ASAC 2010

Regina, Saskatoon

Samina M. Saifuddin (Doctoral Student)

Dr. Lorraine Dyke
Carleton University

A MODEL OF BARRIERS CAUSING THE LEAKY PIPELINE IN HIGH-TECH CAREER FOR

WOMEN

This paper proposes a model of barriers that cause women not to choose
high-tech as a field of study or to opt out of high tech careers at different
stages of career life cycle causing underrepresentation in high-tech
sector. The paper also suggests directions for future research that may
increase women participation in high-tech.

Introduction
The dramatic increase in womens participation in economic activities since the 1970s, has led to
unprecedented changes in the composition of the workforce in almost all sectors. Yet, when we look at
womens participation in the high-tech industry, the scenario is different. According to the Department of
Commerce (2009), women make up only 25.6% of computer and mathematical occupations in the United
States. Meri (2008) reported that women are underrepresented in the European Union (EU) high-tech
sectors with the lowest participation found in Turkey (17.6%), the United Kingdom (25.3%) and the
Netherlands (25.4%). Almey (2006) reported that women constitute only 22% of the total employed in the
natural sciences, engineering and mathematics. In sum, the above statistics indicate underrepresentation
of women in the field of high-tech.
Womens underrepresentation in the high-tech workforce has been, and continues to be, of
concern for both industry and academia (Ahuja, 2002; Snir, Harpaz, & Ben-Baruch, 2009; Griffiths,
Moore, & Richardson, 2007; Michie & Nelson, 2006; Mattis, 2005; Von Hellens, Neilson, & Beekhuyzen
2004; Truman & Baroudl, 1994). Of greater concern is the dramatic and continuous decline of female
students in undergraduate programs in high-tech related fields. For example, Vegso (2008) has shown that
the proportion of women receiving bachelors degrees in Computer Engineering and Computer Science in
the United States and Canada is showing a continuous decline from 19% graduating in 1999-2000 to 12%
in 2006-2007. Not only enrollment in universities and colleges are declining but also many women who
initially chose high-tech as a career are leaving the workforce (Ahuja, 2002). Unless checked by a
reversal in the high-tech related university enrollments and strategies to attract, retain, and advance
womens careers in this industry, this trend may continue its downward spiral (Ahuja, 2002; Michie &
Nelson, 2006).

A continued gender imbalance can have a significant impact on the high-tech profession and
workplace. With fewer women, the industry is deprived of a workforce component that can contribute
alternative perspectives on systems design, development, and utilization (Adya, 2008) and that can
effectively address a broad range of issues and needs of a diverse end-user community. On the other hand,
due to fewer women, systemic structural inequalities in the workplace continue to be a dominant force.

These inequalities may cause problems for women and may act as sources of leakage in the pipeline of
their high-tech career paths. At the same time, women are bypassing rewarding career options (Adya &
Kaiser, 2005) as high-tech occupations are among one of the highest paying jobs (Wright & Dwyer,
2003).

Many papers have discussed womens underrepresentation at different stages of the career life
cycle in the high-tech field from a variety of directions. Some have focused on determinants of enrollment
of female students (Adya & Kaiser, 2005), some on obstacles women face in continuing high-tech careers
(Snir et al., 2009; Griffiths et al., 2007), and others on womens barriers to advancement into upper
management positions (Tai & Sims, 2005; Wilson-Kovacs, Ryan, & Haslam, 2006; Cross & Linehan,
2006). The published research has also discussed the social, cultural, and structural influences as well as
individual differences that may contribute to the underrepresentation of women in the high-tech
workplace (Trauth, 2002; Adya, 2008). Yet, none of the papers comprehensively identifies the common
factors affecting womens high-tech careers that act as obstacles in promoting womens entry, retention
and advancement in the high-tech work force. From a review of the existing literature, this paper attempts
to identify the common factors that affect women at different stages of their high-tech career and thereby
propose a model of barriers causing leaky pipeline. This papers contribution to existing literature is the
integration of career stages and barriers unique to high tech.

