A Performance-Centred Approach to Gossip

Author(s): Roger D. Abrahams

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 5, No. 2 (Jun., 1970), pp. 290-301
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2799654
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A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED

APPROACH

TO

GOSSIP

ROGER D. ABRAHAMS

University
ofTexas,Austin

Gossip,like joking, takesplace betweenindividualswho standin a special

relationship
to each other.We can therefore
discerna good deal of theformal
and informal
socialstructure
of a community
by notingthosecategoriesofpeople
who joke or gossipwitheach other.Furthermore,
likejoking,both thecontent
andformsofgossiparetraditional,
anditis theseconventional
aspectswhichdefine
and restrict
the communicative
situation.It would thusbe instructive
in both
joking and gossipto investigate
thecommunications
exchangedin regardto what
limitsthereare to the licensegiven by the communityand by the individuals
involved,and howjudgementis madeon violationsof decorum.Thismeansthat
the observermusttake note of the qualitiesof the specificperformance
which
give riseto thesetraditional
To do this,howgossipingandjoking relationships.
notonlytoseewhatotherformsofconventional
ever,itisimportant
conversational
existwithinthespeechcommunity
underinvestigation,
butalso such
interchange
licensedperformances
as occur.In otherwords,to understand
otherdeliberate,
it is necessary
gossipin thecontextof therangeof speechactsof a community,
to
investigate
thefeaturesunique to gossipand thosewhichare sharedwith other
speechactsand events.
The functionalist
perspectivehas made us sensitiveto the elementsof social
controlwhichunderlieso muchof what people say and performto each other.
of theidealsof thegroup,
call forsome dramatisation
Most publicperformances
thestrategy
oftheformer
eitherthrougha formalor a comicpresentation,
arguing
have become
emulation,thatof the latter,avoidance.But some ethnographers
uneasyabout thefunctionalist
approach,becauseof its unitaryfocus.They note
and usesto suchperformances
thatthereare otherdimensions
whichare
correctly
to accountforthroughtheuse of theequilibriummodel alone.
difficult
Commonly the argumentsagainstthe functionalists'
positionhave stressed
individualor factionalcompetitiveusages of performance
devices.Taking the
deviceswhich
longerview,it seemsalmostobviousthatmanyof thesetraditional
arguein termsof a publicmorality,(suchas proverbsand myths),may also be
appliedin theprosecutionof personalor factionalends.Indeed,it has been elegantlydemonstrated
by Leach and Firththatjust sucha processis to be observed
in theuse of myths,at leastamongtheKachinand Tikopians(Leach 1954; Firth
ofgossiphasbecomecaughtup in
ofthenatureandfunction
I96I). The discussion
thisargument.
Analysesof gossipby studentsof cultureand societyhave commonlyfocused
on thepracticeof talkingabout otherpeople'sbusinessas a techniqueformaincontrolthroughtheelucidationof a publicmorality(Glucktainingcommunity

froma slightly
manI963; I968). VidichandBensman
different
(I968) arguing

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A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED

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GOSSIP

29I

some
perspective,
see gossipin thesmalltown settingas a meansof maintaining
conflicts
and external
kindof community-held
publicimagein thefaceofinternal
pressuresfromthe city. These social concernshave been counteredby other
of gossipforthegossiper,either
arguments
thatwould emphasisetheimportance
of interactional
by increasing
thegossiper'sbase of esteem,or in thearticulation
channels,
especiallyfriendship
networks(PaineI967; Szwed I966; HannerzI967).
Faris,standingsomewhere
betweenthesepositions,seesthepracticeas a meansof
to maintainthefluidity
of communications
constantly
renewingand attempting
relationships
in a smallcommunity
(FarisI966).
In gossiping,commonsensetellsus thatall thesefeaturesmay be presentat
mayemphasiseideals
thesametime.Furthermore,
thepracticein one community
it maystress
thepersonalpowerwhichis acquiredby beingable
while,in another,
to directenergiesinto a traditional
mode of tellingstoriesabout others.There
hasbeen,therefore,
somerecognition
of therelationship
betweengossipand other
bothin rhetorical
strategy
and in function;butno one, to
typesof performance,
examinedthisdimensionof thesubject.To this
myknowledge,has systematically
end, thisarticlewill focuson the nativetypologyof speechacts and eventsas
expressedby peasantsin RichlandPark,St Vincent,BritishWest Indies.I shall
betweengossipand the more public modes of
show thattherethe continuities
areexplicitly
performance
recognised.
Though Vincentianspeakersof Englishcreoledo not have the term'gossip',
theyuse in an almostsynonymousfashionthe Frenchcreole commess.In this
communitythereis a greatdeal of talk about talk,and because of this,much
in this
behaviour.Not onlyis commnessjudged
judgementpassedon communicative
way, but it is relatedin the mindsof Vincentianswith such othertraditional
devicesas joking ('ragging', 'making mock'), arguing('making boderation',
of a more ritualisedsort.In
'giving vextation')and ceremonialperformances
seemto saythatthereis an 'art' in gossipjustas thereis in
otherwords,Vincentians
an argument,
and theyjudge thepractice
makinga songor speech,or conducting
of commess
accordingly.
on gossip,I findonly Edmonson(I966)
Among the previouscommentators
and Gossen(I969) hintingat sucha perspective.
Both deal withMiddleAmerican
Indianlanguages,and both approachgossipas one nativeformof self-conscious
aresomewhat
expression
amongothers.Edmonsonpointsout thatthesecategories
at variancewithours(a possibility
thatGluckmanseemsto ignorein his reliance
on a too restrictive
definition
of thepractice).Edmonsonsays:
dictionary
At firstglancethelinkingof gameswithgossipand humormayappearbotharbitrary
and misleading.... Taken together,
however,the threetopicshave a certaincoherence
relevant
peculiarly
perhapsto theMiddleAmericanIndians:in manylanguagesofMiddle
Americatheyarecalledby thesameword.To 'laughwith'(or 'at' or 'over') somebodyis
toplaywithhim,to mockhim,orto amusehim(Nahuatluetzca,
Yucateccheeh)
(1966:I9i).

