CHAPTER - V

FORMATION OF KAPUNADU AND ITS

ACTIVITIES

The characteristic feature of the social structure in India is the caste system.
Social system is organised essentially around the caste structure and caste identities. The
process of political mobilisation had resulted in identifying and manipulating the existing
social structure.

The indigenous social structures are closely involved in politics.

According to Rajni Kothari:

"Politicians are mobilising caste-groups and identities in order to organise their
power. They find in it an extremely articulated and flexible basis for organisation,
something that may have been structured in terms of a status hierarchy, but something
that is also available for political manipulation and one that has a basis in consciousness"1

In fact, as the study of political behaviour becomes essential while describing the
social structure of a community, M.N. Srinivas, has pointed out that political behaviour
of Indian masses is generally influenced by caste and religion.2
As per the spirit of our constitution, there is no discrimination on grounds of
religion, race, caste, sex and place of birth in the fields of education and employment.
However, Articles 15(4) and 16(4) are two facets envisaging reservations to the classes
of citizens, socially and educationally backward. In so far as the state of Andhra Pradesh
is concerned, it was originally formed a part of the composite Madras state, besides that
of the state of Hyderabad. With the formation of the Andhra State on 1st Oct, 1953, a list
of Backward classes as was existing in the composite Madras state was adopted with
slight modifications, The Kapus enjoyed reservations in the policy.

In the wake of formation of the State of Andhra Pradesh including

Telangana area as on 1st Nov. 1956, the list that was existing with the state of Hyderabad
was continued, thereby maintaining two lists- one for Andhra and the other for Telangana
area. The British Government in Madras Presidency had recognised Kapus as backward
caste in 1915 and the backward classes list of Andhra region included Kapus also. In
1956 the then chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh N. Sanjeeva Reddy deleted Kapus from
'Rajni Kothari, Politics in India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1970, p.225.
2

M.N. Srinivas, Caste in Modern India and Other Essays, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, p.2.

217

the Backward classes list on political grounds. Again, though D.Sanjeevaiah, the next
Chief Minister tried to recognise them as other backward classes through a government
order, the High Court struck down the G.O. on technical grounds.

Meanwhile, the President of India appointed a Backward Classes Commission on

January 19S3 under the Chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar, to determine the criteria to be
adopted for treating any section of the people, other than Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. The said commission was also to draw up a list of such classes on the
basis of the criteria laid down by it. It included Kapus in the other Backward classes list.
On submission of the report of the Commission, the Central Government found certain
tests applied by the commission to be vague, and therefore, directed the different state
governments to choose their own criteria for defining backwardness.

The state of Andhra Pradesh issued G.O. Ms. No. 1886 dated 21.6.1963 specifying
a list of certain persons as belonging to backward classes for the purpose of selecting
candidates to the seats reserved for backward communities in the Medical colleges in
Andhra Pradesh. The said list was challenged in the High Court on the ground that the
order of the Government of Andhra Pradesh offends Articles 15 and 29 (2) of the
constitution.3

After that again through a G.O. Ms. No.870 dated 12.4.1968 the State

Government appointed Anantha Raman Commission to prepare a list of Backward

classes in the state as socially and educationally backward classes. The commission drew
up a list consisting of 93 classes to be included in the backward class. The Government
accepted the criteria adopted by the commission and issued G.O. Ms. No. 1793 of 1970
declaring that the castes and communities specified by the commission to be socially and
educationally backward for the purpose of Article 15(4) of the constitution and making
25% reservations for them.

^The High Court struck down the said G.O. holding that the State has placed no material before the court as
to economic conditions of various castes, their occupation, habitation, social status and their educational
backwardness and that the enumeration of persons as Backward has been made almost exclusively on the
basis of the caste.

218

Table No.V-1
The Table showing the percentage of Reservation
for each of the B.C. groups
B.C.-A.
B.C.-B.

Consisting of 38 castes
Consisting of 31 castes

With 7% Reservation
With
10%
Reservation
With 1% Reservation
With 7% Reservation
25%

Consisting of 1 caste
B.C.-C.
Consisting of 23 castes
BC.-D
Total
93
Castes
Source: Anantha Raman Commission 1968.

The Commission did not recognise the entire Kapu castes as backward classes,
but recognised only two sub-castes of the Kapus, namely Munnuru kapus and Turpu
Kapus as other backward classes and put them under B.C-D. category.

Meanwhile in 1979 the President of India again appointed a Backward Classes

Commission. The Commission was headed by B.P. Mandal and submitted its report in
1980. The Commission recommended that caste be the criteria for determining the
backwardness.

Mandal Commission calculated 52% of the population of India as

belonging to other backward classes. In the Commission report in an entry of 264 of the
Andhra Pradesh other backward classes list identified Kapus as the other Backward
classes.
The Government of India took a decision to include as backward classes, the
castes whose names figure both in the lists maintained by state governments and in the
state-wise lists of other backward classes appended to the Mandal Commission Report.
But Kapu Community does not find place in the list maintained by the Andhra Pradesh
government.
Again in the year 1982, the Government of Andhra Pradesh, appointed one man
commission headed by N.K. Muralidhar Rao,4 to determine the nature of social and
educational backwardness of different sections of citizens and submit its report.
Accordingly the Commission submitted its report, but it did not recommend for inclusion
of Kapus, Ontaris, Balijas and Telegas in the list of backward classes. It observed
"G.O.Ms. No. 12, dated 22.1.1982.

219

"They are land owners and enjoy social status in the villages. They are
already politically conscious and socially forward. On the educational side
also they are not backward as the students belonging to the Kapu
Community are considerable number in the educational institutions in the
state. The literacy in this community is higher than the state average..
There is a good representation from Kapu Community in the employment
under the state government, semi-government and local bodies. The
Commission thinks that it is not necessary to distrub this".3
It was a one man Commission, further it submitted the report within 9 months of
its appointment. No actual investigations were conducted. Hence without going into
empirical data and field work, it made dry statements about Kapus. The state government
itself set aside the report and the recommendations of the earlier Anantha Raman
Commission are followed till today. The Kapus have been relentlessly trying to get their
caste included under 'BClist.. There is also the attempt to get united to make the
government to listen to their demands. The Kapunadu Movement evidently is an attempt
in that direction.

The Kapunadu Movement:

Kapunadu is a conglomeration of several Kapu sub- castes who came together and
began calling themselves as Kapus. For the first time, important leaders of various Kapu
sub-castes were brought together on common platform under the name 'Kapunadu' in
Vijayawada in 1982. In other words, the term was first used to denote an assembly of
Kapus in the above year when members of Kapu, Telaga, Ontari and Balija castes came
together. Vangaveeti Mohan Ranga Rao first mobilised the Kapus who form the largest
group in Andhra Pradesh. He received support from both the rich and poor sections of the
Kapu group of castes. The main purpose of the conference was to bring all the Kapus
together so as to formulate plans for the upliftment of their community.

It also offered

them an opportunity for establishing closer ties between various sub-castes. From then
onwards Kapunadu has been organising annual/biannual meetings.

The 'Nadu' in the term 'Kapunadu' is a dravidian word which means both
'territory' or even an assembly which is either territorially or as in this case, community
delimited. The deliberate use of this term was to account for several ambiguities in their
identity and in the mobilisation processes. The first related to their demand was for
^.K. Muralidhar Rao, Report of the Backward Classes Commission Andhra Pradesh, 1982, p. 16.

220

backward class status. The very notion of a backward class by virtue of being some kind
of a residual category has ambiguity built into it.

Since the criteria for an Other

Backward Classes (hereafter O.B.C.) status was more social and economic, caste became
subordinated to the socio-economic status of communities claiming the O.B.C. status.6
This is reflected in the widespread use of the term "Backward Classes Communities"
rather than "Backward Castes" in popular discourse . Secondly, since the Kapunadu
actually consisted of several Jatis, the concept of community took precedence over caste
as a self-referent for identity.

The existing of class difference between a small

prosperous rural elite and a majority of rural and urban poor was a third factor. Finally,
since the Kapunadu Movement was built around an opposition to the Kammas who were
seen as the dominant group, the Kammas themselves provided the term for

self-

identification of the Kapus. By virtue of their relation to the production process and
ownership of property, the Kammas were the chief component of the ruling class in the
region.

However, their use of caste idiom in their rise to dominance and in their

relationships with other groups has given them an ambivalent status in the social
formation.

Since the popular usage, the Kammas were referred to as a community

reflecting their social, political and economic dominance, Kapus by a dialectical process
referred to themselves as an exploited or dominated community rather than simply as a
'backward class'. (The very nature of exploitation and treatment of the dalits due to their
location with relation to the mode of production and social structures, enables them to
mobilise both as exploited castes and classes). Likewise, we argue, the class situation of
the majority of the Kapus, with a "widespread presence among the poor peasantry and the
urban lower middle classes",7 which are by nature alienated and insecure, made them to
adopt the intermediate category of community rather than class or caste. The nature of
the economic structure in Coastal Andhra with a high degree of dependence on the
tertiary sector, which resulted in a stunted form of economic development, only
compounded the difficulty of the Kapu lower middle class in improving their situation.
The social movements and identities in the region, suggest the reflective of the absence
of a developed industrialised, capitalist economy and the consequent lack of emergence
of a fully developed class structure. The ambiguity of community in Kapunadu, thus
epitomizes their class location, within an economic structure characterized
&

by rural

The boundaries of backward classes are both unclear and elastic as Beteille point out For details see her
book. The Backward Classes and the New Social Order, O.U.P. Delhi, 1981.
7

K. Balagopal, Rise of Gangsterism in Politics, E.P. W., May 25,1989, pp.227-229.

221

urban-capital flows and the presence of the same dominant class in both rural and urban
areas with similar patterns of social, political and economic behaviour.
The Kapunadu was essentially a movement for greater political, economic and
educational representation centred around slogan 'backward class status for the kapus'.
Two earlier backward class commissions set up in 1968 and 1982 the Anantha Raman
and Muralidhar Rao Commissions did not recommend the inclusion of Kapus in the
backward classes list on the grounds that they are not a uniformly backward caste. The
movement which was launched in the early 1982, but actually took off in a big way after
a Kapunadu Mahasabha was organised in Vijayawada in 1985. The movement was
mainly restricted to the Coastal Andhra Region, and brought several sub-castes under its
umbrella including Kapus, Telagas, Ontaris and Balijas.
Traditionally these groups have occupied a similar position in the caste hierarchy,
below the dominant cultivating castes, but above the dalits By the early 20th century
most of these groups had settled down as cultivators and agricultural labourers. Their
differences seem to originate slightly different in ritual status, as well as class and
occupational differences which prevailed in earlier times, but there has never been any
taboo on inter-marriages and inter-dining among these jatis. However, the tendency
towards cross-cousin and maternal uncle-niece marriages has meant that in practice, there
have not been as many marriages among the different Jatis as there were among the subcastes of the dominant peasant castes.

The idea behind bringing these groups under one nomenclature was to make a
difference in the political arena in terms of numbers, as well as to revive inter-marriages
among the Jatis and thereby enlarge their geographical spread, since each of these groups
were concentrated in a few districts in different regions of the state.

