage goes so far a5 to eat the existence ofthe few ech a the reason why there are so many poor, and cantinics, "Get rid of the vichand you VII. The Clase Struggle on the ldeological Plane (iv) 437, +. nota word to suggest tha this ious persuasions and rather primitive communism’ GT may a Jerusalem, and indeed Bo 24s thcoreical ideal, Tknow of won't find aay poor’ (12.2)! There it desirable cit cam be achieve strangely, perhaps ~ thee is ro the fall ie tha) ofthe cerliesr Apostaic commun advocacy seal Fo propery. = fnoevideheethatany Peugian ever advocated te refortvof secular nsctanons twill only add that tis weed, the De dit, spite of some over-ingentons Bngumerts and the usca ufiatod rhetoric, soem: to mea far better approxima tion to the thought of fess, a2 expreaca I the Synoptic Gospels (Lake copecially. then at any fate she princpal work onthe orthodes sider Clements (Qh dives sven’, oor wich Tgated earir, Clement doesnot supe t0 sake usc ofthe srgument (ch 18) that rly an ponsesses some Property ah bhedo th things the Lord reqoires feed the hungry and give dink othe diet cdothe the naked snd cnreain the tons: ~4s Zacchaes and others entertained the Lord hinsself (Uk, XIX, 1-20) "Wht sari (kein) would be let among tien,’ he asks, 'Wbody had anything? (Ute at eats not quite a ecb asthe - passage in wich HS. 12609514, prewends that the very great Selight oF dom 2 hisdws to signs oF asst oF comrades i posible only sehen theres prvatcownershipat property sei generosity ot bcraliy could be expressed only in the forts of materal benoft) But Clements principal ‘weapon i this controversy, 850 fie elsewhers ia tesor to the allegorical ‘rethod cf wterpretation whic had becn invented by pagan Grech scholars i the Classical period and perfectod by Hellenic Judaism in tepard tothe Old “Testament (Philo proves soav extraordinary caampley: this type oF exegesis ourished extravazaity’ at Alexandria particule (ve ECAPS. 38 n-128). The Fathers of the Chur: soon realised tat any !aconvenient statement im Holy ‘Wit cou casily be alegorived sway: and they sometimes go t0 che most extreme lengths in sicir mgenus applications of this echniqde ® Anyone co whom exerci ofthis sor are nt already eo tresomely familiar may derive some innocent sniaccn Jno the pase which St. Augustine, i one of his antieMnichacan works (Cot Foust. Munich, XXUL.48-89), deals wih the awkward problem of Rachel and the nsarakes, ia Genesis XXX, 118, (AC the cimas ofthis fascinating sory, will be remembered, the Patriarch Jacob, tri fronn the fickle nthe ening aftr shard day's Work, grected by ‘T-tavcnte of his two wives with confident." Thou mst anto mic. for surely Ihave hire thee with my son's mandrakes”. And Ihelay with her cat night,” the rss being sacha.) Burt would be wrong r0 send this ce at allogorl interpretation of Serpeure by the Chstians on 2 note of levity, Sh interprctation could alse have dire consequences. as when, St, Augustine in vetanother of his allegorical lights ishonesily perverted the ‘sense of the words wompel thes go cone in’ witch occur an the Parable ofthe {Great Supper tm Lukes Gonpel SIV. 1en24 to jay the persecution of rebpoas dlissent nterpretingthe higia9s an belgs’ fn the command to "go oat nto ‘the highseays and his and cosnpel cm to come in) sllegoreally a “heresies land schism", shereby frmishing sneduacval pereeotors witha bogus Serptural Foundation tor their activins, of whic they di moe hesitate to make ws." "The early Clnstin aide wo property ownership, as Thave described its ‘open to crircsnn Props enor thio one dsc, quite apart from Ws deparare438 The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World from the teachings of ts Founder shall single out eee respects which can now be seen to besinstisfatory it, ls miporeme ra alloted alsgiving; ani sccondly ts resion that saulficency 0! wealeh was harmless ough vena soperiity wa dangerors Unt gue rece, clarity (ir ie most anata form, almaging) was accepted by the wow maerty sun eotely admirable thug, and is only our fown generation that rge numberof people have begun to cri porefally the whole principle