In the next section, the paper begins with the definition of high-tech industry and career stages,
followed by description of the barriers common in high tech. The barriers broadly include perception of
high-tech being a male domain, lack of mentoring, organizational policies regarding promotion and pay
that do not favor women professionals in the high-tech career, work-family conflict, and informal
networking that excludes females. The description helps to understand the role of the common barriers,
reasons for their existence, and possible ways to overcome them. Next, a model is proposed that links the
barriers to different career stages of choice, persistence, and advancement. Some of the barriers are found
to affect all stages; however, the possible ways to overcome them are different at the different career
stages. The model provides a basis for structuring review of accumulated knowledge and for developing
propositions to guide future research. The paper concludes by summarizing the findings and by proposing
agendas for future research.

Definitions

This paper discusses the common barriers women face in different stages of their high-tech career. Thus,
it is important to understand the nature of the high-tech industry and career stages.

High-tech Industry

According to Frenette (2007), the term high-tech is generally associated with the information,
communication, and technology (ICT) sector. Eighty-eight percent of the workforce of this sector is
comprised of the computer and telecommunication sector, which includes both manufacturing and the
service sector (see Frenette, 2007 for details). The high-tech industries consist of highly placed managers,
professionals (e.g. engineers, computer specialists, and computer technicians), the well educated, who
work relatively long hours. Usually the work performed in such industries is creative and open-ended,
demanding undivided and instant attention. There is a great deal of local autonomy within organizations
and a culture of change, an expectation that jobs will change frequently, and people will move from job to
job. High-tech is a different world, and the problems women face in pursuing and advancing in such
careers are different.

Career Stages - Choice, Persistence, and Advancement

The three stages - career choice, career persistence, and career advancement, and their operational
definitions are adopted from Ahuja (2002). Career choice is defined as the likelihood that a woman will
choose IT as a career (p. 22). The career choice stage has two dimensions: (1) selecting high-tech as a
field of study, the decision usually made before or during university education and (2) choosing high-tech
as a career, a decision made during entry-level positions. Selecting high-tech as a field of study can be
influenced by factors such as male domain and academic mentoring, whereas selecting high-tech as a
career can be influenced by factors such as male domain, organizational policies, mentoring, and
networking relationships. Career persistence is defined as the likelihood of not dropping out (p. 22).
Continuing with the high-tech career may become an issue for a woman faced with challenges related to a
male domain, work-family conflict, organizational policies, mentoring, and networking relationships.
Finally, career advancement is defined as the likelihood that a woman will advance in the field of IT (p.
23). Career advancement typically occurs during the later years of ones career at which time, an
individual may face issues with male domain, organizational policies, and networking relationships.

Common barriers affecting different career stages

Male Domain
The social construction of the high-tech work place is seen as male domain (von Hellens et al.,
2004; Snir et al., 2009; Michie & Nelson, 2006). It is viewed as gendered domain possibly because the
composition of high-tech workforce, as noted in the introduction, is significantly skewed toward men than
women. The domain is characterized by traits such as dominance, assertiveness, competitiveness, and
achievement orientation (von Hellens et al., 2004). Such traits are generally used to describe masculine
identity whereas the female identity is characterized by traits such as valuing communality, being socially
sensitive, kind, sympathetic, and understanding (Hielman & Okimoto, 2007). Snirs et al. (2009) paper
states working in such an environment places heavy demands on employees regardless of gender. The
gendering of the workplace can influence both men and women to adapt to a masculinized domain, and
may discourage them from choosing high-tech as a field of study or career (von Hellens et al., 2004).

High-tech as a gendered domain influences all three stages of career choice, persistence, and
advancement.
High-tech traditionally projects a macho image rigorous and engineering in approach and
studies indicate female students mainly see it as difficult and boring (von Hellens et al., 2004) and
become uninterested in such careers. One possible reason can be, female students in their formative
years, are steered toward softer subjects such as literature and away from math, science, and technology
(MST) fields. Lack of interest in this domain can be due to other social factors such as media
representation of high-tech, peers, schoolteachers, and parents that play a significant role in career choice
(von Hellens et al., 2004; Adya & Kaiser, 2005). While parents, peers, and teachers may positively
influence career choices, these role models themselves may view high-tech as a masculine domain and
inadvertently reinforce gendered career perceptions. Adya & Kaiser (2005) further suggests that teachers
and counselors may influence gender stereotyping of roles and choices by advising girls towards
traditional female careers and boys to traditional male careers.