in thisdirection,
indicatesthatgossipis not only
Gossen,goingsomewhatfarther
among the Chamula, but is also
regardedas a formof play or performance
categorisedas a kind of narrativeform,embodyingstoriesabout the doingsof

creation
world(GossenI969:
peoplein thefourth
(contemporary)

29-33).

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292

ROGER

D.

ABRAHAMS

Among Vincentianpeasants,cornmess
is judged like all verbalperformances
in
It is thusrelatedin the
termsof theappropriate
use of theformby theperformer.
mindsof the groupto a numberof othertypesof verballystylisedencounters,
bothin termsof content(whereit is associatedwithothergenreswhichfocuson
such as
scandal),and form(whereit fitsinto othertypesof licensednarratives,
Anansistories).Gossipis therefore
judged in thesametermsas a storyor a song,
in therightsettingand
thatis, accordingto whetherit is judiciouslyperformed
undertheproperlylicensedconditions.Sinceit is regardedas one formof 'rudeaudienceis called
ness' or 'nonsense, a good deal of licensefromthe(restricted)
forifit is to be carriedoffsuccessfully.
conIn linewiththepreviousarguments
cerninggossip,Vincentian
commessdoeselucidatepubliclyapprovedbehaviourby
condemningdepartures
fromnorms.It is also used by a numberof judicious
to buildup theirbasesof esteemwithinthecommunity.
Thiswe must
performers
and from
inferfromthefailureof somegossipersto use thedeviceappropriately,
theensuingdiscussions
of theconsquencesof suchactionsin termsof community
division.But theapproachwhichwill be usedin thisarticlewillfocuslesson such
public,or personal,aspectsof gossipuse, and more on the way in whichVincentians
view commess
in relationto otherperformance
forms.
As mentioned,
on St Vincentthereis a good deal of talkabouttalk.Indeed,the
basic institutions
of the peasantfamily-and friendship-networks
are definedas
ofspeechacts
muchin termsofspeechbehaviouras by actions.(A folk-taxonomy
in thiscommunity
is described
in Abrahams& BaumanI969.) One reasonforthis
of theattitudethatcontrolof wordsand speaking
focuson talkis theretention
eventsprovidesthe key to communitystatusand personalpower. Words, as
controldevices,are greatlyadmiredwhen effectively
used in a controlledand
familiaratmosphere
whileobservingtheconventional
rulesand boundariesof the
occasion,butgreatly
fearedwhenthesecontrolsareabsentor whentheexpectation
established
patterns
by convention
areabrogated(AbrahamsI967; I968). In short,
Vincentian
oral culturein spiteof thehighdegreeof
peasantsretainan essentially
literacyin thecommunity.
Activities
suchas 'makingcommess'and 'vextation'(arguing)occurconstantly
butarenevertheless
fearedbecausetheylead to a feelingoflossofcontroloverthe
most powerfulwords of all-one's personalname. One therefore
attemptsto
and by
manageone'sown identity
by actingsensibly,
especially
withinthefamily,
beingjudicious in the choiceof friends,
pickingthoseto whom one may talk
withoutone'swordsbeing'stolen' and publiclydramatised.
However,thereis an ambivalencein Vincentianlife,arisingfromthe feeling
thatone can fullymanage one's own identityonly by keepingsilentat most
in keepingcounsel.Yet
times;not evenfriends
and familyare reallytrustworthy
resented.The
silenceon manyoccasionsis a signof lack of trustand is strongly
in thiscommunity.
Furtherstrong,silenttypeis regardedas strangeand unnatural
more, the same motivesembodied in gossipingand arguing,when theyare
channelledintoappropriate
are encouragedby
ceremonial('play') performances,
the community.Though thereis a fearof havingone's name used in scandalpieces,thereis a contrary
notionthatprestigemayresultfromhavingone'sname
used(andtherefore
known)byso manypeople.In somecases,becauseonebecomes
known(albeitnotoriously),
community
scornisacceptedandtakenadvantageofby