In terms of

economic status, it was only the Kapus in the Godavari delta who constituted prosperous
peasant cultivators, the rest constituting

a substantial proportion of the small and

marginal farmers and urban lower middle classes with a dominant presence especially in
the tertiary sector. The total population of the Kapus as estimated at 18.6% of the
Population, with around 5% of them who reside the North Coastal Andhra and Telangana
regions being classified as backward classes. However, they are mostly concentrated in
the Coastal Andhra Region, particularly the Konaseema region, and here their population

222

is likely to be much more. In urban areas like Vijayawada and Tirupati, for instance their
population is variously estimated between 15% to 20%.

But among the backward classes, several dominant groups are engaged in a bitter
power struggle to make political gains. Though there are 93 castes in the existing list of
OBCs only about 10 groups have been politically active. They include the Goudas,
Padmasalis, Yadavas, Mudirajus, Gangaputras, Swarnakaras or Kamsalis, Munnuru
Kapus Turpu Kapus, Kalingas and Koppula Velamas. Of these only 3 castes, Munnuru
Kapus, Mudiraj and Goudas really enjoy the fruits of power sharing,8along with them in
the North Coastal Andhra apart from Turpu Kapus, Kalingas and Koppula Velamas also
enjoy the fruits of power.

In the meantime, the Kapus and their associate caste groups, like the Balijas, the
Telagas and the Ontaris have been successfully sought B.C. status for themselves, albeit,
for the purpose

of reservations in Government jobs and professional educational

colleges. By extension, they have also tried to secure more political representation in
proportion to their numerical strength.5
The Kapunadu movement also attempted to imitate some of the mobility patterns
of the Kammas by forging marriage alliances across regions and sub-castes and by setting
up educational institutions. However, these never really took off for various reasons.
The chief reason seems to be the economic or the class factor. Marriage alliances as a
means of geographical expansions require a much higher economic status to be a
successful technique.

The Kammas were able to do it primarily because of having

already attained a degree of economic and social mobility. The need to expand the
geographic reach by itself cannot be a successful motivation in the absence of other
factors propelling such alliances.
In the case of setting up educational institutions, which played a very important
role in Kamma mobility, the Kapus just did not have the kind of resources that were
needed to invest in areas which do not produce tangible results at least for a few years.
Not being in power it was also quite easy for the dominant classes to scuttle some of
*Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, October 28,1994.
9

lbid

223

these projects. In a struggle over the running of a school controlled by the Kapu
community in Vijayawada for instance, the ruling party at that time (TDP) attempted in
various ways to prevent the school from functioning. The rhetoric used in this instance
again points to the entry of the notion of community into popular consciousness. Further
Kapu leaders righting to get certain municipal orders rescinded, stated that "it was the
conspiracy of one community which could not brook the ascendancy of others. It was a
conspiracy of one community that no other should run educational institutions".10
Since as Upadhya puts it, terms such as Kapu "referred to caste or status
categories that were not socially organised"11 attempts were also made to define the terms
of membership by strictly enforcing marriage rules and ritual status. However, even here,
in the absence of any real mobility, such attempts were rarely successful.

The Emergence of Kapu Identity:

The significant attempts of the movement to consciously create a Kapu identity is
a continuation of the metamorphosis which 'Kapu' as a caste has undergone.
interesting to note how the Kapunadu

It is

was constituted and the main features of a

changing community.
Available records indicate that there has been a cultivating community who have
been returned as Kapus for almost 200 years starting with the first census conducted in
the then Madras presidency soon after the permanent settlement in the early 19th century.
However, in the census of 1871, Kapus seem to be a generic term to refer to all
cultivators, though differentiated from the Kamma caste. Till the 1931 census, the
practice of clubbing several non-Kamma cultivating castes, particularly Kapus and
Reddis, continued despite the fact that a strong Reddi identity has emerged by then.
It was perhaps, the rise to dominance of Reddis and Kammas by the time of
independence, that first created a consciousness among the Kapus of a separate identity.
Subsequent developments in Coastal Andhra involving the rise of Kammas as a dominant
rich peasant class as a result of the abolition of Zamindari and the green revolution,
10

D. Partha Sarathy, Collective Violence in a provincial City, O.U.P., Delhi, 1997, p.70.

11

Carol Upadhya, 'Social and Cultural Strategies of Class Formation in Coastal Andhra Pradesh'
Contributions to Indian Sociology, Vol..31, No.2,1997, p.175.

224

resulted in several changes in the economic structure of Rural Andhra.

Kapus were

amongst the communities who migrated out to the small and large towns in a major way.
The adverse impact of the economic changes and the pauperization of the Kapus (among
other groups), except in small enclaves in the Godavari delta, and the concomitant rise to
dominance and prosperity of the Kammas constituted the initial impetus for the coming
together of the Kapu sub-castes.
In the early 1980's a major political change occured that was to convulse to
Andhra pradesh society and polity. The emergence of the Telugu Desam party (hereafter
TDP.) and its massive victory in the 1983 state assembly elections can be seen as a
breakdown of ruling class in Andhra Politics. The crisis in ruling class politics broke up
a carefully built alliance among upper castes and dominant peasant castes over a long
period. The breakup resulted in the open social and political mobilisation around caste
identities. The Kapu elite at that time allied themselves with T.D.P. hoping to capitalise
on the crisis to emerge powerful at the regional level. However, it soon became apparent
that the section of the ruling classes responsible for the emergence of the T D P . had no
wish to share power with any other community. The calculated use of caste to form
strategic alliances for power however showed the Kapu community their own route to
power. Thus within a couple of years after the T D P . had come to power, the Kapus
began to organise their own movement for power. In a sense, therefore, the Kapunadu
movement pressaged the current upsurge of different communities who have their major
demand; reservations on the basis of population of various castes and sub-castes.12
Reservations for 'backward' castes and other groups - 'freedom fighters', 'exservicemen', 'the differently abled' - will undoubtedly spread. In the current political
confusion, reservations seem to be one safe way of getting votes. These were based on a
realisation that the kind of democracy we have is really skewed in favour of some
communities. It is estimated for instance, that close to two thirds of the ML. As in the
current Andhra Pradesh Assembly belong to the two dominant castes-Reddis and
Kammas, who constitute less than 12% of the population.

This lack of political

representation by and a majority of the population, has led to the decline of what
Chatterjee calls "a sense of participation by people in a social collective"13 or even one
^Reservations are necessary because the lower castes cannot compete on their own, Perhaps for
generations.
13

Partha Chatterjee, 'Communities in the East', E.P.'., Vol.33, No.6, 1998, p.277-282.

225

could argue in communal life, in the development process. The notion of community that
was built around the Kapu identity thus captures the precise nature of the socio-political
and economic changes that were and are occuring in Andhra society.

Caste, Community and Identity Choice:

In what was considered to be a seminal article when it was published three
decades ago, Steve Barnett pointed "identity choice is the central problem in situating
caste".14 The 'mega categories' such as the Kapu, which have emerged cover groups
which are originally separate from each other and whose status identification was of the
least possible kind. These communities therefore resort to what Barnett terms 'hedging* that is, 'presenting contradictory identities in different contexts', which he described as "a
kind of holding action".13 The shifting identities of the dominant peasant class is one
example wherein their identities keep moving between class and caste; their more
sophisticated facade in urban areas belies their "background as village power holders and
their readiness to even adopt the most feudal traits", as Omvedt puts it.16 Omvedt also
says that the rich peasant in India essentially has "an ambivalent almost dual political
character".17

Likewise the heterogeneous Kapu community was deliberately forged into a

unified one, so that its ambiguity can "allow the blocs to continue, while at the same time
suggesting the possibility for commonality across the blocs".18 This ambiguity has
enabled the Kapus to struggle unitedly against a common enemy or target. However,
while the Kapu elite in the Godavari districts and Guntur have been actively involved in
the so-called atrocities against the Dalits, the rest of the Kapus have often had to bear the
brunt of a whole range of upper caste violence. The ambiguities of Kapunadu have
therefore not been able to overcome the dissensions from within, leading to splits and the
consequent decline of the movement.

14
Steve Barnett, "Identity Choice and Caste Ideology in Contemporary South India", D.A. low (ed.)
Soundings in South Asian History, 1968.

"Ibid.
16

Gail Omvedt, "Class, Caste and Land in India: An Introductory Essay" (ed), Hamza Alavi and John
Harriss, Sociology of developing Societies: South Asia, Macmillan, London, 1991, p. 146.
"Ibid.
18

Steve Bamett, Op. Cit,

226

The movement was an outcome of the welding together of diverse political and
economic interests, a horizontal alliance, based on anger and resentment at social
exclusion, to target a common political enemy. The decline of the movement, however
has not meant the breakup of the organisational structure that was built up. These
structures continue to be quite active within political parties, trade unions and
independent village and town level organisations. Like the dalit organisations throughout
India, these provide an organisational presence at local levels which make it difficult for
the dominant communities to exercise power in ways that they are used to.

The major demands of the movement included categorizations of backward class,

and better political representation. The movement was very active and widespread in
Coastal Andhra and in the state capital of Hyderabad between 1985-1988 under the
leadership V. Mohan Ranga Rao.

Vijayawada emerged as a centre for Kapu political

activities when Ranga took up the leadership of Kapunadu in 1985.

A Kapunadu

conference in 1988 in the city was the largest ever held rally by Kapus.19 Kapunadu held
a number of meetings throughout Andhra in 1988 and put forth demands pertaining to
opportunities in education, employment and in politics. V. Mohan Ranga Rao was able
to mobilise the Kapus in a most effective manner owing to his own origins and migration
from the agrarian proletariat to the urban lower middle class, mirroring the changes
among a large majority of the Kapus.