Although the vast majority of females students avoid high-tech as a field of study, a subset of
females who do choose to pursue higher education in technical fields find their self-efficacy and interest
for the field diminished by repeated exposure to a biased male oriented environment, negative
comparisons to peers, and poor pedagogy (Margolis & Fisher, 2002). At the college or university level,
the dominance of a male academic culture and a lack of academic mentoring can be possible reasons for
many female students to drop out of their program or to change their major.

Technically competent women professionals who join the high-tech workplace may leave within
a couple of years. . As noted earlier by von Hellen et al. (2004) both men and women who want to
continue their career in high-tech must adapt to a seemingly masculinized domain. It is reasonable to
surmise that for many women professionals, this forced adaptation is incompatible with their female
identity, causing psychological pressure and dissonance. In addition, early in their career many women
feel the unconscious biases prevailing in the workplace where practices, cultures, and systems naturally
reflect and meet the needs of the gender that dominates the workplace (Ashcraft & Blithe, 2009). For
example, manager may send male employee to off- the-job training program while may assign female
employee to on-the-job training. These structural and cultural systems inadvertently disadvantage women
in the workplace thus encouraging many to cede high-tech as career choice.

Women who continue their career may feel the pinch as they try to adapt, blend, and cope with a
firmly entrenched masculine culture rather than speak out and find their voice (Oakley, 2000). Women
face two challenges that create psychological pressure- (1) the issue of continued adjustments and
adaptation to behavior that runs counter to their values (Cabrera, 2007); and (2) the issue of voice and
silence (Griffiths et al 2009). For women, such demands create a no-win situation. Adapting to the
demands of a male dominated career path may help in career advancement, but women who demonstrate
such traits are penalized for non-conformity to their female identity (Muzio & Bolton, 2006; Griffiths et
al., 2007). These women often find themselves disliked, interpersonally derogated, and labeled as geeky,
nerdy, etc. resulting in social isolation. Women trying to project a professional image, often turns a blind
eye to the organizational practices or keep their opinions to themselves for the fear that if they express
themselves, they might be laughed upon or might be viewed with less respect, thus silencing their voice.
Senior professional women, due to the reasons mentioned may decide to opt out and look for work that is
compatible with their values and gives them their voice back. The Kaleidoscope Career model (KCM),
which offers a comprehensive understanding of why women are leaving corporation, explains women

decision to opt out in late career as the desire for authenticity. Authenticity means being true to oneself,
and making decisions in an authentic, meaningful ways (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005).

Mentoring

Both researchers and practitioners alike have expressed concern that the high-tech field is not
attracting, developing, and advancing enough women in high-tech careers. Lack of mentoring
opportunities for women has been identified as one of the major reasons. Mentors are typically described
as senior members of organizations who sponsor and support less experienced protgs in order to
facilitate their career. Meta-analytic results (Eby, Allen, Evans, Ng, & DuBois, 2008), on three major
areas of mentoring research youth, academic, and workplace, demonstrate mentoring is associated with
range of favorable behavioral, attitudinal, health-related, motivational, and career outcomes. The study
found larger effect size for academic and workplace mentoring compared to youth mentoring.

Jacobi (1991), typifies academic mentoring as an apprenticeship model of education where the
faculty member imparts knowledge, provides support, and offers guidance to a student protg on
academic (e.g. class room performance) and non-academic (e.g. career choice) [cited in Eby et al.
(2008)]. Yet, von Hellens et al. (2004) pilot project for academic mentoring with the aim to change
female students perceptions of high-tech education (e.g. from difficult and boring to challenging and
interesting) and to make high-tech a more attractive career option encountered several problems and did
not produce the desired outcome.