oF onganssd chance wei dhe comusrumaty asa Femedy for Social evils ot only beats provides he giver witha moral astiiation for his privieed postion bur ato Because by dhe recipi 3 Something degrading, as = derogation a ign a fog with wich, | Imust say, myself entiely syimpatee. (in te conception ofthe Welfare Stat Such 35s, everyone contributes ithe cam ed he recive what he does recto thot as charity but as a socal right —a Fundamentally diferent principle) The loagiving upon which the cirly Cristian so prided themsclsy, therefore, pears to many ot ssmowacays fv very ch exe attractive ght than it dn itsown time and for conruric afterwards. It was Obviewsly very desirable 262 ‘meant of preserves the social ond, by rithgating the st extremes of poversy ‘hich might Beal to rewotitonary outbreaks, But as srmething much more than that it also enabled the propertio! cass yt nurely to ream thet wealth ‘without any feng of guilt, tut evento glory int, meetings witha mor ASerived from using asivall proportion oft (xa cutie tO on discretion) for'good works’ hat would help ro casute doi own sation. chat had not been part ofthe pucranony ioctl by Chnstiity rom Judas, and reeor= mended Jess hist, dhe Chur woud surely have bovn deen to invent it ‘My other erticsi of he curly Christian potion eancerang property ‘ownership is that che conceps of 3 "sullicensy” of property, whenever it was Jneroduced, was always lef vague and was no better defined than by some such sprecine formula 2 ‘non plus qs neces et, with the result that anyone ‘except perhaps the ancient eset oF dh vicina could feel that he Inad no stperfiity. Pliny the Younger cold claim that he had wo more than ‘modest fortune” (Som quidem ons nobis inadicae facleates, Epis Ti 3), yethe cannot have been worth rouc sess HS 20 ein and cous the woot thre dove richest Rernan we hppa roknow about dri the Prinepute,® event if hie assets were fly more than a fifteenth oF a twentieth partafthoveatibusl othe ichest scr fll, who may have owned 300 of even 400 millon ~ and who shemectees dl not approach the great imperial famibesn wealth, Te grt fortunes became grate sali the fourth fn fifth centuries, and in thos days was evem cane forthe well-to-do to fel that they were posscsted of uly "mvslst terranes Fos las i a poem by Gregory of Nananzws are word uotng: “Cast ay ll and possess God alone for you are the dispenser of riches that do not belong to you Bue if you do not ‘wish to give al, give the preter par: oni not even tt hen make a pious use fof your supertiity” (ots pert rubeh, Car, Phe, HASSAN), The fleet foffsuch advise on nos sich crn Ieis inte vo som up. Why did catly Christianity so signal Gil to proguce any VIL. The Class Struggle on the Heological Plane fiv) 439 Graeco-Roman society? Why di slavery and ft penis, witout Cheitans Jmportans change forthe beter Kindred forns of unite labours even realising ese sey ots sac thar hey tended bratalve broth slaves ancl masters? Why. afer the eempze became oficial Christan, an the fours century, aid che © fF weclih and poverty throughout the Romar svotld (ome expel the Wert boeome even greater, with enorme riches concetFating ithe on senator cass, nd taation becoming, Secidedly tore oppresive? Wyck yoruute becoane ever more prevalent and Jamiets ever areher. with the Larbareas protec of ratltion added? The sarsiatd asver 09 i Chest questions (most of which ae deat with sewhere tn th book) ligt to al of tse Jesus himself ant the carly Christians ssere goncnad exclastycly with the relations Decor than ard rman, orman snd God, and wot aall with aeci,exenomi or pital neti vith the relations Besncen men iden, if Tay use that expect, Tha doesnot sein to mica very wood aver, cw far as goes, for aoa the New Testatne Tike the eatly Fars) @macentra om gestions of ake so atcinpt to preserihe » gencral code of eo homie of politeal bohavioue,dhey do take aries of statements on politica and ccotomie questions which the Clhurch duly accepted 35 canonical ant Inspired: St. Pan's disserous" Fhe posers that bese ordained of Ged which | {ented earlier, ts oxy one aang memny such