The Kapus of Coastal Andhra concentrated in the agrarian rich East and
West Godavari and Krishna are different.
earlier and their drift away from the

They were with the Telugu Desam Party

T D P . began after the exit of Mudragada

padmanabham from it and accomplished dramatically with the anti-Kamma riots

following the murder of the Congress MLA V. Mohan Ranga Rao on December 26,
1988. It may be noted that the heightened anti-Kamma feeling among the Kapus was a
major cause of the defeat of the T.D.P. in this part in the 1989 Assembly Elections. Now
the Kapunadu has intensified the agitation for the inclusion of Kapus in the O B C .
category, which has been its major demand for the last one and half decade. As the
main actors in this agitation belong to the Congress(I) the factional differences in the
party get reflected in the Kapunadu as well. Nevertheless the very fact that not a day
- Paithasarathy, Op. Cit., p.48.

passes without a front page report about the activities of the Kapus in the vernacular
press, ever since they intensified their agitation in the month of March, J994 is an
indication of their power to keep the Government on its toes, which no backward
community can even think of20
With the demand of Kapus for B.C. status and the murder of V. Mohan Ranga
Rao, there we can see the awareness among the Kapus to unite for themselves and fight
for their rights. For this caste provides a readymade raw material. Hence political
mobilisation of Kapu clearly felt in the 1989 elections. An analysis of election trends
since the first elections show that the caste factor was there in Andhra Pradesh Politics,
but was never a major factor in the overall electoral process. 1989 elections deviated the
above trend wherein the casteist trend seem to have taken deep roots.
Kapus emerged as a distinct powerful political force in the East Godavari district
prior to 1989 elections. The very fact that both the parties the Telugu Desam Party and
the Congress (I) strategy in giving seizable seats to this community illustrates the above
statement. The caste factor assumes such proportions that the T.D.P. and the Congress (I)
selected Kapus to oppose one another in 4 Assembly segments, Kadiam, Jaggampet,
Pathipadu and Pithapuram. Direct confrontation between Kapus and Kammas was seen
in Assembly constituencies between Kapus and Kammas in Assembly Constituencies ie.,
Burugupudi, Peddapuram, Anaparthi and Tallarevu. Significantly in the 1989 Assembly
and Lok Sabha elections Kammas drew a blank.
In the 1989 elections, out of total 294 assembly seats, the Congress Party gave
tickets to Reddis 89, Kammas 27, Kapu 26, B.Cs 47, SC and S.T's 55, Muslims 6 and
Brahmins 6.21 In this election Congress won 182 seats.
The most important factor in building upon anti T.D.P. electoral alliance was
caste. It was successfully played up by the Congress in its resurgence and search for
power.

It assigned the task of

arousal and rallying people of different castes to

prominent Congressmen. The party was most successful in breaking off a large chunk of
the Kapu Community from T.D.P. The killing of V. Mohan Ranga Rao, a prominent
"K. Srinivasulu, "A.P: B S P . and Casts Politics", E. P. W., Vol.XXDC, No.40, Oct. 194, p.2586.
^Indian Express, Hyderabad Edition, 28 Sept., 1994. p.3.

228

Kapu leader and a Congress M.L.A, took caste politics to a climax. The scale of caste
violence and arson, targetting the property and assests of the Kammas that rocked the
four coastal districts - Guntur, Krishna, West and East Godavari districts, following the
murder was unprecedented. The Congress(I) made tremendous political capital out of
this murder and gained from the overwhelming support of the Kapus in the coastal
districts in 1989 elections.22

It was the landed gentry of this region ie., the Krishna delta that fashioned the
TDP. and it was the Peasantry of this region that voted for it enbloc in the first elections.
Barring those of the Kamma caste, others were soon put off by N.T.R's administration's
inefficiency, corruption, nepotism and quite blatant casteism. With the unsentimental
hard headedness that befits a green revolution heartland, they deserted the T.D.P. quite
fast and thus it happened that NTR. lost the Krishna delta well before he lost the state.23

The factors that influence the

1989 elections, firstly is the lingering

aftermath of the Dec. 26, 1988 clashes between the Kammas and Kapus in the wake of the
murder of Congress M.L.A. V. Mohan Ranga Rao in Vijayawada. The clashes did erode
the credibility of T.D.P. as a party capable of providing a strong and effective
Government. Secondly, Union Minister P. Shiv Shankar seems to have almost succeeded
in splitting the backward classes vote with his

interventions on the B.C. reservation

issue and the 1988 Kamma-Kapu clashes in Coastal Andhra.

Thirdly, there is a

widespread feeling that the N.T.R. in his immitable egoistical style offended the Kapu
leader Mudragada Padmanabham.24 The rout in East Godavari district was due to what is
called Mudragada Padmanabham factor, the former T.D.P. Minister and Kapu leader
slighted by NTR.25 In Telangana, the success of Congress ( I ) in certain districts was due
to the Reddy factor.

After Ranga's murder on 26th December 1988 the leadership passed into the
hands of the Kapus from Godavari district, who were land owners and whose interests
^K.C. Suri, "Andhra Pradesh: Politics of Confrontation" The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol.LV,
No. 13, JaiL-March, 1994,p..2O2.
K. Balagopal, 'Andhra Pradesh; The End of Spring*", E.P. W., Aug.25,1990, p. 1883.
24

"A.P. Issues Pushed into Background" E.P. W., Oct, 28, 1989, p.2401.

2S

M. Shatrugna, 'Andhra Pradesh Assembly Elections: Congress and T.D.P.", E.P. W., Jan.27,1990, p.201.

229

were different from those of the ordinary Kapus. The movement has split and the
Vijayawada faction is now agitating for backward class status and has allied itself with
the Scheduled Castes and other backward groups.
The December, 1988 riots in the wake of Range's murder was an immediate
factor which divided the Kammas and Kapus in terms of power struggle. Meanwhile
Kapus were polarizing themselves under the leadership of M. Padmanabham and
organised Kapunadu to protect against the injustice done to Kapus. Kapu leaders argued
that though they were single largest community in the state and with as many as 25
legislators, they were not getting the due share of power largely because 90% of the
population is poor. As such Kapu must be included in the list of backward class. Further
the sudden emergence of Kapunadu brought all the members of the community on
common platform by Mudragada Padmanabham .

Narrating the defeat of T.D.P. in 1989 elections M. Shatrugna writes, that the first
major clash between N.T.R. and his cabinet colleagues had occurred in early 1988 when
he had sacked the respected leader of the Kapu community M. Padma Nabham from the
Ministership on flimsy grounds.

Padma Nabham successfully rallied the backward

classes, especially the emerging prosperous Kapu community, under his leadership in the
rich delta districts of Godavari, which were the vote banks of T.D.P. since 1982. A major
event was the mammoth Kapunadu meet in Eluru in mid-1988 when the slain Congress
M.L.A, and emerging Kapu-leader V. Mohan Ranga Rao made his presence felt. The
Eluru meet was basically a Mudragada - Ranga joint show. It came in Dec. 1988 when
Ranga who was on a hunger strike was murdered, resulting in bloody clashes between the
Kapus and Kammas in the coastal districts of Krishna, Guntur and West Godavari. The
failure of the Government to protect life and property and its causal attitudes to tacking
down Ranga's assassins further alienated the backward castes in particular and the
common people in general.^
Again we would like to point out that Caste has acquired a markedly ideological
tone since 1990. The ideological tone was given a new articulation when the left parties
decided to join hands with Mr. V.P. Singh's Janata Dal in pressing for the extension of
Caste quotas in the course of social justice. This made it impossible for any party openly
* M Shatrugna, 'N.T.R. Rathara Grinds to a Halt' P. W., 1989, Dec.9, p.2696.

230

to oppose caste quotas, so that caste has, at least for the time being, strengthened its grip
over politics. But it still is an unsteady grip, for neither the supporters nor the opponents
of caste quotas say that caste itself should be revitalised. In fact, the strongest supporters
of caste quotas are, paradoxically, also the strongest opponents of caste as a hierarchical
system.27

As caste is becoming the agenda of elections, the traditionally established vote

banks of several political parties are changing. All over the country more particularly in
South, the S.Cs have been a 'stable vote bank' of the Congress. In Andhra Pradesh
Congress had entrenched into S.C. Wadas. They used to be called Indiramma wadas. To
counter this vote bank of Congress, the T D P . made the O.B.C. Wadas, as its vote bank.
Though at the apex level the Congress in the state is known as a Reddy Party and T.D.P.
is known as Kamma party and the vote banks of these parties were SCs and OBCs
respectively.

The OBCs who supported the T D P . earlier were not happy with NTR as

he was not allowing any visible OBC leader to grim in that party. Further the leadership
continued to be family centered.

The assembly elections of 1994-95 in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and early 1996
in Bihar, Gujarat, Maharashtra etc., were be centered around the caste question.

Fighting elections on the caste issues has acquired legitimacy after the 1993 U.P.
elections. The new legitimacy that caste has acquired must be seen in the context of
Mandal agitation and social justice struggle in 1990, formation of anti-communal front by
the Samajavadi Party ( hereafter S.P ). and B S P . in 1992-93 and forming a coalition
government in U P . by S.P. and B S P . combine. The functioning of two governments
Laloo Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav with caste centrality in states where
Brahmanism held sway over for centuries certainly boosted the confidence of S C s and
OBCs because the exploited castes began to, at least, smell the odour of political power.29

Today every caste has become conscious of its caste interests, political leaders
encouraged casteism for their political victory and goal satisfaction. The competition to
27

C.J. Puller, Caste Today, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 19%, p. 169.

News Time, Hyderabad Edition, 5 Nov., 1994, p.2.

"Ibid

2J1

avail socio-economic factors is based on caste. Many educational institutions

are

established in the name of caste where the students of particular castes are admitted and
given facilities. For example in Andhra Pradesh every major caste has its own hostel in
cities and towns. They are Reddy Hostel, Kamma Hostel Velama Hostel, Kapus or
Telaga Hostel etc. There are some other non-educational institutions where members of a
particular castes are appointed. This resulted in frustration among other castes and castebitterness comes into being. There are many temples which are established in the name
of some particular, caste members, they are run and represented by their managerial
organisation. 30For example Kanyakaparameshwari Temple is run by Vysyas.

In a transitional society caste remains and is bound to remain an important factor

in the socio-political life. The caste system manifests itself as a vertical structure in
which individual castes are hierarchically graded and kept permanently apart, and at the
same time, are linked by well defined expectations and obligations which integrate them
into the village social system.

As M.N. Srinivas mentioned, though, the scope for

individual and familial mobility has increased strikingly since independence, caste
continues to be relevant in subtle and indirect ways, in such mobility.31 In the Postindependence era, the caste as a status group has been transformed into a political group
to articulate the social and economic interests of its members. So, increasingly the caste
affiliation of the 'position seekers' became important at the time of elections. The caste
group numerically dominant in a particular constituency or a combination of caste groups
have considerable influence on the election result.

Participation in Politics
The participation of the Kapus in politics is relatively a recent phenomenon. They
realised powerlessness of their caste in the recent past. They also realised that access to
modern political power means control over economic and educational opportunities. In a
democratic electoral system existing in India where political awareness of all the sections
of the society is on the increase and in Andhra Pradesh where caste consciousness and
casteism is reaching its peak, numerical strength can be translated into political strength.
Harold Gould aptly points out:

^.Prasad, "Emergence of Caste Conflict: A Historical Context" (ed), Ram Bali, Caste and Caste
Conflict in Rural Society, Commonwealth Publishers, N.Delhi, 1989, pp.68-69.
31

M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longman, Bombay, 1982, p. 117.

232

"Caste provides the Indian political system with an extensive, built in

lobby or interest group deeply rooted in the past. The temptation to
appears to the caste lobby is over whelming. The response is immediate
because it is so deeply ingrained; the advantages are obvious because caste
is a recognised channel to gain access to ministers and entire hierarchy of
leaders, and to secure preference in any of the ever-widening activities of
the Government".32
Caste consciousness of the Kapus is on the increase since the organisation of
Kapunadu in 1982 and it reached its zenith with the assassination of V. Mohan Ranga
Rao, the then Congress MLA from East Vijayawada on 26th December 1988 in
Vijayawada who was on fast untodeath asking the Government to provide him security.
Since then the representation of the Kapu community in the Andhra Pradesh state
assembly rose from 6 in 1985 to 22 in 1989, and in 1994 there are 26 Kapu M.L.A's in
the State Assembly.