Workplace mentoring functions consist of behaviors that prepare the protg for career
advancement and have a positive impact on both objective (e.g. more promotions, greater salary) and
subjective (e.g. career satisfaction, job satisfaction) career outcomes. Mentoring in the high-tech sector is
recognized as an important tool for womens career choice and progression (Wilson-Kovacs et al., 2006;
Cross & Linehan, 2006; von Hellens et al., 2004). Many organizations do formally and/or informally
encourage mentoring relationships and have formulated policies regarding effective mentoring. Yet, in the
high-tech industry, women are finding it difficult to enter into mentoring relationships. Senior male
colleagues are sometimes reluctant to mentor female managers because of the fear of damaging their own
career either through a mentoring association with an unsuccessful female protg or through the
intimation of sexual scandal (Cross & Linehan, 2006). Lack of women in senior management positions
makes it difficult for junior female employees to find a female mentor. As reported in Ahuja (2002), even
if the organization has female members in senior management positions, many of these professionals are
reluctant to take on a female protg for fear of sharing the limelight. Other factors contributing to lack of
mentoring for women were less access to informal settings necessary to initiate and build mentoring
relationships and women adopting a passive role in initiating relationships (Ahuja, 2002). Thus, women
face more gender related interpersonal and organizational barriers in their ability to seek and develop a
mentoring relationship, as compared to men. This result in distinct disadvantages for the non-mentored
female professional, who sees her mentored colleague, provided with opportunities that she is deprived of
(Cross & Linehan, 2006). The likelihood of career dissatisfaction is high and related research shows that
women not satisfied with their jobs are 22 times more likely to leave their jobs, than women who are
satisfied. Likewise, women without mentors or sponsors are also more likely to leave their companies
(Ashcraft & Blithe, 2009). As mentoring is related to both objective and subjective career outcomes, lack
of mentoring relationships for female professionals in the workplace may be positively related to the
number of women opting out at different stages of career life cycle. Thus, it is reasonable to state lack of
academic mentoring may play a role for not encouraging female students to select high tech as field of

study or to continue with high tech major, whereas workplace mentoring may influence early career and
career persistence stage.

Organizational Policies

Within the work environment, organizational policies and procedures are based on senior
management decisions. It follows then that, these policies are created to serve the gender that occupies
prime positions in senior management. Clearly, senior management in high-tech organizations is
predominantly male. Whether intentionally or not, these policies are finely aligned with mens career path
and effectively act as a transparent barrier for women professionals. Among the policies, those related to
promotion and pay may directly affect women (Cross & Linehan, 2006) in a way that it leads to
workplace dissatisfaction.

The higher echelons of the management hierarchy are dominated by men, in stark contrast more
women are found in the junior or entry-level positions in the high-tech industry. One possible explanation
is, at entry-level hires, objective criteria such as qualifications, experience, and education are used,
making it easier to detect and prevent discrimination. However, decisions about upper level management
positions tend to be less structured and are often based on subjective criteria (Man, Skerlavaj, &
Dimovski, 2009). The subjective criteria may include building and maintaining network contacts,
managing self-reputation (exposure), and maintaining informal relationship with immediate supervisor
(DeCenzo & Robbins, 2005). Generally, women shy away from exposure and take passive role in
initiating relationship. Hence, these criteria can favor selection of male over the female (Cross & Linehan,
2006). Tai and Sims (2005) reported that women and men are both being promoted, yet the level of
promotion achieved was different. Women only achieved lower level promotions, whereas men achieved
higher-level positions. One hypothesis is that once hired, women are often found to be placed in positions
that do not help them gain the line experience necessary for advancement (Man, Skerlavaj, & Dimovski,
2009) whereas, men are frequently placed in creation and production positions (Ashcraft & Blithe,
2009). For example, von Hellens et al. (2000) found that women are under-represented in management,
technical and network support, and the areas involving systems operations. Women are disproportionately
highly-represented in data entry, systems and analysis-programming work, and help-desk work. Thus,
when the few high-level positions become available, many talented and competent people compete for
these positions and men, by virtue of having more relevant work experience or better exposure, are likely
to be promoted. Thus, women in the career persistence stage face the glass ceiling, a gender bias that
prevents women from advancing as rapidly and as frequently as men into management positions (Tai &
Sims, 2005). Women in the career advancement stage face a glass cliff, they may reach the highest nonelected position, yet they are likely to be exposed to unfair criticism and are in danger of being held
responsible for negative events that may have been set in motion before their appointment. They are being
set up to fail and fall (Wilson-Kovacs et al., 2006) creating further dissatisfaction with the workplace.