pronouncements, One Form of ‘hat Have calle “the standard anewer tht wc man thet Corton oF the Salvation or reformation of "se aadiental — 6 which might slinoer be designed tore she replace w by wha er ddgal. Those wher say thar ithe vada need t9 be changed for the b ne moder srt ounce apparent if we ry ei ons wlieh for be tune stl mst postponed ttt all ndvidaals, or at amy rate Hoe grat major, eve ender fone the necessary improwemmcnt — clever ane covert arene! or Rese Things as they are, Stadenes of Grvek thought age fort fueating wotvn of dh indivihal” varcty appcorsin sciguty- ard indeed ean hhanly be expressed in Grek, or for that matter Lain But ean the traditional Christian postion which [ve outlined proxi a sani those unpicacane features of early Christian thug such as dhe aceeprance o slavery and of political auractacy whic so mary Ciistsans roy are wil, tp endorse? Thus of coarse isa ater of opianon. Iwill only say eet in my ‘opinion was precisely the excusivesoncentrarion of the cariy Christa up the personal rations Betwoen man and man, or man and God, ara their ‘eomplete indifference, as Christians, co dhe mtiucions ofthe work in which they lived, chat prevented Christaniey from evi ai ah lupon the relations between man and man, Luge tha thet ‘man and no 6 any organised human socity ar scccrly cvaltuoncé by relations brwcen mon and men ~ betwee different States am bc Seren ms, even fits adgeste tsi way ast shed [groups (classes above al) within Stats, relations govern 9 rule bs writers ‘ery different from those which can be applied between rn sn man eas fofien been realised that Christianity has bein oonspicastty ives Preventing war beeween nations. Tctook te Church a hing tune © evel440 The C doctrine ofthe Just War’, although incidentally even che early Reman Republic hhad had a doctrine ofthe ‘bellum iustum derived from the principle offal law: that o war was acceptable ro the Roman gods wns was a defen ‘war, waged to protect Rome or her ales itself nicely criticised by Cicero asthe micans by which the Romans gave their agar appearance of legitimacy {see ECAPS 36-7 and nn, 30-1), And the doctrine ofthe Just War has ever ‘come to wry much, because any country that gocs to war can aways j itself cay enough in its own eyes, Ax forthe class strvpale, Les (Christian churches have dane much more than ether deplore ie principle fgnore ite very existence; and all too often they have caplet underwritten the nisting sei and eeouomtic order i its evades Foe Anglicac ymin ~ “lass Struggle in the Ancient Greek World To quotea wellknown “Therich man ais ce The poor tan ahs te God ade thm, hgh o oly Andonder theresa Pope Pins XI's encyclical, Quadragesino avo, of 1931, admits Phat che cass siglefud been a serious danger fory years before, but den procoed tospeak of this danger as having beon largely dispelled by Leo XI Ren worarin~an ‘pinion whic ha hardly been confimed by the events the years since 13: ‘not even the growth of Fascism, while it lasted, could valdat that elim, Thete hhave, needless co say, been a few striking iivkdual exceptions within the churches who have broken right away from ther official policy trom John Ball, in 1381 wo Camilo Torres in our own time,” ‘When te early Hebrew prophets, or Plato and Aristotle, ried to Formulate a sision ofthe good society. they thought fst in terms ofthe Isracte nation or of the Greck city for Plato and Aristotle the sociery ax such had fist tobe good, to have good institutions, before men could lead the good life within it. Their successors in bth cass, tended to despair of creating 3 good socity forthe, cither the mdividual man (te Stoic, in particular) had to discover how best 10 live his personal life in an indifferent if not hostile world, or ese there was 2 Good Tame Coming, butt would be achieved by some supernatural agency. In the latter case one could comfort oneself by imagining (asim Jewish Apoc Iyptic) thar in some mysterious way the desired result had! been achieved already: the passage in the Magnificat which I quoted earlier provides 3 good ‘example. The use ofthe future tense He will put