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A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED

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293

individuals.
Here theimplication
is thatpeoplewould ratherbe fearedas deviants
thanignored.
This contradiction
seemsdue to thepresenceof contrary
motives.One motive
dictatesthatone should live decorously,earningrespectfor oneselfand one's
parents.The implicationis thatone's role in thecommunity
is underone's own
controlor underthe controlof one's family.The contrarymotiveis thatcommunityrole perceptionand typingproceduresare going to accordone a place
and thatone mustlearnto acceptand capitaliseon this.These contraryaspects
are not the subjectof much discussionor worrybecause theyare not directly
perceived.Rather,theVincentiansees certainelementsof his identitywhichhe
may controlthroughdevelopingtheexpressive
capacitiesconsistent
withcertain
roles.There are, however,otherfeaturesof the role-casting
over whichhe has
learnsto acceptand evencapitaliseupon. Thisis
littlecontrol,whichhe therefore
especiallyevidentin the stigma-typing
of the physicallyor mentallydefective
person.
Everydaycommunicativebehaviouris judged on the same termsas more
stylisedperformances.
Little distinctionis made between those formallyand
suchas singinga song,or dancing,
obviouslystructured
expressive
performances,
or tellinga folktale,
and ordinary
interactions.
Thuswhiletherewould
expressive
be no confusionin themindsof thecommunity
betweena carnivalsong and an
everydayargument,both would be recognisedas relatedto each otherand
of varyingappropriateness
and effectiveness.
evaluatedas performances
In short,anypublicactivity
(i.e. onewhichgoesbeyondthefamilyor a pairwho
is regardedas a performance;
arefriending)
of
publiclifeis seen as a continuity
fromthemostcasualeverydayeventto themoststylisedceremony.
experience,
seen as simplyone of the manyinevitableperformances
Gossipis therefore
of
everydaylife.
This doesnotmeanthatgossipingis regardedas good. Indeed,iftheVincentian
is directly
askedwhetherhe approvesof gossiping,
he will respondthatit is of no
and thatit leads to fightsand hardfeelingsand to familyand
value whatsoever,
communitydivisions.But he will also replythatgossipis inevitable,the proofNegroes
clivitybeinginborninpeople,especially
Negroes.The whitestereotype
hereprovidesa convenient
rationalefora typeofbehaviourregardedas potentially
disruptive
butvitalto thelifeoftheindividualandthecommunity.
Throughbeing
talkedabout,one riskshavingone's activitiesdisapprovedof; but one standsto
and involvement.
gainmuchby suchtalk-a senseofcommunity
identity
Indeed,
thereare manyindividualswho, if theiractivities
have not been publicenough,
will utilisethe gossipnetworkto talkabout theirown businessand thusto feel
more fullymembersof the networkand of the community-a processcalled
when discussedin abstract-therefore
'niggerbusiness'.Gossipis onlydenigrated
ideal-terms,or when it leads to divisiveor destructive
publicactions.
*

Becauseof itsrelationto theseideals,however,gossipis regardedas 'nonsense'

and ceremonialand is therefore
one of a numberof performances-everyday
so designated.
Being placedin sucha categoryis, in a sense,a valuejudgement.
'Nonsense' activitiesare those which are potentiallydivisivefromthe com-

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294

ROGER

D.