It is well known that women on average earn less than men irrespective of sector. In the high-tech
sector, this trend continues (Griffiths et al., 2007). Truman and Baroudls (1994) study reported women
and men with similar human capital value may be given comparable positions within the organizations
hierarchy, the salaries of women will be significantly less than their male counterpart (1994:134). Abele
and Spurks (2008) study lends support to this argument that women earn less than men, even if they do
not differ from men in hierarchical status. Interestingly this study points out; despite pay differentials,
there is no difference in terms of career satisfaction between men and women. On the contrary, there are

studies that suggest women not only earn less than men earn, but also hold positions of lower status that
causes dissatisfaction (e.g. Griffiths et al., 2007). Even those women in top management positions are
found to be earning less in terms of perks and stock options than men. In investigating the paradox on
women contention, Buchanan (2005) study results suggest pay is positively associated with job
satisfaction for women. In high-tech, the workforce consists of highly educated professionals and issues
of pay discrimination impacts womens perception of the industry and often adds to frustration and
decision to leave.

Many organizations have initiated equitable policies and procedures, yet the scenario has not
improved. Findings from different studies confirm the existence of a lack of perceived procedural fairness
in executing equitable policies (Cross & Linehan, 2006; Griffiths et al., 2007), which influences womens
perception of the industry and often adds to frustration and the decision to leave.

Work-Family Conflict

Work and family make considerable demands on individuals in terms of commitment, loyalty,
time, and energy (Snir et.al., 2009) and may affect all stages of the career lifecycle for women. According
to Greenhaus and Beutell, work-family conflict is a form of inter-role conflict, the role pressures from
the work and family domains are mutually incompatible in some respects. That is, participation in the
work (family) role is made more difficult by virtue of participation in the family (work) role (1985:77).
Three types of conflict are produced -- behavior based conflict, time based conflict, and strain based
conflict. Messersmith (2005) in his study pointed out that time and strain based conflict are more
significant sources of work-family conflict for high-tech professionals.

Work-family conflict is an important concern for individuals and organizations alike because
such conflict has a negative impact on organizational performance and on employees (Duxbury &
Higgins, 1991). Duxbury et al. (2000) study on high-technology employees indicated similar level of
work-family conflict or stress for both women and men but more women reported feeling burned out.
Possible explanations for feeling more burned out can be from social expectations where, women are
held accountable for a greater share of family responsibility, both in eastern (Snir et al. 2009) and western
(Griffiths et al. 2007) society. In recent times, men have increased their participation in family duties, yet
the major share of responsibility is still carried by women (Cross & Linehen, 2006). Besides, women face
a unique biological reality and have to make choices that men do not experience. The foundational career
building years generally coincide with womens peak fertility. Thus, family conflict and obligations and
interpersonal role conflict may work as barriers to advancement for women in management (Tai & Sims,
2005). In response to work-family conflict, many organizations are promoting family friendly policies.
These practices may include onsite dependent childcare, virtual work, part time work, flexible work
hours, strong supervisory support, etc. The policies do provide some solutions, yet do not eliminate the
problem.