With its numerical strength and constantly improved socio-economic conditions,

the Kapu community in the 'populist' politics emerged as a 'vote bank' and now the
Kapus are in the process of starting of a political party of their own to fight for political
and economic share which is due to them.33
"When would the Andhra Pradesh political scene shift to the most numerous but
the least influential castes"? This was the statement made by the Socialist party leader
Ram Manohar Lohia in 1958. "These are the Kapus, the Padma Sal is, the Malas and
Madigas. Among them, the Kapus are the most numerous cultivating caste, they are very
poor occupancy tenants and even poor share croppers when they are not actually
agricultural labourers. In order to put energy and activity into this mass of Kapus a
political party would have to rise that fees itself almost wholly from the strangle hold of
the land-owning Reddy and Kamma castes"34

32

A. Harold Gould: Caste Adaptation in Modernising Indian Society,Chankya Publications, New Delhi,
1988, p. 163.

yl

Kapu Samkshema Sangh, Vijayawada, 1994, P 4.

Notes and Commons: Mankind, Vol.II, No. 11-12, June-July, 1958, p. 1111, Also see, Ram Manohar
Lohia, The Caste System, Ram Manohar Lohia samata Vidyalaya Nyas, Hyderabad,, 1964 (Reprint,
1979) p.93-94.

233

Share croppers and agricultural labourers are almost all of them drawn from the
backward or depressed castes such as Kapu, Mala, Madiga, Padmasalis and Adivasis.
These submerged groups form around 85% of the population. The Reddis, Brahmins,
Velamas, Kshatriyas, Kammas and similar castes form around 15% of the entire
population, same in other parts of India.

Most unfortunately for the country, it is

precisely the squabbles and quarrels among various groups of the high caste male which
form the politics of Andhra Pradesh, as of India at the present time. There is no effective
Kapu, Harijan, Adivasi, momin or women leadership. More than 85% of population is
an inchoate mass cruelly suffering and with vague aspirations. No political party dares to
touch them. All political parties drew their leading cadres from among the high caste
males who are just as coth to change the laws of share cropping as to destroy the bases
and customs of caste. This gives Reddy or Kamma and similar castes a some what more
advantageous position in village leadership, so that the backward Kapus or Harijan may
find it still more difficult to attain leadership than in the North35

There is no restriction on inter-dining between some of the major middle order

castes like Reddis, Kammas (Choudaries) Velamas (Naidus) Telagas (Naidus) Kapus
(Naidus) Balijas (Naidus) and Gavaras.36 Even Reddi - sub-castes meticulously observe
the sub-caste endogamy.

These various sub-castes may stand united in matters of

political expediency, but they are poles apart in matters of marriage between them.
While demarcation is not so sharp and marked in the case of sub-caste among these
castes, it is at its height in the case of Telagas, Kapus and Balijas etc. who may be
classified as Naidus.

As the Kapus are scattered here and there, their habits and customs and their
political activities differ. On account of the contiguity of the place they inhabit , they
may be grouped into 3 or 4 divisions.

Those inhabiting the districts of Srikakulam,

Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram were classed as one group, those who live in East and
West Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts forms a group. The Kapus or Balijas of the
districts of Cuddapah, Kurnool, Chittoor, Anantapur, Prakasam and Nellore may be taken

^Mankind, Monthly Journal Vol.4, No. 11, June, 1960, pp.91-92.

^Chintamani Lakshmanna: Caste Dynamics in Village India Nachikcta Publications Ltd., Bombay, 1973,
P.42.

.*:

---. '

234

by another and those resided in Nizam's dominions constitute the other group. Even in
these distinct groups the people have no idea of corporate action until recently.

Some times, a secondary consolidation is attempted at a lower level, with the

remaining middle level cultivating castes trying to come together as another extensive
caste; but in Andhra Pradesh at any rate this secondary consolidation has remained
incomplete. The Munnuru Kapus, Balijas, Telagas or Tenugus are collectively referred
to as 'Kapus* but the consolidation has remained un-consummated.37 In contrast the
consolidation has been quite successful in the case of upper cultivating castes: with the
Kammas almost entirely so, but with the much more heterogenous Reddis to a lesser
extent.

A large number of castes for instance, exist in pairs one backward and one
forward, with the difference being indicated by a prefix. For instance, there are two kinds
of Balijas, two kinds of Kalingas and two kinds of Velamas etc.38 The upper sections
take to trade/cultivation and the lower sections remain food gatherers or become
labourers.

Though South India is considered to be the bastion of the caste system, there has
nevertheless been a considerable flexibility in the occupational stratification in the caste
organisation in the south also. The Komatis (Vysyas) in the Andhra Pradesh, had hardly
been pursuing agriculture, though cultivation was one of their traditional functions in the
varna system. On the other hand, the Non-Brahmin castes like Reddy, Kamma, Kapu,
Balija, Telaga and others, had been mainly agricultural castes. Some sub-sects among the
Balijas (Naidus) like Gazula Balijas, are following their trades. But of late, individuals
among almost all castes have been taking to business.

In fact it has been helping

individuals to improve their status because it helps them to acquire wealth and property.
So also the individual and administration.

Occuption, thrown open by the increasing

industrialisation, have been, aspired and held by members of all the castes.39

37

K. Balagopal: Probings in the Political Economy of Agrarian Classes and Conflicts, Perspectives
Publishers, Hyderabad, 1986, p. 183.

"Ibid,
^Chintamani, Lakshmanna, "Caste Dynamics

", Op.Cit., p.98.

23S

Some times, the process of emigration also helped some groups to improve upon
their social status when it was accompained by the renouncement of traditional
occupation. Radha Kama! Mukherjee cites the instance of Teli-immigrants from Andhra
acquiring higher status in Madhya Pradesh villages, while the local Telis continued to
enjoy low position in the status ladder.40 The Teli-immigrants from Andhra were found
to adopt more respectful occupations as a consequence of which they could elevate
themselves to superior position.

At other times immigration resulted in downward

mobility. Thus while Kapus (Naidus) in East and West Godavari districts enjoy a very
high status, where they are a land owning caste, the Turpu Kapus lost their status in
Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam and the Vizianagaram districts because they had taken to
manual labour on migrating to these districts *l While such instances bound to indicate
certain amount of mobility and consequently social change in the past what is the position
now? How further has this mobility extended?

Casteism, today is not the legacy of the caste system alone but also the product of
the processes of fundamental

democratization and democratic decentralisation.

Acceptance of the representative type of government, the party system and majority rule
have been largely responsible for the growth of casteism. In a democratic government
"the so-called" peoples representatives depend upon the solid support rendered to them
by their followers. The individual support to the leaders could only be through the
collective action of groups. The groups have to be motivated to affirm their allegiance
and loyalty to the leaders. This motivation either could stem from enlightened policy of
the group or from their narrow vested interests. The leaders, to maintain their hold on
the groups, are in constant look out for slogans which could appeal to their followers. In
the Indian context, these leaders had the benefit of the well-knit groups like castes for
whipping up allegiance. To achieve this, political parties and their leaders showed
favours and opportunities in terms of categories.

In democracy, numerical strength undoubtedly has a political significance. The

contestants for power, seek followers and allies from kins, relatives, caste and village so

40

Radha kamal Mukherjee: Principles ofComparative Economics, London, P.S.King and Son Ltd., Vol.2,
1922. pp.8-9.

41

C. Lakshamanna: "Rural Social Change, Process and Problems" in Man and Life: A Journal of the
Institute of Social Research and Applied Anthropology, Vol.3, Nos.1-2, Jan-June, 1977, p.30.

236

as to increase their tally.43 These units of 'social organisation* are one of the sources of
power. Thus, the scholars consider land, number, social organisation, ritual status and
self-image as rulers, as the requisites for caste dominance.
The domination of the Kapus in the power structure is generally ascribed to the
larger number. Since enumeration by castes criterion was not continued by the census
after 1931, we do not have currently reliable figure of the Kapu population. G. Ram
Reddy estimated the population of Kapus to be 18.6% K Balagopal estimated at 15%.
Recently, the Kapunadu leaders derived the present day population of the Kapus from the
1931 census reports of the Madras Presidency and the Hyderabad state to be more than
18%.

Caste being the fundamental institution of traditional India continues to influence

the process of mobilisation and more so in the field of politics and power. When one
community is dominant within a constituency in the traditional terms of landed wealth,
ritual status and political power or increasingly, in terms of the modern calculations of
numbers - each party is likely to draw its candidate from that community. It has been
argued that this practice neutralises caste as a political factor, but the fact remains that all
castes do not have equal access to power.
Caste Affiliation of Candidates:
Caste as a status group determining the hierarchical interactions and inter
relationships in traditional India, has in the post-independence era, been transformed into
a political group to articulate the social and economic interests. So increasingly the caste
affiliation of the position seekers became important at the time of elections. The caste
group numerically dominant in a particular constituency or a combination of caste groups
have considerable influence on the election outcome. In Andhra Pradesh politics as caste
always played a predominant role in regional politics, so it was not surprising that the
leaders of Congress(I) tried to discredit the T.D.P. by branding it as the party of Kammas,
one of the dominant groups in Andhra Pradesh43
42

Neale Walter.C. 'Land is to Rule' in Robert Eric Frykenbcrg (ed), Land Control and Social Structure in
Indian History, The University of Wisconsin Press, London, 1969, p. 10.
A3

G. Srinivas, M. Shatrugna and G. Narayana, "Social Background of Telugu Desam Legislators" in

George Mathew (ed.) Shift in Indian Politics, p. 1984, p. 114.

217

All castes do not have uniform numerical strength and concentration. Some are
scattered throughout the state and some are heavily concentrated in some regions Hence
the role and the position of caste varies from area to area and from caste to caste.
The concept of dominant caste is quite significant in the understanding of the
interaction of caste and politics in modern India. However, the concept of dominant caste
must be clearly differentiated from the traditional concept of the high castes. One or
more than one caste can be dominant in a particular situation at the same time. The
dominant caste or castes can be, but is not necessarily, the high caste or higher castes.
The concept of dominant caste or castes have relevance only at the level of state or in the
nature of different regions within a single state. There is nothing like a dominant caste or
castes at the National level.
Earlier many castes hesitated to be called backward despite poor economic
conditions of its members. They feared that they would not be able to improve their
social status by identifying themselves as 'backward'. But this is no longer true, now, as
the state has provided certain privileges to backward castes. These castes have realised
that they could improve their status by improving their economic condition rather than by
observing rituals followed by the upper castes. Now there is competition among castes to
be called 'backward'.

Even Brahmins and Rajputs who traditionally enjoyed higher

social status, have also approached the government in some regions to be classified as
'bakcward'.44
There is also acute competition among castes to claim 'backward status', as that
entitles them to the benefit of protective discrimination.45 Some time castes are 'accused'
of being really 'forward', thus cutting into the benefits which only the really 'backward'
are entitled to. Thus in Karnataka the two dominant castes of Lingayats and Okkaligas
are now bringing acute pressure on the power that be to retain their claim to
'backwardness'.