ABRAHAMS

as non-factual,
munity
pointof view.Theyexhibittraitswhichare regarded
as 'ignorant
'ignorant';andthosewho fallinto'nonsense'areoftendescribed
whenqualified
as nonfellows'.Consequently,
behaviour
is beingcondemned
themajor
sense.But in theactualoperations
of thegroup,'nonsense'provides
suchas wakes.In
motivefora number
ofimportant
ceremonial
entertainments
for'nonsense'
is givenso thatthesocialconfusion
ofdeathmaybe
wakes,license
intotheopen,playedout,andhandled
in thisway.
articulated,
brought
playfully
Licentious
and allowsit to rehearse
playbehaviour
bringsthegrouptogether
andembarrassment
in a context
On suchocconfusion
whichis undercontrol.
focusin channelling
casions,'nonsense'can be seento serveas a community
in socially
creative
useful
energies
directions.
thisitisnecessary
torecognise
that'nonsense'
is a contrast-term
To understand
and'sensible'
asembodyfor'sensible',
arethosewhichareregarded
performances
idealsofthecommunity.
A ' sensible'
isoneinwhich
ingthehighest
performance
is boldlystatedand acted
'decorum'(oftenthekeywordin sucha ceremony)
idealsof thecommunity
areopenlydisupon;it is one in whichthefamilistic
Itislookeduponasa modelofbehaviour
cussed.
notonlybecauseofitsorderbut
andreliable
becauseofits'sense',itsfactual
content.
Being'sensible'meansbeing
andknowledgeable-the
areregarded
as synonymoustwo traits
well-spoken
is seento be oflittleor no
and anything
weighedagainst'sensible'enactments
value.
is one whichemphasises
The 'sensible'performance
theorderand decorum
andthelicenafforded
the'nonsense'
byknowledge,
focuses
upontheenergetic

tious ambiencewhich accompanieslies. The 'sensible'-'nonsense'contrastnot

to theembodiment
of truthor lies,butalso to two othercategoriesof
onlyrefers
attributes:
Reflectingthisare two
performance
language-and interaction-types.
further
contrast-sets
of terms.
to as
is referred
Languageusage,whichis associatedwith'sensible'performance,
'talkingsweet' or 'talkinggood'. Speech which is congruentwith 'nonsense'
occasionsis designatedas 'talkingbroad' or 'talkingbad'. 'Talking sweet' gento formalstandardEnglishin diction,grammarand
erallymeansapproximating
syntax.Thereis a naturalcongruencefeltin bothprincipleand practicebetween
theuse of thislevel of language(especiallyin diction)withthehighlydecorous
ceremonies
whicharedesignated
as 'sensible'.Indeed,theyaremoreoften
stylised
to as 'sweet' than'sensible'.Furthermore,
referred
when'nonsense'occasionsare
itis oftenbecausetheyarenotonlyfullof 'lies' buttheyareexpressed
denigrated,
in creolelanguage,or 'talkingbroad'.
The second contrast-set
dichotomyis the
relatedto the 'sensible-nonsense'
distinction
betweenbeing 'rude' and being 'behaved' or 'besaid'. 'Being behaved' is regardedas an attribute
of being'sensible';'rudeness'is associatedwith
and this
'nonsense'.Thereis also an intimaterelationship
betweenlanguage-level
forthe'behaved' areregardedas thosewho havewordsunder
behaviourcontrast,
causeembarrasscontrol,whilethe'rude' arethosewho do notandwho therefore
ment,fearand angerin others.As one informant
put it, 'rude people,theydoes
makenoiseto annoy'(i.e. to embarrass).
withwordsand
The 'besaid' arearticulate
withsilence.Thus,theVincentianhas threesetsof termsby whichhe comments
to his conscious
upon and judges a performance
accordingto its conformity

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A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED

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295

speakingideals: 'talkingsweet', 'actingsensible','being behaved'; and 'talking

broad', 'talkingnonsense','gettingon rude'. All thesetermsare appliedboth to
everydayand to ceremonialperformances.
These contrasttermsmustbe understoodiftheoperationof gossipin Vincentiancultureis to be fullyappreciated.
Vincentians
regardtalkabout the doingsof othersas a deviceby whichthese
others'namesare'called'. By thisis meanttheabilityofa speakerto referto someand throughsuchreference
to use thenaming
one by theirfamiliardesignation,
one's base of esteem,and on theother,
as a meansof,on theone hand,increasing
controllingthe person named. The 'calling out' of names occurs in all
But it is takennote of onlyin thosecaseswhereit is regardedas
performances.
to
or badlydone.The 'rudeness'of such'callingout' drawsattention
illegitimate
itselfmost commonlyin thoserecurrent
failuresof reciprocalcommunication,
situations
of embarrassment.
For instance,when I was in St Vincent,certainof my acquaintanceswould
yellout mynameas I would passon theroad,and I noticedthatmy Vincentian
or would suddenlybecomevery
companionswould sucktheirteethin displeasure,
quiet.NaturallyI askedwhythiswaswrong,andwas toldthatitwasveryimproper
for anyone,even my closestfriends,to 'call out' my name. The truesign of
in suchcircumstances
friendship
would have been to wait untilour eyesmetand
thento raisetheeyebrows,or to say 'How, how?' or 'Wha' 'appening,man?'.
in thediminutive
The inappropriateness
of' callingout' myname,especially
form,
was thatwhen someonenamesyou theyimplythatyou are a friend.Friendship
meansmore thanan availablecommunication
it involvesa whole
relationship;
seriesof rightsand obligations,and therefore,
a friendneedsto have more of a
thensimplytheknowledgeof someone'sname.
signof friendship
This senseof embarrassment
indicatesthatthereare stronglyfeltdistinctions
in whatis regardedas properin public,andwhatshouldremainprivate.A person's
name epitomiseshis privateworld, and when thisintimacyis violatedby the
inappropriate
'calling' ofhisname,thevictimmaysay,'You t'inkme and you is
of 'playin'manbefore'e time'.The implicasex and size?' or accusestheoffender
tion here, of course,is that the namerhas mistakenly
assumeda peer-group
relationship
withtheone to whom he has called.
'Calling name' meansmorethanyellingit at you whenyou pass.It also refers
to naminga personwhen discussinghis activitiesin conversation.
Vincentian
ideasof commessare includedin thisconcept,and someonewho is alwaystalking
aboutothersis described
as havinga 'fas' mout". Thistermis significant
forbeing
'fas" meansbeingthievish,
and havinga 'fas' mout" is thusregardedas 't'iefin"
someone'sgood name,betraying
trust.
*