For example, the concept of virtual work has been a source of debate because on one hand, it
allows employee with young children or elderly care to obtain balance in work and family life. On the
other hand, the boundary between work and personal life is removed which may cause intrusion of nonwork into the work domain (Messersmith, 2007) or intrusion of work into the personal domain.
Moreover, in virtual work, professionals are isolated from the physical work location, which can also

inhibit their visibility in the workplace, and may ultimately lead to loss of promotion and advancement
opportunities (Messersmith, 2007). Women who may want to work part time face yet another challenge
of being viewed as less interested and committed to their career. There is also the stigma of low status
associated with flexible part-time work (Griffiths et al., 2007). The study also reported that working
flexible hours was perceived as lowering pay and status, and diminishing promotional opportunities. In
addition, women who reach senior positions may find it difficult to avail themselves of flexible work
hours due to the nature and intensity of the job and/or inflexible client and colleague demands (Griffiths
et al. 2007; Cross & Linehan, 2006). Finally, many companies simply pay lip service to these policies
(Cross & Linehan, 2006) and make securing flexible schedule difficult. For example, Ashcraft & Blithe
(2009) points out by policy, flexible work hours are available, yet managers make it difficult for women
professionals to avail it, either through their authority or through informal comments. Besides the
masculinized culture of high-tech may discourage women from taking advantage of family friendly
policies due to the fear of being further stereotyped. The vast majority of respondents in Cross and
Linehan (2006) indicated that family friendly policies were very much viewed as a womens issue (p.
33). Thus, work-family conflict create more pressure on women than men and may positively influence
womens decision to leave the high-tech workplace mainly in stage of persistence.

Networking

One of the social factors that aid in advancement and retention of employees in management is
informal networking. Informal networking can help employees obtain information about opportunities
and develop contacts. In fact mentoring and informal networking go hand in hand. Networking can
expose a protg to a potential mentor, while the mentor can assist the protg in accessing the network.
For example, Kirchmeyer (1998) study found that networks existed for men at managerial levels but not
for women. Informal networking usually occurs outside of regular work hours, and women often find
themselves excluded from such gatherings. The masculine culture where men drink and socialize at the
end of the workday or play golf (creating a good old boys network) may not be welcoming to women
(Tim & Sins, 2005; Cross & Linehan, 2006). The old boys network is a much-used source of power and
privilege and allowing access to women can diminish that power. Second, women with family obligations
may not be able to commit the extra time required for such socializing (Griffiths et al., 2007; von Hellens
et al., 2004). In the absence of being part of such a network, women often find that they lack access to
contacts, opportunities, and political information that could have resulted in promotion or exposure to an
advancement opportunity. This feeling of exclusion and the opportunity cost of missed promotion may
increase womens frustration with their work places (Cross & Linehan, 2006).

Since informal networking is important for promotions and advancement, women are developing
their own networks. These networks should help women share information and strategies to facilitate
career accomplishments or confront adversity. Nevertheless, these will not necessarily ease their access
into established, close good old boys networks. Thus, how and to what extent such women only
network strategies can help women remains questionable.

Discussion

The foregoing discussion suggests the linkage of barriers to different stages of career lifecycle
choice, persistence, and advancement. In view of this, it can be stated that the locus of barriers is firmly
Figure 1: Integrative Model of Barriers and Career Stages

Barriers
Male Domain

Academic Mentoring

Workplace Mentoring

Career Stages & Outcome

Career Choice
Lower attractiveness to select
high-tech as field of study

Opt out of high tech industry

Change companies
Retrain for new careers

Effect
Low number of females
enrolled in technical and
engineering field of study

Low number of female

professionals continue
high tech career.

Organizational Policies

Male Domain
Career Persistence
Workplace Mentoring

Organizational Policies

Opt out of high tech industry

Career break
Change companies
Retrain for new career
Start own business

More decline in
number of female
professionals.

Work-family conflict

Informal networking

Male Domain
Career Advancement

Organizational Policies

Informal networking

Further decline
in number

Opt out of high tech industry

Change companies
Start own business
Women
underrepresentation

entrenched in high-tech as gendered domain. High-tech as male dominated occupations and organizations
overtly or covertly influences organizational policies favoring male over females. In addition, due to such
gendering, work- family issues are seen mainly as womens concern creating further obstacles especially
in career persistence stage. Lack of academic mentoring to certain extent is responsible for not
encouraging female students to select high-tech as a field of higher education or for not mentally
supporting female students studying engineering or technical fields in universities or colleges. Hence,
word of mouth from female students both studying such fields or having changed their majors, may
further discourage potential females from selecting high tech as a field of study. Lack of workplace
mentoring creates disadvantageous situations in early career stage and persistence stage. Finally lack of
access to informal networking popularly known as good old boys club creates obstacles in all stages of
career lifecycles. These barriers results in dissatisfaction and influences many women to leave at
different stages.