down the Dynarts. exal the hhumble, fed the hungry, and send the ich empty away’ ~might have created very different atmosphere: i might have pointed to social change instead of acceptance ofthe existing order. But the institutions of society were (as {have put it) the relations of men and mer, and the Christian 2 such was therefore not concemed with them, and chere 2s nothing te prevent him feom being 2 complete politcal conformist. | have already referred to St, Paul's order 10 Christians to obey the political authorities a ‘powers ordained of God" he ‘equated resistance to them with resistance tothe ordinance of God, necessary involving condemnation ‘Acthe prescat time there 3 debate going on among Christians whether (0 use the lmguage Ihave employed) may not be absolutely nceesary to reo VII. The C the relations berween men and men —in particular the relations between State sud between classes within States in order thatthe relations between msn 304 man may not be for ever distorted and damaged, Among these rebtors bberwcen sien and mien | would suggest thata central ole splayed by property relations, including in particular ovenership of property andthe way m which prodaction fs organised, Those of us who wate the debate within the arches rom dhe outside may feel that earl study of what aetoaly happened n the catly Christian centuris, both the fick of dessa tn actual soil, might Swell shed some ight om catrent probles aid eontroversics anc a8 re tight hove a powerfl infec upon the ature ofan muggle om the Ideological Plane (iv) 444 The ideology of the victims of the class struggle Lecus tarasony tnsonssthi andaoft feology and pron ‘others he chases tnd the oppo, a teva Shove all. The cifficuly tere the evidence, exe for th Inmublerclizeas, For the are ie istory, the fe ead Sore centuries B.C. sete ise deroorratic propaganda, ising en th Fitness of the poor ctteen. 38 dhe rich, t0 share fe rol the stan this z by the Level TWAT. (Thane debates, neers read in Woodboos, Pt. xceptionlyimteresting fr tune was pce he hich divided Goeth cigar aud Gewora ought peiial igh te be sk ‘cnfined (8 sired, for cxavnpc, by Cromwell sind Isto) eosin os Stat propory? Al che voc sh hat Tapa’ sal ron, Soca] swe ewan yc o ropery: (Wediouse, PL" 37) Dut eve sme a th Levels (ibonh vcnubny nthe grea jn) con te Hoe nc td niny the franlse (se Hh above Trerarre chat hve isa ere eat pec he cane of famous words a Puney hat the poorest eb aide ake, the gras face Woodhouse, PLP 23). Vetus al das Grek tere as what we Thos call x idhcae Aavour sl need nich of ems ot hc mest ithe men of morkate weld 30 beloved by Anse and eeers, ef ton Solon cutting exp” Needles to say. ly enync ever dake of aval service darn ration ere 190-1, ef 4 54 oes chara tas cr Parney Dette 1 ers, are meat conienintly canon vipa heb master, cg moe acer fer itty ot that Argerae. 408 in which s number of Athewian a the ships ofthe Adksix He (as they never dda oreal isis) md were rad with Sick cet Somiccof the hrerary materi cck world rile feu the heartil ery of the uppeess hougbe net soieily geen the442 The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World subject ofthis book dowusiy a product of clas struggle: uthose things, tke the Book of Jewish as well as Christan, 13 .C. (probably 166-16 to ae in any language which can sncluding the Book of Ds from 16 and the carlest surviving p justifiably be dese rarire'* But mayslt would certainly ot exelade mom raters [ have jest refered. When tanperialisn leads oF conquers poople. ora anya of de foretgn rules, thats aid, a T have indicated in my Hse), fects are key to be 1ypresecommanity 98 certainly even mast Roman Pasting ase were handcin-glove with ini0 was dinceted partly ran pecaess whic ave primarily tet and Revelation) be excladed fr & the primary product situation closely Finition of cass sud precduced upon theclats Fappened, for example seltere some met their Roman master sinst the native Jowiss religious in form (ike cconsiderition ofthe oth reasons for thee very xincric isthe upprctiverasr ot temporal poorer, ai hat anyeateifone ofthe sok ot acpi clas 