^I.P. Desai, Caste, Caste Conflict and Reservations, Ajanta Publications, Surat, 1985, p.4.
45

M.N. Srinivas, The Cohesive Role ofSanscritization and Other Essays, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, 1989, p.20.

238

Some of the backward castes which are included in the state lists are the socially
dominant communities and which of late have emerged politically influential.

For

example, the Yadavas, Ahirs and Kurmis of U.P. and Bihar, Kolis in Gujarat, Nadars in
Tamil Nadu, Izhavas in Kerala, Okkaligas and Lingayats in Karnataka and Kalingas,
Gavaras and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh are land owning communities. There is not much
social discrimination against them nor these castes consider themselves inferior in any
way to any other castes. Informally, some people of these castes claim superior social
status but use backward status to avail the reservation benefits. Now more and more
groups are claiming and agitating for their inclusion in the list of backward castes.46
Using caste for political purpose is not something new to India. What is new is that it is
blatantly used by every party as something perfectly normal, legitimate and even
necessary. There is a pervasive feeling that the ruling parties are extending reservations
to newer groups not with an intent to promote a just social order but to jack up their own
electoral support. Apparently, there is conflict between the short term goals of political
mobilisation and the implications of the current approaches to the health of the polity in
the long run.47

Some Sudra castes have a problem because they are neither equivalent to the
higher castes in the same category nor so lower to be treated as Harijan castes. And yet
this distance is not as wide as observed between the Sudra castes and Harijan castes. If
this is agreed upon castes like Telaga, Chetty, Balija, Muthrasi, artisan castes like
Padmasali, Kamsali and service castes like Chakali, Mangali, etc., can be included in this
category, which we could refer to as "middle castes", while all the higher castes of 'Sudra
Category' and the Brahmins and the Vysya can be treated as upper castes. Some of the
higher Sudra castes like Reddis, Kammas and Kapus of certain areas have been placed
4ft

equally with the Brahmin and Vysyas in the upper castes.

Apart from the economic considerations, caste plays a very dominant role in the
Panchayat affairs, especially in the case of elections. Caste of the contestant determines
the nature of the voting behaviour. As such even in the selection of the candidates for
46

K.C. Suri: Caste Reservation in India: Policy and Politics", The Indian Journal of Political Science,
Vol.LV, No. 1, Jan.-March 1994, p.40.
*1lbid,pA9.
^Dr. D. Venkateswarlu: Harijan-Upper caste conflict: A Study in Andhra Pradesh, Discovery Publishing
House, New Delhi, 1990, pp. 18-21.

299

different positions, caste weighs heavily with different political organisations. With
hardly any exceptions, all the political parties evaluate the relative position of different
caste groups before the final choice of their candidates at any level of election
participation.

Even though, the political parties have tacitly resolved to leave the

elections at the village level free of political considerations, in practice it is observed that
the same political parties take undue interest in the elections, and this interest generally
centres around the decision of the candidates where in the castes of the candidate and the
dominant caste groups in the locality play a significant part. It is also equally true that, to
a large extent, the voters exercise their vote not on the basis of the policies to which the
different candidates owe allegiance, but on the basis of caste to which they belong. Caste
loyalty and caste consciousness contribute to this situation.

According to C.

Lakshamanna, out of 960 respondents, 646 ie., 67.3% were of the view that caste of the
individual determined his acceptability or otherwise for standing in the election.49 This
largely accounted for the anxiety on the part of Andhra Pradesh leaders to secure
representation for their caste groups in the Panchayat and other local elections.

It could also be seen that people of all caste groups were of the view that caste
considerations counted significantly in the choice of the candidates and in the voting
behaviour of the individuals and groups. Analysing the reasons for the relative rise of
communists in the popular vote, Harrison attributes this to the role of caste rivalry
between peasant castes like kammas and Reddis, and the caste consciousness of the
people in their voting behaviour.50 Further not only does caste play the important part in
the choice of the candidates for different positions in the Panchayat elections. The voters
also show preference to their own caste candidates. That is to say the individuals vote
more as castemen than as voters.

Rural people are convinced or appeared to be

convinced, that if they vote their castemen into power, their interests are safe. This was
obvious from the fact that 719, ie., 75.13% out of 957 respondents belonging to different
caste groups thought that people voted more on caste basis than on the considerations of
merit. This view was almost uniformly held by all the caste groups.51

49,

C. Lakshamanna, "Caste Dynamics

", Op.Cit., p. 116.

^Selig.S. Harrison: "Caste and the Andhra Communists", The American Political Science Review, Vol.L,
NO.2,19%, p.381, also see his India: The Most Dangerous Decades..
51

C. Lakshamanna, Op.Cit., p. 116-117.

240

Thus an overwhelming percentage of the rural people realised the important

influence of castes on the Panchayat affairs. The growing importance of the caste in
democratic processes only demonstrates the strength of the caste sentiments which is
cleverly utilised by interested parties and vested interests in the elections.

Strangely

enough in the rural areas of Andhra Pradesh the economic levels of the people, caste
stratification and factional organisation represent the same groups. Together these three
factors have laid the foundation for the perpetuation of caste loyalties. But this is not a
permanent picture.

With the gradual ascendency of the economic supremacy, the economic factors
have come to play an important part in determining the status of caste. Because of this,
the middle order castes like the Reddis, Kammas, Velamas, Telagas and Balijas are now
on the top in the villages in all vital matters. Its numerical strength some times also plays
an important part in determining the status of a caste. The numerical strength has been of
great significance in the development of dominant caste patterns in the rural areas.
Asked to indicate their preferences among different factors which determining social
status, the respondents emphasise the "social and political position", birth and wealth and
economic conditions in a descending order.32

Efforts for Reservation:

After the formation of T D P . Government in 1983 some Kapu leaders appealed
for the consideration of the Kapu caste in OBC list. N.T. Rama Rao's Govt. Paid deaf
ears to this demand. After congress government came to power in 1989 elections, again
the Kapus prayed Chenna Reddy also. In 1991, they submitted memorandum to the then
Chief Minister N. Janardhan Reddy demanding inclusion in the OBC list. In the same
year when Rajiv Gandhi visited Andhra Pradesh they submitted a memorandum to him
and requested their inclusion in the OBC list. He, inturn, directed the then Chief Minister
N. Janardhan Reddy to look into the matter.53

In the wake of V.P. Singh's government passing orders reserving 27% of the
Central services to the O.B.C. categories and the Supreme Court's judgement upholding

52

C. Lakshamanna, Ibid, p. 129.

"Ch Hari Rama Jogaiah, B.C. Jabitalo Kapulu (Telugu Article), p.4.

241

its validity in November 1992, the Kapus intensified their efforts to recognise them as
OBCs. The reason is that the Government of India took decision to include as O B C s
the castes whose names figures both in the lists maintained by State Governments and in
the state wise lists of O B C s appended to the Mandal Commission report. While the
Kapu Community figures in the Mandal Commission report's list, it does not find place
in the list maintained by Andhra Pradesh government. In 1993 also they met the then
Chief Minister Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy with the same demand. But none of the
Chief Minister paid serious attention to their demand. ^

The Immediate Cause of the Movement:

On 26th February, 1994, the then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh Mr. K.
Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy was attending a public meeting at Ravulapalem in East Godavari
district.

From the public gathering some unemployed Kapu youth came out with a

memorandum requesting the Chief Minister to include Kapu community in the list of
Other Backward Classes. Without any provocation, the police started lathi-charging the
Youth and dispersed them. The Chief Minister neither intervened in the incident nor
asked the police to stop the lathi charge.53

Leaders from all walks of Kapu Community demanded the Chief Minister to
make a statement over the incident. When some ruling Congress Party Kapu leaders
suggested the Chief Minister to condole the lathi-charge on the Kapu youth in
Ravulapalem, he remained adamant and outrightly rejected the proposal.

Finding all the pleas ineffective, on 14th March 1994, Kapu leaders decided to
convene a Kapu protest meet on March 20th at Ravulapalem, the same place where Kapu
youth were lathi-charged. Kapus from all over the state were invited to participate in the
meet and make it a grand success. An open invitation to all the Kapus of the state to this
effect appeared prominently in all the major dailies of Andhra Pradesh on March 16, 17,
18, 19 and 20th March 1994.56

"Ibid.,
"Eenadu, Hyderabad Edition, 27 February 1994, p. 1 also see Andhra Prabha,
56

All the News papers covered this news in theirfrontpages.

242

Ravulapalem is a small town with a population of around 60,000 in the Alamuru

assembly constituency of East Godavari district.

Situated on the national highway

number five, it is predominently a business centre surrounded by villages. Though a

multi-caste composite village, it is numerically a Kapu dominated one. It has a police
station, a government hospital and 4 government high schools. It has typical agrarian
structure with the upper castes holding most of the lands. Ravulapalem was a silent
village till the eruption of the Kapu movement.

In the Ravulapalem scenario, the rival groups among the Kapus, there are many in
number what with each claiming the backing of either the congress or dissident congress
leaders, T.D.P. or the newly formed Bahujan Samaj Party ( B S P . ) are vying with each
other to establish their supremacy. Ironically the high profiled Kapunadu and its selfproclaimed leaders are no where near the scene.57

A 'Kapu Sadasu' was held on 20th March 1994 at Ravulapalem and few Kapu
Ministers also participated in it. Nearly three lakhs people came from different parts of
the state to participate in the crucial meet. Mudragada Padmanabham was invited as the
chief guest to this meeting.

The participants included Thota Subba Rao, MP. from

Kakinada, Jakkampudi Ram Mohan Rao, Congress-I M.L.A, from Kadiam, B. Veda
Vyas, Dy.Speaker, Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Nimmakayala China Rajapp^,
East Godavari T D P . President, Pantham Mohan Gandhi, East Godavari District
Congress Committee President, Badireddy Appana Dora, Congress M.L.A, from
Burugupudi, K.V.C.H. Mohan Rao, Congress M.L.A, from Pithapuram, Vangaveeti
Ratna Kumari, Congress M.L.A, from Vijayawada-I, Metla Satyanarayana, T.D.P. ExM.L.A., Bandaru Satyanarayana, T.D.P. leader, Polisetty Satyanarayana, Akula Sivaiah
Naidu, G.S.Rao, Jakka Papa Rao, Smt. Maithili, all

Kapunadu leaders, Smt. Indira

Naidu, BJP leader etc.

The following were the demands of the Kapu Sadasu:

1. Kapus must be recognised as other backward classes
2. They should be provided with 17% reservation on the basis of the proportion of their
population.
3. The State Government should apologise to the Kapus for the lathi charge on their
youth at Ravulapalem on 26th Feb. 1994.
"Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, 17 March, 1994, p. 5.

243

Addressing

the

meeting

Mudragada

Padmanabham

demanded

that

the

Government should include the Kapus in the list of backward classes by the end of June
1994 and announce its commitment by March 25, 1994. "I will wait till 12 noon that day
and at 12.01 P.M. I will submit my resignation" he declared at the meeting".98

Further, the Ravulapalem meeting of Kapus on 20th March 1994, also clearly
brought to the fore the confrontationist attitude of the organisers, especially the youth
who are in the Vanguard of the current agitation which was triggered off in the wake of
the lathicharge in this sleepy village during the Chief Minister's visit on 26 February
1994.