The model presented in figure 1 depicts a comprehensive picture of the barriers causing leaky
pipeline in high tech careers for women. A woman entering and then exiting the high-tech industry
depends on multiple causes and can happen at multiple stages. The assumption here is that the nature of
factors that causes problems is cumulative and incremental. A woman can drop out of the career pipeline
at several different points and no single factor can be pinpointed. It is a complex system and calls for
more research on the root causes of the underrepresentation of women in high-tech.
As may be evident, barriers to womens entry and advancement in a high-tech career are
institutional and firmly entrenched. Therefore, efforts to address and eradicate them are not producing the
desired results perhaps because the root problem remains unaddressed. Based on this review of the
research, the root of the problem appears to lie in the image and characterization of the domain as
masculine.

To reverse the trend of continuous decline of female students in undergraduate programs in hightech related fields three strategies are suggested that may aid in creating a gender-neutral image and more
gender neutral culture at higher educational institutions. The strategies are active participation of the
public media, a greater role for educational institutions, and academic mentoring.
Female students enrollment in higher technical education suffers due to the macho image of the
industry. As media may play an influential role in image building, the image can be altered by active
participation of the public media. For example, in South Asian countries like India and Bangladesh,
where computer technology has begun to gain popularity since 1996-1997, there appears to be little
difference between male and female students attitudes toward computers and technology. The media in
these countries represent women in roles that successfully distort the stereotyped image of women (Adya
& Kaiser, 2005) and represent technology as a gender-neutral domain. In Bangladesh, according to
Bangladesh Television (BTV) website 10% of the program telecasted by BTV is on education, science,
and technology. The education segment emphasizes heavily on English and Math. The field of science
and technology is not categorized or viewed as masculine or feminine but gender neutral; pursuing
education in these fields is considered to be respectable. It is reasonable to assume that the perception
of peers and parents may also have changed due to such media influence. Another plausible factor is that
given Bangladeshs poor economy, the high tech field, with its promise of financial rewards and
educational and career opportunities abroad is considered particularly appealing. Thus parents, peers, and
teachers may positively encourage meritorious students to pursue higher education in computer,
engineering, and technology related fields. It is important to investigate how media representation has

helped to build a gender neutral image of high tech in those parts of the world and to what extent the
lessons learned from those countries can be effectively employed by public media in a Western context.
Future research should also investigate the relationship between a gender-neutral image and female
students enrollment in the high-tech fields of study.

Many female students drop out or change their major after selecting high-tech as a field of study.
Several North American university departments have initiated policies where admitted students are polled
if they choose other institutions and/or fields or if they exit halfway through the program. The results of
such surveys can provide rich data about what institutions of higher education can potentially do to
enhance admission, retention and career placement of females in higher education.

Research on academic mentoring indicates favorable associations with self-confidence and

interest. Eby et al.s (2008) meta-analysis demonstrates academic mentoring can play a significant role in
career choice and can have favorable influences on behavioral (e.g. grades), attitudinal (e.g. satisfaction
with the college/ university), health related (e.g. overcome negative self-views which in turn enhance selfconfidence), motivational (e.g. stay focused), and career outcomes (e.g. learning and skill development).
This information can have important implications for examining the role academic mentoring can play in
retaining and successfully graduating female students from computer and engineering related disciplines.
Future research in the above areas may shed light on these issues and aid in constructing a gender-neutral
image and culture at higher educational institutions that may increase enrollment and the percentage of
women entering high tech careers.