5 the two cases Ihave jose mentions Rone, under the guise of "Babylon ferociously acackod at Rewcton fe. U1 VE tie XVI, XIX 2) aad {ssid to be dromk with the blow of hc sas aad wats tc bo of the mae offesus" (XVI 6}: an whet sc conies a even ance before G tanto he the cup ofthe win ofthe fcrcones of is wath” (XVI. 19) ~splendi blood-cuedling stain seich dhe myn fry oF the oppress, able as they ae to revenge Hhemscloes, finds safc te evrtingy of divine vengeance For nearly 2 ceutiry schol have devoted a great deal of atention ¢0 the sowalled "Act of the Pagan Martyr of Alesandr, which survive only i ptlan apy of the pera of she Reva Proverpate published in madera times," The form of nes howe papi aceny om act aprotcaded copy. oF he trish of prominent Alewndnians, who are tmost sympathetically cate! hy the comers, ule the huesness of the Roman emperors towards the givat receapats of Egy i reply rebuked, These documents emanated trons the ling cles a Alexandra, who were them- selves, of course, members of an exploiting class, and { mention tem here merely because they do consttaresnlignant propagaral against an imperial power and have aroused so mich solely interest Some ofthem =the Att Isidore and Lampe Hrvaaigey~ ate als biterly ant Jewish: they provide, T suppose, the earkest srvving csartpes of popular ant-Semniti ropagands, Ant-Scmitims was ernie a2 Alecia in the Principat, forthe Jw there : Wy on the part of the : ea excelent acute of the pasion of the Jews in ERYPL the Hellenistic mid Rowan priods by V, Teherikover, ©. P. Ju. L-ild Other antisimperstie propaganda ane-Grock oo atiRomin) as been assembled by recent writers cascades scrts othe Shiline Oras, n Grsek VIL The Class Struggle om the Hdeolegical Plane (v) hexamers, the so-called Orde ofthe Pater, surviving in Grock papyr Fron Egypt, andthe Demorc Chron, a text in Egyptian demoti, From father Ea come the Oral of Hystaspes, a Persian work surviving only in sonteparapir in Latin by the Christan writer Laceatias, and the Balan Yast. ano Persian text, ha Pahlevs translation? Most of this material seems very si to us today. Anyone who wabes to read (Orie. Sibyl 35145, 356-80, and V. 155-78, SH6A433, prophesying the door of Rome (ef. VIIL37-19, 8 and four other passages from th Sibylines, 1V-115-39 and V.137-54, 214-27, 361-85, containing prophecis associated withthe "se Neros! who appearein the ewenty yeas alter Nev's each in 68 Trust ot fil ro mention lento, the thor two members af the Roman governing clas of tis meheainy of Rewne's vcr =i would be goin rane “yrapetiy (e2 IV ee 13) The only ene hich lus tothe eastern part ofthe Rome spite ta “ecer of King Midhnates [VI Eaparor of Paris! to King. Arssoce [ot Parc composed by Salust and surcivmg as 4 fragment of his Histories (1Y.) Mithridtes seit 0 the Ronen a dovp-scited soore Foe domination xa sain wer on all atwne, peoples seed Kings! (5): ee eter cals them the plage of che word (ports orm toto, §.17), accuses them of reat ‘by sary dest anc acting Wa war’ and declares that they wil destoy everything or perth €1 the sient (65.301, Ina phrase which no dente eects Salli’ own Beli the Hyg 8 rade 60 say. "Few aver deste liereysa large propertioe are contcat with Jost masters (pauc ieee, pats mae hats dvahies ett, § 8). Ure het we locuments ate specls i Taeitas, lating to the sete prt oF the «rape which alo show some rengtition of the rentality of the oppressed. The tet that ofthe fiercely ant-Ronnan Uris chiftaty Cakzats ene M2), yh depicted udresing his mn before the battle af te mone Ceaupius (perhaps not far south of luverness tt A.D. SSor¥t abot ‘iberty” which, in Tacitus, ac hardy more than Roan ces, and Hu Ena stemes ‘been written with quiet derision ow bis par; but ne remark has echoed dow the ages: when the Rostans. says Calgacts “erente a csolation, they eall peace (uh sftndinem foc, - EV? isthe ane have referee the mutiny ofthe Panmasnaty kgions ey AD. 1 ma by Tacit aa formar heer of him a5 nosis rear the end of Viv above, by a eader ofthe described sete Pesce scot the steal oP. IV.iv 13), The eel Tacits for any “agitator who please the