Becauseit has so manyreferents,

commessis contrasted
withat leasttwo other
it
is
in
and
these
contrasts
that
terms,
we see therangeof meaningsdefined.In the
sensein which the termis usuallyemployed,it is virtuallysynonymous
with
'calling' someone'sname in a face-to-face
context.But on anotherlevel, if a
is
personwantsto pointout who has done thetalkingaboutwhom,a distinction
made betweencommessand 'niggerbusiness'.In thiscontext,commessmeanstalk

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ROGER

296

D.

ABRAHAMS

to
refers
while'niggerbusiness'
aboutsomeoneelsewhiletheyarenotpresent,
butwhich
bythemselves,
whichhasbeeninstituted
business
talkaboutsomeone's
is
'Niggerbusiness'
and in thesametermsas commess.
is on thesamesubjects
Oneinformant,
ofthecommunity.
asa weakness
discussed
abstractly,
asiscommess,
[talkative]
'You knowwe Negroesare "broadminded"
explains,
forinstance,
toomuch];wejustfeelthatifwe have
people,'bla'guard'[badbecauseoftalking
somet'ing'
[talking
explaining
keepwithout
anyworryonourmind,we couldn't
aboutit]."
isexactly
thesameas theonegivenfor'callingouta name'
Thisrationalisation
',
'ignorance
of'nonsense',
asexamples
together
andforcommess.
Theyaregrouped
One
language.
themin effective
andpresent
to organise
one'sthoughts
inability
people-wehaveno senseatall,
hearsremarks
thatNegroesare'a ignorant
often
atall,atall'.
and
feeling
thatbothcommess
One of thereasons
whythereis sucha strong
in family
affairs,
is highly
arewrongis thatprivacy,
especially
'niggerbusiness'
withinthe
valued.The quietperson,who keepsmostof his communications
is admired.But in actualinterpersonal
familyis someonewho, in principle,
maybe
he maybe reacted
to as an unfriendly
personandhisreticence
relations,
ofhisownfamily;
him.Thisattitude
heldagainst
maybe shownby members
in thefields).
a 'gardenman'(onewhokeepsto himself
he willthenbe termed
beheldagainst
him,butimputations
Notonlywillthislackofcommunicativeness
arethose
mayalsobe voiced,forthesetraits
ofgreedandlackofco-operativeness
withthiswidelyrecognised
Vincentian
socialtype.A similar
whichareassociated
person(the
in regardto another
socialtype,thebashful
attitude
is maintained
The shy
notcovetous
butinward-looking).
termis 'selfish',
meaning
Vincentian
becauseheissaid
isregarded
as a somewhat
undesirable
type,especially
individual
andtobecomeeasilyirritated
bythosewhomakefun
tohaveno senseofhumour
ofhim.
*