When women enter into high-tech careers, they are encouraged to adapt to a masculinized domain
at all stages of career life cycle. The gendered domain creates dissatisfaction among the female
professionals causing leakage in the career pipeline. Such dissatisfaction is related to subjective career
success. Allen et al., meta-analysis review illustrates, mentoring is more strongly related to subjective
indicators of career success, such as career and job satisfaction (2004:133). Kirchmeyers (1998)
findings provide further support that mentor and peer networks have positive affects on womens
subjective career success. Thus, it can be hypothesized that effective mentoring at the workplace and
involvement of women in informal networks will increase career satisfaction and may cause less leakage
in the high tech career pipeline. As mentoring and informal network play an important role more fine
grained analysis is required to examine, how mentoring can be effectively established within the work
place and how women professionals can best be involved in informal activities with colleagues.
Organizational policies have been found to be another factor responsible for womens
underrepresentation. Policies are related to objective career success - salary, promotion, hierarchical
status (Abele & Spurk, 2008). Many of the organizations are adopting effective policies; however, these
policies seem to address the problems in piecemeal approach. A multi-level approach that will address the
range of HR issues (recruitment, selection, promotion, pay/compensation, mentoring, etc), a positive work
culture that supports family friendly policies, along with a culture where women are welcomed in
informal networks, may be more effective. The responsibility for enacting and practicing equitable
policies lies with the employers. While enacting and practicing equitable policies may contribute to
altering the social construction of high-tech from a gendered to a gender-neutral domain, research
supporting this assumption is lacking.

Work family conflict is one of the most important issues that influence a womans career choice,
persistence, and advancement, yet an extensive search in electronic databases such as Emerald, Web of
Science, Business Source Complete, etc. did not produce a single article that discusses women and workfamily conflict in the high-tech industry. Given the nature of the field, it is possible that there are workfamily conflict issues that are specific to the industry, thereby necessitating policies and procedures that
are customized to the needs of the industry and its employees. Given that policies that are generalizable
across the different sectors of the corporate world have not really worked, a one-size-fits-all approach
may not only be ineffective but perhaps counterproductive.

The corporate world, in general, does not view career breaks kindly (Hewlett, 2002) and in a
dynamic field such as high-tech, such breaks can be damaging to an individuals career trajectory. As
prime career years coincide with womens most fertile years, it is important to have policies that will aid
women who would like to take such breaks from the conventional career ladder and merge seamlessly
back when they are ready to return. Hewletts (2002) study has outlined a cluster of work-life policies;
however, they need to be empirically tested in the high-tech context, in order for organizations to
effectively integrate them. The policies include - a time bank of paid parenting leave, restructured
retirement plans, career breaks, and alumni status for former employees (see Hewlett, 2002, for details).
These policies should have organization wide support, else the organization is subject to the common
notion that a woman who makes accommodations for the family front is no longer choosing to be a
serious contender on the work front.

Another factor that looms over the high-tech industry is its unstable nature. Technology changes
at a rapid pace and becomes obsolete very quickly. The option for outsourcing makes the industry more
turbulent. None of the reviewed articles identified the unstable nature of high-tech as a cause of womens
underrepresentation; however, it may be a contributor. The volatile nature of the high-tech industry may
require relocation and continuous training and development associated with job insecurity. Thus, future
research can also examine the relationship (or lack thereof) between womens underrepresentation and the
highly unstable nature of the high tech field. An interesting area of research might be whether there are
personality differences between people who choose stable career paths versus highly volatile ones like the
high tech industry and if these differences are along gender lines.

Finally, most of the studies, focused on data collected from women currently employed. However
to understand why women are leaving high tech, it is also important to get responses from women who
have opted out and/or retrained themselves for another career. This may help to uncover new
perspectives.

Conclusion

In conclusion, a woman entering and then exiting the high-tech industry depends on multiple
causes and can happen at multiple stages. The assumption here is that the nature of factors that causes
problems is cumulative and incremental. It is difficult to have a perfect understanding of the issues, yet
we can continue to try. Too many resources are being wasted by having so few women involved in the
high-techa waste for their own careers and for the industry as a whole.

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