Though in the past it was the Kapunadu which was acting as the anchorsheet in

fighting for the protection of Kapu interests, now it has slipped from its hands and the
movement has been taken over by the newly formed 'Kapu Reservation Porata
Samithi'.59

The senior and old leaders of Kapunadu have been pushed into the

background and a band of new youthful militants of the Porata Samithi have emerged as
the new torch bearer^ 6 The Chief Minister Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy discussed the
matter with the then Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, in the wake of Mudragada's
ultimatum to resign from the membership of the State Legislative Assembly. Further, the
Chief Minister sent a Minister in his cabinet CH. Harirama Jogaiah, also a Kapu and
some Congress Party legislators to meet Mudragada Padmanabham and tried to persuade
him to consider his decision of resignation. However, Mudragada struck to his guns and
resigned on 25th March 1994. It is relevant here to briefly review the political career of
Mudragada Padmanabham.

Contribution of Mudragada Padmanabham

The aura of sacrifice and shunning power and position for a 'principle' that was
usually attributed to his shifting affiliations every time.61 As an individual he had a good
58

Almost all news papers cany the news item in their first pages on 21st March, 1994.

5S>

The 'Kapu Reservation Porata Samiti' was established at Ravulapalem on 20.3.1994. From this
organisation Mudragada Padmanabham came out openly for the Kapu cause. Before that ie., 20.2.94 to
19.3.94 Jakkampudi Ram Mohan Rao led the movement. People like Saladi Swaminaidu, (Congress). East
Godavari District T.D.P. leader N. Chinna Rajappa, Metla Satyanarayana Ex-MLA, TDP who are against
the Jakkampudi leadership are also convinced the Mudragada to take the leadership. For details see Andhra
Prabha, Hyderabad edition, 21.3.1994.
60

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, 20th March 1994, p.l.

* Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, 2 February, 1998, p.5.

244

name for his non-corrupt, clean image, stick to his words, and straight forwardness.63
This he proves many a times during the T D P . (1983-1988) and Congress (1989-1994)
regimes when he resigned from his ministership, again when the resigned from his
M.L.A, seat to protect his caste fellows.63
Mudragada Padmanabham popularly known as Mudragada was born in 1931 at
Kirlampudi village in East Godavari district Mudragada's father Sri M. Veera Raghava
Rao was elected as M.L.A, in 1962, 19^7 and 1972 elections, as an independent
candidate from the Pathipadu constituency 6* Mudragada's political career which he
inherited from his father took several turns and at every turn he managed to be in the
news 65 Started his political career in 1978 when he was elected as an M.L.A, from
Pathipadu (the same which his father represented) constituency under the Janata Party
banner. Though majority of the Janata M.L.A's defected to the then ruling Congress (I)
Party, Mudragada preferred to sit on the opposition for the next five years.

After the formation of T.D.P. in 1982, Padmanabham joined that party and got
elected as MLA from the same constituency. Upto 1984 he worked as the Chairman of
Drainage Board when he resigned. In 1984, though he voted for TDP candidate for Rajya
Sabha elections, NTR called him and accused that he has gone against the party whip.
Then Mudragada resigned for his Chairmanship of State Drinage Board. He did not
change his mind even after NTR expressed sorry for his acts.66 After the Nadendla
Bhaskara Rao turmoil in the TDP in 1985, again Mudragada got elected as MLA from the
same constituency in the 1985 mid term polls. He worked as the Minister of Transport in
NT. Rama Rao Government. In the government's take over of the state bus routes issue,
67

he developed differences with the Chief Minister in 1988 and resigned from his

ministership and also the TDP membership. Immediately, he had formed a political party
Telugu Nadu' along with K.E. Krishna Murthy, K. Jana Reddy and Vasantha Nageswara
62

Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad, 10 June 1994, p.3.

6i

Ibid

Andhra Jyothi, Hyderabad, 15 September, 1994, p.2.

65

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, 2 February 1998, p.5.

66

'Andhra Prabha, 24 March 1994, p.2.

67

Bus routes Nationalisation of Krishna District See Andhra Prabha, March 24,1994, p.2.

245

Rao (all are T D P MLA's at that time) which never took off. Having failed in his
experiment, within a short time he merged his party with the congress in the presence of
Rajiv Gandhi on the eve of the 1989 general elections.*8 He then joined the Congress(I)
and got elected as MLA on Congress ticket, again from the same Pathipadu constituency
in the 1989 elections.
The victory over the NT. Rama Rao government on Uttara Kanchi issue through
the weapon of 'fast-unto-death' &t and his association with V. Mohan Ranga Rao, the
then Congress MLA from Vijayawada East, made Mudragada a charismatic leader of the
Kapu community, which rallied behind him. Further Mudragada's popularity helped the
Congress in the 1989 Assembly Polls not only in the East Godavari district, but also in
other districts where Kapus were a decisive factor.
The Kapu Community organised a convention on July 10, 1988 at Vijayawada to
voice their protest against the treatment meted out to them under NT. Rama Rao's rule.
The resignation of Mudragada Padmanabham from the Cabinet was the immediate
reason for organising the convention. There were other reasons such as disparity between
Kammas and Kapus in Government appointments and harassment of Kapu officials on
one pretext or other. One major incident cited was the transfer of 152 police constables
(all of them Kapus, who were allegedly sympathetic to V. Mohan Ranga Rao, the slain
Congress M.L.A.) from Vijayawada. The arrest of Ranga Rao and ill-treatment of a
Kapu IPS officer P. V. Rangaiah Naidu, who was made Director General of Prisons were
other provocations.71

After the imprisonment of V. Mohan Ranga Rao in 1988 the Kapu leader a known
roudy sheet er of Vijayawada East MLA, Padmanabham was asked to preside over the
first major Kapu conference in Vijayawada drawing the attention of his community to his
selfless, clean image.

^Andhra Pradesh Times, Hyderabad, July 9, 1997, p.4, also sec Deccan Chronicle, Feb.2, 1998, p.5.
^He achieved success in Uttara Kanchi issue to compensation to Dalits under Yeleru Reservior Project.
^Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, Feb. 2,1998, p.5.
71

G.S. Radha Krishna, "The Kapu Village: Padmanabham Takes on the N.T.R. Family", The Week, Vol.6,
No.34, August 14-20, 1988.

246

After the 1989 Assembly Elections, Padmanabham was included in the Channa
Reddy and N. Janardhan Reddy cabinets, but Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy kept him out.
Piqued, he vowed to avenge the insult. But there was no political issue on which he
could fight Kotla.

The only issue that could confer Kapu leadership on him which

indirectly helped him. In a calculated move he resigned from the assembly on March 25,
1994 returned to his village Kirlampudi and demanded the inclusion of Kapus in the B.C.
category.72

Significantly this time too he staged a came back on the Kapu card.

Mudragada could convince even N.T. Rama Rao in 1988 when he undertook fast over
Uttara Kanchi incident. In 1994 he again fought with the then CM. Kotla Regarding
B.C. status to Kapus. In view of his victory over Uttara Kanchi issue, public started
believing that their wishes will be fruitful.73 Though a late comer, because of his
standing among the people of his caste and in the politics of East Godavari district
Mudragada has emerged as the champion of the Kapu cause. The movement literally
brought the entire community on to the streets and once again Mudragada's 'fast unto*
death' forced the government to announce some sops to Kapus.74

Prominent Kapu leader Mudragada, who resigned from the State Assembly on
25th March, 1994 to focus on the community demand for B.C. status and went on a
widely publicized fast, has re-emerged as the most powerful and charismatic leader of the
community. As the community sees it, he has successfully extracted an assurance from
the government for inclusion of Kapus in the B.C. list.75 Further, he had proved his
organisational skills and hold over the community when the Kapus falicitated the then
Chief Minister Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy at a massive public meeting at Kirlampudi
attended by nearly 5 lakh people on Sept. 30, 1994.76

Resignations were nothing new to him.

To maintain his self-respect, he has

resigned as chairman of the state Drainage Board. For the same reason, he had even quit
Ministership and membership of the assembly on an earlier occasion. "This time my
72

M. Shatrugna, "All Kapus are B.Cs: Reducing Reservation to a Farce" E.P. W., Vol.XXDC, No.37,
Sept. 10,1994, p.2399.
Deccan Chronicle, March 20, 1994, p.l, Udayam, April 4,1994, p.l.
1A

Deccan Chronicle, Feb.2, 1998, p.5.

1s

Ibid, October 28, 1994, p. 13.

^Deccan Chronicle, Sept. 31,1994, p.l, also see Deccan Chronicle, Oct 28,1994.

247

resignation is for the self-respect of my community. It does me proud," he declared.77

"Todays resignation has a special significance as it has been done to protect the self*
respect of my community, which is very dear to me", he concluded.78
Mr. Padmanabham said the Kapus did not want reservation at the expense of
BCs. "We do not accept it even if they give", he said. The demand was for additional
reservation proportionate to their population, without prejudice to the existing B.C.
groups. He said it was not a political movement, but a social movement, intended to
secure justice for the poorer sections among the Kapus.79 Further Mudragada made it
clear that they were demanding reservations for Kapus in educational institutions,
Government jobs and for preference in bank loans but not in elections. They wanted
reservations about 17% without affecting the existing reservations for the backward
classes.

The few rich among Kapus may be excluded by imposing income criteria for

reservation, he added.80

While his supporters argue that he fought for the cause of Kapus everytime the
need arose, his detractors alleged that he exploited the caste whenever his career was
under a cloud.81
The Kapu supremo Mr. Mudragada's influence stands undeterred. The victory he
achieved in getting the Kapus included in the B.C. list after an uproarious 'fast untodeath' brought much closer to Kapus.82 However, the Kapu agitation for B.C. status
proved a political blunder for Mudragada, who had to bite the dust in 1994 assembly
elections in his home

constituency Pathipadu where B.C. voters are predominant.

11

Indian Express, March, 26, 94, Deccan Chronicle, March, 26,94, Udayam, March 26, 1994 and this was
reported in all the leading Newspapers of that day.

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, March 26,1994.

19

The Hindu, Hyderabad Edition, March 26,94, p.3, also see The Hindu, Hyderabad Edition, April 6,94,
p.3., Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition .April 7,94, p.l.
80

Hie Hindu, Hyderabad Edition April 6,94, Deccan Chronicle,Hyderabad

81

N. Vamsi Srinivas, Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, Feb.2, 98, p.5.

^Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, October 12,1994.

248

Edition, April 7,94.

Interestingly the same caste person was elected as M.L.A., in this election from this
constituency against Mudragada on T.D.P. ticket.*3

The political career of Mudragada, the maverick leader from the coastal district of
East Godavari has come full circle with his recent joining of the BJP. For one who
started his public life with Janata Party in 1977, the BJP is not a natural choice but has
become an inevitable step.84 He resigned from both the Janata Party and the State
Legislative Assembly to join the TDP, purportedly in a move to strengthen the spirit of
anti-congressism and again resigned from the TDP 'Sacrificing' the posts of Cabinet
Minister and MLA. *5

On March 25, 1994, as stated above, Mudragada resigned from the State
Legislative Assembly.