lower otsers nthe provinaes & hostile to Rome or its ruts cnerges mccly fo ce bret Ieits V bat comecotrated mnvective of H rman of the Trevers win at an siserDly ducing dhe heap insults ad ety pon the Rowen people these, and conte Bisel eh rer commonly kvelled ag AD} hat tacy ineladed "al dhe changes ‘esi tern with contempt he presumably Baier nest specification, shalau The Class Struggle in the Ancient Grech speeches, usually describing subiction to Rome a Tacites of Dis othe Tenders hom against Rome “Theres one for of exprenion oF protest, ssciae’ partsularly Cough not sokly) with slaves, which deserves tbe singled out Phacdrss, ssive and Freedman of the Emperor August, sho virote is Litin inthe fw lf of the first centary of dae Christa er, anne erat swe of collections of the bles of Arsop bother exo, eho probably tive = Phuc has Bocas pscage in the S340, lesa he wl expan sy Stove to give expression ih 4 dspeed peak owt aloud for fat of puts nly saves wher haedrus had in ind a te uted bers of bes, Onc of his pecs sboes Frog drag» fe bones to bil tras with the word, The lowly are in trouble win dhe powertul usec” ones trons pons disdet, 30 1), Aida end of the Eplog es hs Thnd Book he ques Epil. 34). Another fal nded to dersiouscrste ‘hen ofthe wolf who onthe psn of beng persad teen be nies that cebexgll this mene, he efi ince (UL oct. Bars 1 Fala ‘Arlt 37. "The ble Vike best ofall wexpiily concerned not merely wth “ierbuc withthe porn general (he poner): Phar rouctwn ie ‘words, "A change tn the prs wha conte Stare [iT ay 0 alt Primipan commer brings 1 the pe wo cage tthe aon Change of aster el prac domino ia sore ready). Thi ale (LAS) eaboweatamséokt man, psn sdorkey wamcadow. whe sadder Shri army aporoscics Ts old ma gee snky te wth i, dvead capture. Bat the donkey mercy enue te coemny well make him Carry two packs atone andwhonhesowe™ yl Joc notsuppowediy wel, telus to tows Wt do insti tom one servant Lam he ai 90 Teng a ey only on pack tins Geerand Wansncyexprsied much he sae point of wei 63 Appeal A rt, wen be of he oor Englandhst they soul tn and conga foregmency ‘hey like to be slaves still. for the gentry will all. . For, say they, “We can as veel live nice a foreign cory working for day wages ater oor cmt Brethren are the collection by Hil nt Det ed a VIL 13 Blow) 37 Acsopie’ bis were teary geare simp enc to appeal wo the who lacked the labora lnray edotatien meeed fs proper ondestnding of 2 Tange part of Gres and Lat hterature aed even thne wth wo edn tall could grap thea nmmedatcy Quanlan, wri nthe Mies ofthe fst entry the standard Latin handbook on ttre tate Onan), remasks that ibelae havea special appeal te counery boors an the anedoeted (ar? nin solo pnp nation pertonom, V1. He od ely tre sab the sare shout the Paratlcs of Jos, fat the governing cance of antigay were ever enoagh to takeover ths weapon of er subjects ander ie sometimes to tit ows alvantage, We al kaww the fable Of Mener Agrippa ror the Carloou of Shakespeare (43-10, 0 from Parcs Life of Carolan (5) 0 ro Livy sss 12, However Seo Ig sinth centory B.C ologae 0 lis Thied Book, ies able as vented it ras to erable the tscts which he dared not VII, The Class Struggle on the Ueological Plane (v) 445 atribut sulaei question and the year 498 B.C., it 8 the most the « Jarnons ofl shows fats thot were aypropeated By dhe ruling cass, Amr Gah fables mates ss bexp workers the place the armen one in whi the donkeys appeal to Zeus for toe from che abou: ts morals tha what fnchindisidl is esr exer be ese (es atherapenon twas not 9 slave hut a Tearzed man, the Hellenistte scholar Daphias (or Daphicas of Telinese, who not oly reviled the Atal Rings “ings oF rreasuty of Lysimaches, Uydis and Phaygs, but addressed ther Greely as"purple wes (porpprot moldpes, Strabo XIV.139, L647). He can ‘only have been likeing the ine the sian ofa wip om a man's back. This Se! secll understood by Taree who shaw exceptional swatcacs of voc realities tthe Greck Ess; but severatother scholars have fale te gyasp the fit that for Daphias i kings, xsoppressors,

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