of
systems
by conflicting
attitude
towardsgossipis dictated
Thisambivalent
values.
and
the
social
by
conflicting
extension,
association
structure, by
within
thevalueconferred
between
canbestbe summarised
Thedisparity
bytheconflict
and
on theotherthe
on
the
one
hand,
on a close-knit
unit,
extended-family
and 'nigger
of
friends.
a
on
network
Commess
placed having large
importance
is
one
for
such
talk
associated
withfriendships,
business'are naturally
way in
On
the
other
maintained.
demonstrated
and
hand,this
whichfriendship
maybe
are
kinds
of
which
of
the
violations
clear
kindof talkofteninvolves
privacy
withthefamily.
associated
talkaboutpeopleis that
towards
attitudes
reasonfortheambivalent
A further
and even
demands
social
commess
in manywaysthesmallcommunity's system
of
order.
social
maintenance
for
the
others'
business
of
moreextreme
publications
mainthe
deal
with
or
about
discussed
proper
The subjects
commonly
gossiped
of
the
and
of
the
household
relationships
tenance
practice interpersonal
appropriate
serves
Talkaboutsuchmatters
andamongfriends.
constantly
withinthefamily
but
ofthenormsof thecommunity,
oftheimportance
thoseinvolved
toremind
of workingwithinthedecorumsystem
thenecessity
also rehearses
by which

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A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED

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297

householdand friendship
networksare maintained.
In a veryreal sense,commess
and 'niggerbusiness'establishbasesof communication
whichplay an important
partin holdingthecommunity
together.
But, as themembersof thecommunity
recognise,thereare strongdissociative
potentialsin any speechact whichinvolvesthe 'calling out' of a name. Thus a
distinction
is sometimesmade betweencommess,whichmeansgossipof any sort,
and 'melee', whichis maliciousgossip.When contrasted
in sucha way, commess
is regardedas permissible
becauseit is harmless,
while 'melee' is frownedupon,
especiallyin principle.
a certainlevelof
Commessin all ofitsusesprovidesan activeway ofguaranteeing
is
ofidealsand evenofsocialpractices.
This clearlyseenin thecomhomogeneity
mon topicswhich are gossipedabout. Men talk about each otherprimarilyin
termsof how well theydenmonstrate
withwomen,
theirmasculinity
(in athletics,
by gettingwork and learninga trade,by the numberof babies thattheyhave
'made'), or how well theyshareout and co-operatewithothers,or how many
friendstheyhave. Men talkabout girlsin termsof who is 'wild'-that is, who
violatesthe ideals of trustwhich are supposedto hold sway in man-woman
This ideal of trustmeans,primarily,
relationships.
thata girlis neversupposedto
'talk wit" or 'friendwit" morethanone boy at a time.(Thesetermsmay refer
simplyto courting,'gossin' wit", or theymay mean engagingin sexualintercourse.)Women gossipaboutotherwomenin regardto theirabilitiesto keeptheir
householdsin order,eitherin termsof tidiness,or in regardto the personal
behaviourof membersof thefamily.Bringingup childrenbadlyis one common
topicof 'melee', as is theway a woman treatsherman in termsof keepinghim
'in. line'.

But to view commessonly in termsof normativecontentis to ignorecertain

features
ofitspractice.Commessis subjectto a varietyofuses.Not theleastofthese
is themaintenance
of one's esteemby usingstories-about-others
bothto demonstratethe extentof one's networkof people whose businessone knows,and to
solidifya reciprocaltrust-and-gossip
relationship
withthepersonwithwhom one
is gossiping.This can onlybe done if certainrulesof commessare observed.One
mustnot talkbadlyof othersiftheyare veryclosefriends
or family,forthenthe
gossiperis subjectto a rebuff
whichleadsto a failureofreciprocity
in theexchange.
One mustnevergivethefeelingofcomingto anotherpersonjust to gossip,unless
thesubjectof theinformation
is 'news'-that is, something
verystartling
which
hasjusthappened.But ifcommessarisesin a conversational
context,itmustpreserve
the appearanceof the spontaneousutterance.Furthermore,
commesswill be
rejectediftheinitiator
conveystheinformation
in too heateda way,thusbetraying
a coerciveor side-talking
purposein an on-goingargument.
The communication
is thena potential'moles" (libel) and therefore
is of a different
intensity
and
involvesa different
strategy
fromcommess.
To view commessin thisway is to see it as contributing
to botha senseof community(by articulating
idealsand by providinga patternedand expectedsanctioningprocedure)and to an individual'ssenseof esteem.But to argue thatit
shouldbe judged in termsof one or theotheris to ignoretheway gossipactually
operates.Like so manysuchexpressivedevices,commessis a processualfeatureof
interpersonal
behaviourwhich mediatesbetween conflicting
principles.This

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298

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suggests,
then,thatone ofthekeysto understanding
gossip,at leaston St Vincent,
is to understand
the natureof the internalconflicts,
and to see how expressive
devicesof all sorts,includinggossip,areusedto mediatethecontradictions
which
arisein theformof publicproblemsituations.
*