Stating that renunciation of posts was not new to him, he

remainded that in the past he had resigned as chairman of Drainage Board to protect his
self-respect. "Today's resignation has special significance as it has been done to protect
the self-respect of my community, which is very dear to me" he concluded.
Kapu movement for reservations in the real sense started

Thus the

under the charismatic

leadership of Mudragada. Soon Kapu movement for reservations gathered momentum

and spread all over the state.

ORGANISATION OF KAPU RESERVATION PORATA SAMITI:

The Kapu Reservation Porata Samiti (Kapu Reservation Struggle Committee,
K.R.P.S.) was formed in 20th March 1994.

It consisted of members and its

administration rested with a Board including the President, Vice-President, and General
Secretary. It had loosely organised with no definite form and structure with the pattern of
organisation varying from place to place depending on the particular local context and
circumstances.

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, Feb 2,1998, p.5.

u

Jbid

lbid.

^Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, March 26,1994, p. 1, Indian Express, 26th March, 1994, p. 1, all the
leading News Papers cany this news item in their front pages.

249

In the case of Kapu movement, Mudragada padmanabham was able to generate

voluntary and spontaneous response from among the Kapus. There was wide spread
excitement in the coastal areas of Andhra pradesh and squads of influential persons
working informally were able to mobilise the support of

followers for various

programmes. The process 'of recruitment was highly diversified

depending on the

talents of persons, while the traditional intellectual elite was drafted to spread the
message of the movement, others who did not have specific talents were recruited as
volunteers.
Since the youths were immediately affected by the existential realities, their active
involvement for mobilising in this context appears to be a natural response. The business
elite among the Kapus helped the movement by giving financial aid.

Among the

professional elite, the lawyers, more than the doctors and engineers have provided the
movement with direction and leadership at various levels.
The administrative elite was less active because of

restrictions on their

involvement in the movement. They, however, showed sympathy to the demands and
informally rendered guidance and assistance in various ways. Occasionally they presided
over functions which were not expressly political. Further persons like judges of High
Court, District Magistrates and Professors also actively participated.
Ethnic Background:
Basically people from Kapu community participated. Some close associates of
Mudragada Padmanabham from backward classes of his constituency also took part.
Kapus of all age groups participated in the movement, youth particularly in the age group
between 15 and 30 years were more actively took part. Both the sexes took part in the
movement. But the ratio of female participation is very less.
Leaders of all cadres including Congress, T.D.P., B.J.P. from the Kapu
Community participated.

However, Kapu Ministers in the Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy

Government and Kapunadu leaders who believed that inclusion of Kapu caste in O B C s
list was not possible through political movement, did not take much part in the
movement. Kapus from all parts of Andhra Pradesh participated. For example the Kapus
"interview with Mr. Padmanabham, 21.7.1997 at Kirlampudi in East Godavari District

230

from Cuddapah and Anantapur came in special buses for their participation. Like Kapus
from Nalgonda, Khammam came. These people participated because of their faith in the
Mudragada's leadership. But as the movement was intense in Coastal Andhra, people of
these 9 districts took active part.
Methods of Struggle
The Kapu

movement followed

both quasi-violent

institutionalised collective political action.

methods and non-

After the resignation of Mudragada

Padmanabham on March 25th, the Kapu Reservation Porata Samithi was paralyzed upto
16 May, 1994, Vehicular traffic at different places of Andhra Pradesh. Conducted Rail
Rokos, Jail Bharos and organised dharnas before all District Collectorates of the state.
For instance when, Mudragada Padmanabham started his Rastha Roko and Rail Roko
programmes, Kapu people belonging to T.D.P. namely P. Prasad and Pinisetti Narayana
Rao participated directly. Not only this when Mudragada started his 'fast unto death* in
Kirlampudi, West Godavari Kapu T.D.P. leaders maintained a number of sibhirams in
West Godavari and supported the Kapus cause.
From May 17 to June 30th 1994, Kapu Youth resorted to cycle rallies all over the
state. Mudragada himself participated in these rallies. He started cycle rally from
Kirlampudi to Tirupati89 with 5000 volunteers. When the movement became violent in
West Godavari district he asked his followers to go back but he continued his rally only
with 5 people upto Tirupati. They were: Nalla Suryachandra Rao, A. Ramakrishna, L.V.
Subba Rao and B. Suryachandra Rao, besides himself.90

He made extensive tours

propagating the cause, visiting all the places of Andhra Pradesh mobilising people and
meeting eminent persons.
Thus Mudragada and his followers brought about a mass awakening all over
Andhra Pradesh through informal and semi-formal associations. They transformed the
general urge into specific programmes of action. News Papers played an important role
in acting as channels of communication of ideas, events and activities of the leaders.
Leaders also held public meetings. The movement acquired a general mass character.
"'Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad Edition, April 27,1994,p.2.
"Ibid
^Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad Edition, June 5,1994, p.3.

251

However, no where the movement took a violent turn. Though one former
naxalite leader S.V. Naidu from Ramachandra Puram of East Godavari District called for
violent movement using weapons, all the Kapu leaders including Mudragada opposed his
suggestion.
The Kapu Reservation Porata Samithi leaders appealed to the Kapu community
that though they had to undergo temporary sufferings, they should keep in mind that their
progeny would be permanently benefited by their sacrifices now.
Kapu Reservation Porata Samiti argued that their demand for providing separate
reservations on the basis of Kapu population without snatching away the benefits of the
existing backward classes was justifiable and genuine and questioned why the reservation
limit in Andhra Pradesh can not be increased beyond 50% where in Tamil Nadu it is 69%
and in Karnataka it is 62% 91
As the backward classes commission's report was awaited, some Kapu leaders
like Tota Subba Rao, T.D.P. M.P. from Kakinada demanded the government to recognise
Kapus as economically backward classes facilitating them to get Economically Backward
Class (EBC) scholarships and loans.
Meanwhile West Bengal Government decided to add some more backward
classes to the list of 14 already existing castes in the state, on 24.5.94. Jyoti Basu
government passed a resolution in the state assembly to this effea. This gave further
impetus to the Kapu movement in Andhra Pradesh. They came out with the following
demands.
(A) State Government should take steps to enlist the Kapus as other backward class.
(B) The State Government should direct the Backward Classes Commission to expediate
its probe and press for an interim report.
(C) Immediately students of Kapu Community be entitled for all concessions and
scholarships given to the backward class students.
(P) Loans, subsidies and other economic benefits of the backward classes should be
extended to the Kapus with immediate effect.

91

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad Edition, April 25,1994, p.6.

252

Crucial Phase of the Movement

As the State Government was not yielding to any of the demands of the Kapus,
Mudragada padmanabham announced fast unto-death. He started this from 1st July 1994
at Kirlampudi in East Godavari along with his wife (Padmavati) and two teenaged
children. Along with Mudragada, Kapu Reservation Porata Samithi leader Aakula Rama
Krishna also was in the fast-unto-death. He belonged to TDP. 9 2 For the first four days
the State Government showed no signs of response to this fast. Kapus from all over the
state rushed to Kirlampudi and thronghed to see Mudragada

To support the

Mudragada's 'fast unto-death', people not only from Coastal Andhra districts, but also
came from Rayalaseema and Telangana regions with tourist buses.93

During

Mudragada's fast people damaged 4 buses completely and one bus was partially damaged
and in 113 centres relay hunger strikes were conducted.94 The Kapunadu did not support
Mudragada when he resigned for the MLA post on March 25, 1994, but during the fast it
had to support him as he gained popularity among rural Kapus.93 During his 4th day fast
most of the T.D.P. leaders came to see him. Among them Mr. Umareddi Venkateswarlu,
T.D.P. leader and ex-Union Minister, Ex-Minister was one C. Ramachandra!ah came
from Cuddapah to see Mudragada and ex-MLA Metla Satyanarayana also came.96
Further among the T.D.P. leaders who came were District Election Committee convener
N. Chinna Rajappa, Ex-MLA, V. Nageswara Rao, Ex-Z.P. Chairman Boddu Bhaskara
Rao, State Telugu Mahila Leader, Dr. Anisetti Padmavati, W.G. District Telugu Mahila
Ex-President, Smt. Vanga Geeta, Smt. G. Sarojini, Bezawada Varalaxmi, Ex-MLA's, M.
Narayana Murty, P. Dorababu etc.97 Rajampet MP. Saipratap, W.G. District, Central
Cooperative Bank Chairman Pantham Mohan Gandhi and some other Congress leaders
also came to see him.

^Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad Edition, July 2,1994, p.l.

93

Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad Edition, July 5, 1994, p.3.

94

Ibid.

95

Ibid.

"'Ibid, p.3.
"ibid, p.3.
"Ibid. p.3.

253

Among the non-Kapus who came to see Mudragada were ex-Minister,

Mummidevaram MLA,

B. Subba Rao, Bhupati Raju Sudarshan Babu, Rama

Chandrapuram M.L.A. Pilli Subhash Chandra Bose and also Garapati Sambasiva Rao
from W.G. District.99

Particularly W.G. district Kapus of all parties supported the

Mudragada's movement for B.C. status to Kapus.100

But when the agitation in the districts mostly covered by the Kapus grew wild, the
government issued G.O. Ms. No. 18 dated 6.7.1994 providing certain non-statutory
educational benefits and economic schemes to poor and also issued GO. Ms No. 19,
providing non-statutory educational and economic support schemes to poor among Kapus
whose annual income was less than Rs 12,000/-. Mudragada ended his fast unto-death

Here we have to remember that when Kapu leaders demanded for certain benefits
to be announced the then Chief Minister Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy said that no state
government had any right to include or exclude any caste from the list of backward
classes on its own without a proper recommendation made in this regard by the State
Backward Classes Commission following the Supreme Court's judgement on the Mandal
Commission Report. West Bengal Government case is the best example

l01

Further in

response to Chief Minister's statement Mudragada said: "There is nothing that the
Government cannot do. It should only have the will and commitment".102 He stressed
that at least the Chief Minister should ask for an interim report from the State Backward
Classes Commission or request the Commission to submit its report early, but the state
Government consented for neither in the early phase. When the movement came to a
peak stage with Mudragada's fast unto-death, fearing for his hold on the Kapu
community, the state government accepted the demands what previously they said it is
not in their purview.

This reflected the Vijayabhaskara Reddy government's anti-

sympathy about Kapu problems.

"Ibid.
X

Andhra Prabha, Hyderabad Edition, November 27, 1994, p.2.

101

On 24.5.94 in West Bengal, the Jyoti Basu Government decided to add some more Backward Classes to
the list of 14 already existing castes in the state For that a resolution passed in the State Assembly to this
effect.
^Eenadu, Hyderabad Edition, June29, 1994, VI.