As notedabove,perhapsthegreatest
sourceofintra-cultural
'rub' is theway in
whichthefamilysystemof idealsconflicts
withthefriendship
networkscentral
to the maintenanceof esteem,especiallyamong males. Recurrentproblem
situations
arisein thoseactivities
wherethetwo systemsof valuesconflict.
The yardand the house of the familyare regardedas inviolable,and are the
domainof thematerfamilias.
sheis theguardianof theyardand is
Consequently,
judged in termsof how effectively
she runsherhousehold.Male friendships
are
carriedon in thestreetsand rumshops,
forthemostpart,exceptduringspecial
family-centred
occasionslike weddingfetesand wakes. What few friendships
thewomenengagein withinthecommunity
are carriedon in theyard,but these
are discouragedby themen.
The Vincentianfamilyis a unitcomposedof thoselivingin one yard.This
commonlymeansa nuclearfamilyof father,motherand theirchildren,and less
commonly grandparentsand grandchildren.
Matrifocalhouseholdsare not
unusual,butfarfromtherule(as in some otherWest Indiancommunities).
Close
tendto liveneareachotherand to regardeachothers'yardsas theirown.
relations
The extendedfamilyidealpersists
and is actedupon,especiallyduringceremonial
occasions,by thesharingand helpingprinciple.
tofamilyloyalties,
fora numberofreasons.
'Friending'isregardedas threatening
One's loyaltiesare supposedto be primarily
to one'sfamily,especiallyin sharing,
male
but friendship
also callsforthesamekindof sharingprocess.Furthermore,
friendships
carryone away fromthelocus of thefamily,and whileone is away,
one is no longerso severelyunderthecontrolof thefamilycentreof authority.
Finally,friendships
maycome intoconflict
withfamilialvaluesbecausethelatter
and an orderlyhousehold.The greatest
emphasiseco-operation
enemyof orderis
seen to be wordsout of control-in arguments
especially.It is regardedas very
to keep one'sfamilyaffairs
important
to oneself.Becauseof thehighvalueplaced
on stayingout of publicnotice,commessis fearedespeciallywhen it is 'melee'.
But thisisjust thekindof malicioustalkwhichis commonlycarriedon between
friends.
it is regardedas unnatural,
and especiallyas unmanly,to stayin
Contrariwise,
A manearnsrespectbythenumber
theyardandthegardenandnotto havefriends.
of friendshe can counton. On a day-to-daybasis,conflicts
betweenfamilyand
friendship
rolesdo not arisebecausetheidealsof friendship
grow out of family
ideals:trust,
mustbe a reciprocalarrangeprivacy,sharing.However,a friendship
ment,and reciprocity
(not primarily
economic)existson the social level. Consequently,to demonstrate
friendship
(withone of thesame or oppositesex) one
is potentially
to thefamily
musttalkwiththeother,and thefriendship
threatening
sinceone musttelltheothersomething,
andthatsomething
maycomefromwithin
thefamily.One mustanswertrustwithtrust-butone also does not expectthat
trustto be keptas well by friends
as by family.The familyis also a circumscribed

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299

networkis not. Thus, thereis a feelingof

socialgrouping,while the friendship
thereis a sense
and restriction
withinthefamilygroup,and contrarily
constraint
since
This has a physicalconcomitant,
of freedomfeltin developingfriendships.
in thehouseand yard,whilefriendships
mustbe pursuedprimarily
familyaffairs
arecarriedon in thestreets.
those
oppositionbetweenfreedomand constraint,
Becauseof thispsychological
are theyoungmen.This
who breakaway fromthehouseholdespeciallystrongly
to a loss
is regardedas natural,on theone hand,and yetalso as leadinginevitably
of 'sense' and to 'rudeness',forthefamilyis regardedas thelocus of 'sense', it
This is reflected
beingthecentreof thesocialorderingsystemof thecommunity.
occasions.Naturally
on friendship
of rum,' thenonsense-maker',
in thedrinking
enough,it is theyoungmen who are regardedas the centreof 'rude' activities
in thecommunity.
between
From this ambiencearisesa felt(and oftenexpressed)relationship
and
by extension,also
'rudeness' and 'nonsense',
gregariousness,
friendship,
has itsramificaThis
betweenfamilyand order,'actingsensible'and 'behaved'.
occasions.
Those
in
ceremonial
of all sorts,especially
tions in performances
and
friends
familytogether
festivities
whichgo on in theyardemphasisebringing
of decorum,and thosecarriedon in thestreetsstylise
by an aestheticstylisation
theselatteroccuronlyatveryspecial
behaviour.Naturally,
'nonsense',orlicensing
times.
*

This surveyof theuse of talkaboutothers'businesssuggeststhatthoughgossip

is a devicewhichis availablebothforsocialcontrolandthepursuanceofindividual
to look at thepracticefroma moreperformanceaims,it maybe moreprofitable
This would enableus to focuson the folkrecognitionand
centredperspective.
and thusto perceivetheplaceof
evaluationoftellingstoriesaboutothers'business,
gossip in the native systemof communication.Further,at least in regardto
betweenspeechacts,suchas commess,
peasants,thereis a feltcontinuity
Vincentian
sessions.Commess,likeAnancy
and speechevents,suchas riddlingor story-telling
as licensed
rudeness,
is classified
as permissible
storiesand Carnivalperformances,
nonsense-licensedbecause of the need to embody anti-socialmotivesand to
castigatethem.
But once the continuity
betweenthe more casual mode of the commess peris recognised,
to
it is necessary
formanceand theceremonial'rude' performances
genre;it must
noticethe differences
betweenthem.Commessis a conversational
whichmeansthatit must,among
therefore
followthe dictatesof conversation,
to overall
otherthings,appear to be spontaneous.Justas thereis a structure
patternsinto which this
thereare standardcasual story-telling
conversations,
conversational
devicefits.And thereare certaintimeswhen the item of gossip
thoughthereis an art to
will be regardedas most appropriate.Furthermore,
of the practicenot so much throughthe
commess,we recognisethe artfulness
but
(as we do in morestylisedperformances),
apparentabilitiesof theperformer
therefore
and
who
the
rules,
ofthosewho do notunderstand
throughtheinabilities
of 'makingmelee'. In this,too,thepraccauseembarrassment
and theattribution
becausein all such small,casual and
tice is an aspectof generalconversation,
5-M.

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300

ROGER

D.

ABRAHAMS

spontaneouspersonalinteractions,
we learn about the rules of performance
primarilythroughfailures,commonlyregisteredon the interacting
group as
embarrassment
(cf GoffinanI968). The patternsof oral compositionand improvisation
arenotas evidentwithcommessas theyarewiththemoreself-conscious
performances,
but it is thisveryappearanceof spontaneity
which,in largepart,
providesthelicenseforgossip.
Gossipmustfollowcertainlinesof argument.
It makesa statement
of approval
or condemnation
whichreiterates
the approvedbehaviourallimitsof the group.
But itis alsoa toolbywhichthegossiperexercises
personalcontroloverthetalkedabout person,if only becausehe is licensedto call theperson'sname. The most
important
rulesof commessare thatthestoriesmustbe told in smallgroups,ones
whichincludeneitherthetalked-about
personnor anyonewho would reportthe
to him.It isjudged in termsof itssuccessas 'nonsense',as a device
conversation
by which friendship
values and oftenfriendship-networks
may be maintained
withoutseriouslychallengingthe moral authorityof the family.One is given
licenseto talkaboutothersbyjudgingbehaviourin termsof theidealsof family
life.But byjudgingall behaviourin termsof inevitability
and humanfallibility,
includingcommess
itself,
flexibility
is maintained
evenwhilecondemnation
goeson.
Commessis one of manydevicesby whichone mayuse thebehaviourof others
as an occasionto demonstrate
one's own verbalability.But unlikestory-telling
and song-making,
it is a techniqueavailableto everyone,and all butsocialmisfits
(poor performers)
may 'make commess'to sustaintheirpositionin thisspeaking
community.
This articleargues,then,thatthefunction
of gossipin specificgroupscannotbe
fullyunderstooduntilit is relatednot onlyto thesystemof idealsand thetechThis involves
niquesof achievingpower,but also to thesystemof pelformance.
an understanding
oftherulesgoverninginterpersonal
decorumand theprocedures
a
by whichlicenseis accordedto an individualto perform.It also necessitates
consideration
of modification,
because of
or refusalof audienceparticipation,
ineptitudesand failuresin performance,
especiallythose involvingfailureto
recognisethe normsand conventionsappropriateto the occasion.In thisway,
butmayalso
gossipmaynotonlygiveus cuesas to thedictatesofpublicmorality,
indicatethenativecriteria
ofa good performance
(inthiscase,through
performance
failuresratherthansuccesses).
NOTES

Materialgathered
ofMental
whileon a smallgrantfromtheUnitedStatesNationalInstitute
agency.
Health,MH-i57o6-oI, forthesummerof I968. My thanksto thisgranting
' Boththequotationhereand theexplanations
of thekeytermscamefromtheinformant,
wereelicited,
of course,becausethewords
Reginald'Caloo' MacDonald,24. The definitions
did not seemto conformto commonEnglishusage.Both 'broadminded'and 'bla' guard'
thesesenses-'bla'guard'beinga common
weresubsequently
observed
beingusedin essentially
termforthosewho couldnotrefrain
fromthekindof talkthatleadsto fights.
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