254

Even then the Kapus were not satisfied and the agitation was not stopped. They
were demanding the inclusion of their caste in the list of other backward classes. The
government issued G.O. Ms. No.30 dated 25.8.1994 declaring Kapus and 13 other
communities are backward classes. The G.O. reads:
"Normally before any caste or community is included or excluded from
the list of Backward Classes, the Government is expected to seek a report
from the Commission and then take an appropriate action. It is not the
policy of the Government under normal circumstances to deviate from this
procedure. But so far as the demand of the castes and communities under
reference is for inclusion in the list of Backward Classes is concerned it is
a long pending demand with a mass support some times even causing
unrest for the reason that certain communities which are more or less on
par with them in the matters of social and educational backwardness have
already been included in the list of Backward Classes. Thus a feeeling of
inequality has been generated in those communities giving rise to
emotional upsurages for social justice".
In the above backdrop of events and demands and pending receipt of the report of
the Backward Classes Commission, the Government hereby

order that 14

castes/communities namely Muslims, Kapus, Telagas, Balijas and Ontaris, Ayyakara,

Kasi, kapidi, Patra, Gajulabalija, Nagaralu, Pondara, Kurakala, Quresh, Palaekari shall be
treated as socially and educationally backward for the purpose of reservation of seats in
educational institutions and for recruitment to jobs in government local bodies etc.
Any reservation to the communities hereby ordered to be included in the list of
Backward Classes will not cut into the quantum of reservation available to those who are
already recognised as Backward Classes.
As the reservation contemplated to the castes included in the list by this order is in
addition to the quantum of reservations available to castes already included in the list of
Backward Classes, government will take suitable action in order to provide for
reservations in excess of 50 per cent.
When the validity of the G.O. was challenged in the Andhra Pradesh High Court,
a three member High Court Bench on 7.4.1995 in its majority judgement struck down the
challenging writ petitions. While justice Y. Bhaskara Rao and justice Ramesh Madhav
Bapat gave majority judgement, Justice B. Subhashan Reddy delivered the minority
judgement.

255

Reaction of Various Sections:

The Kapu movement for reservation and the inclusion of the Kapus in the list of
Backward Classes was reacted upon differently by different sections of Andhra pradesh.
Mudragada padmanabham said that the Kapus did Hot want reservations at the expense of
the Backward Classes. "We do not accept it even if they give". The demand is for
additional reservations proportionate to our population.
The fear of the upper caste opposition reference groups like Kammas and Reddis
was that if the Kapus were to be included in the backward classes list, they would forge
an alliance with all the existing backward castes who would constitute more than 60% of
the State's population and contend for power in the state politics. Thus they wanted to
keep the Kapus and the backward classes isolated.
The attitude of the opposition reference groups intensified further the unity and
political awareness among the Kapus belonging to diverse sub-castes. Their unity was
derived from their ethnic identity. This ethnic identity and the ensuing unity enabled
them to face the resistance from the opposition reference groups.
The promise of B.C. status for the Kapus had sounded the alarm bells for the
traditional backward classes which not only feel threatened by the Kapu resurgence, but
are also alarmed by the Kapu demand for more representation for the community The
backward class leaders apprehended that the change in the caste equations may turn out
to be harmful to the overall interests of the traditional backward classes to the extent that
they have to share the spoils of power or party tickets for assembly polls with the Kapus
now.
While Kapus have made significent economic and educational progress in the
Godavari districts, they lag behind in Krishna and Guntur districts. Their relationship
with Kammas on the one hand and backward castes on the other is uneven and depends
on the vagaries of politics. Hence the ire of backward classes is that they will 'swallow'
all the reservation benefits. Since Kapus look 'upwards' rather than 'downwards' for
political alliances, backwards have a deep suspicion of them 103
103

News Time, Hyderabad Edition, 21 SepL 1994, p-2.

256

Among the neo-

backward classes only the Kapus are politically organised and have been enjoying all the
benefits at the cost of the Balijas, Telagas and Ontaris Balijas who are predominant in 6
districts including Nellore and Prakasham and four Rayalaseema districts have meagre
representation in the assembly. Besides, Turpu Kapus in North Coastal Andhra and
Munnuru Kapus in Telangana were already in the OBC list.104 Though some Kapus may
be in good position, those depend on agriculture in the villages are educationally and
socially backward and hence the inclusion of Kapus in the backward classes list is good.
Unfortunately, the issue has acquired political overtones as those in the forefront of the
Kapu agitation are known political leaders.10S

But Andhra Pradesh Backward Classes Sangham had threatened to agitate if the
Kapus were recognised as Backward classes. Its president, P. Krishna Rao, T. Balagoud
and Konda Laxman Bapuji had openly opposed any move by the State Government to
include Kapus in the B.C. list.
According to R. Krishnaiah, President of Andhra Pradesh Backward Classes
Welfare Sangham or Association "if Kapus included in the B.C. List, the B.Cs will
certainly be affected because Kapus will dominate others and corner all the facilities for
themselves"106 In other words, if reservations are extended to all Kapus they form a
formidable 18.6% and tilt the electoral balance significantly. Politically they are a strong
group!107

Stand of Political Parties

As a ruling party at that time, the Congress (I) should not support the Kapus
demand. But at the same time it should not antoganise the Kapus towards the Congress
Party. So we can see the vacilating nature in the Congress party stand.
N. Chandrababu Naidu the then T.D.P. General Secretary went on record that it
was a sensitive issue and he could not like to offer his party's stand on it. Thus, T.D.P.
]M

Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad edition, 26 Oct. 1994, p. 13.

Jbid, 12 Aug, 1994, p. 10.

]06

Jbid, 28 Aug. 1994, p. 10.

107

M. Shatrugna, AH Kapus as B.C. 's: Reducing Reservations as Farce " KP. W., VolXXDC, No.37,
Sept. 10, 1994,p.2399.

257

like some sections in the Congress-I was cautious about its approach in this regard as
many backward classes leaders were opposed to the inclusion of Kapus in the B.C. List.

The Bahujan Samaj Party took it as a golden opportunity to establish its hold in
Andhra Pradesh politics using the Kapu movement. Its leader Kanshi Ram even met
some Kapu leaders and offered his support to the movement. The Kapus accepted this
cordiality but never tended towards the Bahujan Samaj Party as a group. But certain
individuals joined the B S P .
Significantly, the state B S P . which is supposed to speak on behalf of the BCs,
SCs, ST's and Muslims and women has remained silent on the Kapu issue. According
to a senior B.S.P. leader "Absorbing the Kapus in the B.C. category has meant that one
section of the upper caste is disarmed".108

Stand of Muslims
With the recent emergence of Hindutva Ideology in the wake of the MandirMasjid controversy, Muslims have become a self-centered group interested in protecting
themselves from any possible Hindu onslaught. They submitted separate memorandum
to the government of Andhra Pradesh and to the State Backward Classes Commission for
their inclusion in the list of other backward classes. Though they are not supporting the
Kapu demand, they did not oppose it

Consequences of the Movement

There is the question of the nature of the social and cultural consequences of a
social movement. The social changes that result from a movement may be seen first in
terms of the changes in the positions of the concerned sections of the movement and
secondly in terms of their impact on the wider society. The Kapu movement was highly
significant among the Kapus in terms of ethnic identity, opportunity structure and
politicisation.

Two important developments could be observed in the community. The growth

of a differentiated elite with a shift in the traditional balance of power in the state of
loe

M. Shatrugna, Op.Cit., P.2400.

258

Andhra Pradesh and the transformation of localised sub-castes into an ethnic bloc at the
state level. While the movement had not changed the Kapu's everyday life in any drastic
manner, it had in more subtle ways helped them to realise their collective strength and
potential. Through the movement the Kapu community became a unified power which
could turn the tables in the 1994 Assembly elections Kapu ethnicity was double edged;
on the one hand it promoted common identity and a sharing of common values and on the
other it had a cognitive change which became manifest in situations of conflict against
opposition reference groups. Kapu ethnicity was nourished and kept alive by the Kapu
movement.

Further, the movement also facilitated politicisation of the Kapus

It generated

increasing political awareness and encouraged some of them to assume leadership at

various levels. The political elite consisting of professional politicians began to appear.
They began to hold positions in the new structures of power at various levels, at the
parliament, the state assembly, the municipality and the three tiers of the Panchayat Raj.
They also became office bearers of different political parties and active workers. At the
state level they emerged as a strong political force in Andhra politics which rests on a
delicate balance maintained by the two groups, the Reddis and the Kammas. Thus a high
degree of politicisation backed by the Kapu movement had enabled the Kapus to bring
about a shift in the balance of power relations in Andhra Pradesh. Since 1983 the Kapus
have made significant gains in improving their share of formal political power in
accordance with their numerical strength

Judging by the standards, the Kapu movement extended its influence beyond the
group of Kapus. The Kapus were the first to organise themselves in a systematic way and
led a movement for reservations after the Supreme Court judgement of 1992 upholding
the validity of the Mandal Commission's recommendations. Other lower castes also
started demanding for their inclusion in the list of other backward classes or the other
backward classes are demanding for their inclusion in the Scheduled Caste Category.
Thus the movement set a precedent in this respect.

Thus we may conclude by saying that ,the idea behind bringing these groups
under one nomenclature was to make a difference in the political arena in terms of
numbers, as well as to revive inter- marriages among the Jatis and thereby enlarge their
geographical spread, since each of these groups were concentrated in a few districts in
259

different regions of the state. In terms of economic status, it was the only the Kapus in
the Godavari delta who constituted prosperous peasant cultivators, the rest constituting a
substantial proportion of the small and marginal and urban lower middle classes with a
dominant presence especially in the tertiary sector.

The Kapunadu movement was highly significant among the Kapus in terms of
ethnic identity, opportunity, structure and politicisation. While the movement had not
changed the Kapu's everyday life in any drastic manner, it had in more subtle ways
helped them to realise their collective strength and potential. Kapu ethnicity was double
edged; on the one hand it promoted common identity and a sharing of common values
and on the other it had a cognitive change which manifest in situations of conflict against
opposition reference groups. Kapu ethnicity was nourished and kept alive by the Kapu
movement. Further a high degree of politicisation backed by the Kapu movement had
enabled the Kapus to bring about a shift in the balance of power relations in Andhra
Pradesh.

For the first time the Kapunadu united all the sub-castes of Kapus on common
platform. The movement literally brought the entire Kapu community on to the streets.
This was due to Mudragada's personal image. Mudragada as an individual had a good
name for his non-corrupt, clean imag^. Though a late comer, because of his standing
among the people of his caste and in the politics of East Godavari district, Mudragada
has emerged as the Champion of the Kapu cause. According to Mudragada it was not a
political movement but a social movement, intended to secure justice for the poorer
sections among the Kapus.
The Kapu movement for reservations gathered momentum and spread all over the
state. In the case of Kapu movement, Mudragada was able to generate voluntary and
spontaneous response from among the Kapus. Further, Mudragada and his followers
brought a mass awakening all over Andhra Pradesh through formal and semi-formal
associations.

They transformed the general urge into specific programme of action.

However, no where the movement took a violent turn.

260