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“Stumbling Blocks in Intercultural Communication,” Laray M. Barna, in Incercuitural Communication: A Reader (7 Edition) by Larry A. Samovar and Richard E, Porter, Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 1994 Stumbling Blocks in Intercultural Communication LARAY M. BARNA ‘hy is it chat contact with persons from other cul- tures so often is frustrating and fraught with misun- \erstinding? Good intentions, the use of what one considers to be a friendly approach, and even the possibility of mutual benefits dont seem to be sul cient—to many people's surprise. A worse scenario is when rejection occurs just because the group to ‘which a person befongs is “different” I's appropa- ate a this time of major changes nthe international scene fo take a hard look at some of the reasoas for this. New proximity and new types of relationships are presenting communication challenges tha few people are ready to meet ‘THE SIX STUMBLING BLOCKS 1 Assumption of Similarities (One answer to the question of why misunderstand ing andior rejection occurs is that many people na ively assume there are suficient similarities among, peoples ofthe world ro make communication easy. ‘They expect that simply being humaa, having com mon requirements of food, shelter, security, and 0 ‘on, makes everyone alike. Unfortunately they over- look the fact that che forms of adaptation to these ‘This origal ess hasbeen prepared especially for thisbook Al righs reserved. emis o eprine must be obenned ftom the aor and the pusher. etesor Barta Asx ae Prestor Enea at Portland Sate Laver, Polar Oregon. ‘common biological and social needs andthe values, beliefs, and amtinuces surrounding them are vastly different from culture to culture. The biological ‘commonalities are not much help when it comes 0 ‘communication, where we need to exchange ideas and information, find ways to live and work to- ‘gether, or just make the kind of impression we want tomake, Another reason many people are lused into thinking that “people are people” is that it reduces the discomfort of dealing with difference. IF some: fone acts or fooks “strange (different from them) its then possible to evaluate this as “wrong” and treat everyone ethnocentrically. The assumption of similarity does not often ex tend t0 the expectation of a common verbal an- ‘uage butt does interiere with caution in decoding ‘nonverbal symbols, signs, and signals. No cross cultural studies have proven the existence ofa com ‘mon nonverbal language except those in support of Darwin’ theory that facial expressions are univer- sal Ekman (1976) found that “the particular visible pattern on the fce, the combination of muscles con tracted for anger, ear, surprise, sadness, disgust, happiness (and probably also for interest) i the same for all members of our species” (pp. 19-20), ‘This seems helpful unl its realized that a per son's cultural upbringing determines whether or ‘ot the emotion wll be displayed or suppressed, as wells on which occasions and to what degree (Ek rman & Friesen, 1969, p. 1). The situations that bring about the emotional feeling also differ from culture toculture; for example the death ofa loved one may bbe cause for oy, sorrow, or some other emetion, depending upon the accepted cultural belief Since there seem to be no universals or “human nature” that can be used asa basis for automatic ur derstanding, we must reat exch encounter as an in dividual case, searching for whatever perceptions and communication means are held in common and proceed from there. This is summarized by Vinh The Do: “If we realize that we are all culture bound and cukuraly modified, we will accept the fact that, being unlike, we do noe really know what someone else's? This is another Way t0 view the ‘people are people’ idea We now have (0 find away ‘Barna / Stumbling Blocks in Ierculueal ommucicaion 337 1 sort out the cultural modifiers in each separate cencounter to ind similariy”? Persons from the United States seem to hold this assumption of similaryy more strongly than some other cultures. The Japanese, for example, have the reverse belief that they are distinctively diferent from the rest of the world, Tis notion brings inter- ccultueal communication problems ofits own. Ex- pecting no similarities they work hard to Figure out the foreign stranger but do not expect foreigners to be able to understand them. This results in exclu- sionary atitudes and only passive effortstoward mu- tual understanding iti, 1986, pp. 45-47), ‘As Wester trappings permeate more and more of the world the illusion of similarity increases. A lookalike facade deceives representatives from contrasting cultures when each wears Western dress, speaks English, and uses similar greeting eit uals Iris lke assuming thar New York, Tokyo, and Tehran are all alike because each has the appear- ance of a moder city, But without being alert to possible underlying differences and the need to learn new rules for functioning, persons going from Cone city 10 the other willbe in immediate trouble, ‘even when taking on such simple roles a5 pedes: ‘rian or driver. Also, unless a foreigner expects sub- tle diferences it will ake a long time of noninsu- late living in anew culture (not in an enclave of his ‘orher own kind) before he or she can be jarred into anew perceptual and nonevaluative thinking ‘The confidence that comes with the myth of si slaty much stronger than with the assumption of differences, the later requiring tentative assump: tions and behaviors and a willingness ro accept the ankiety of "not knowing” Only with the assumption of differences, however, can reactions and inter: petations he adjusted to fit “what's happening” ‘Without it someone is likely 1 misread signs and symbols and judge the scene ethnocentrically: ‘The stumbling block of assumed similarity is @ sroublem, as one English learner expressed it, not nly for te foreigner but for the people in the host country (Cnited States or any other) with whom the {ternational visitor comes into contzct. The native Inhabitants are likely to be lulled into the expecta ‘on tar, since the foreign person is dressed appro- pristely and speaks some ofthe language, he or she ‘ill also have similar nonverbal codes, thoughts, and feelings In the United States nodding, smiling, and affirmative comments from a foreigner will probably be confidently interpreted by straightor ‘ward, friendly Americans as meaning tht they have informed, helped, and pleased the newcomer. Ii likely, however, chat the foreigner actually under: ‘00d very litle ofthe verbal and nonverbal content and was merely indicating polite interest or tying ‘not 1 embarrass himself o herself or the host with verbalized questions. The conversation may even hhave confirmed a stereorype that Americans are in- sensitive and ethnocentric: In instances like this, parties seldom compare Impressions and correct misinterpretations. One place where opportunities for achieving insights does occur is in an intercultural communication classroom. Here, for example, US. seudents often ‘complain that international student members of lscussion or project group seem uncooperative or uninterested. One person who had been thus Judged offered the following explanation: I was surrounded by Americans with whom 1 coulda’ follow thei tempo of discussion halfof the time. I have difculty to listen and speak, but also ‘with the way they handle the group. 1 felt uncom- fortable because sometimes they believe their opin- fon strongly. I had been very serious about the ‘whole subject but I was afraid I would say some- thing wrong, I had the idea but not the words, ‘The classroom is also a good place to test ‘whether one common nonverbal behavior, the sel, i actually the universal sign people assume t 10 be. The following enlightening comments came from international students newly arcived in the United Sates:* Japanese student: On my way to and fom school 1 bine received a smile by non-acquaintance Ameri can gies several times, I have finally learned they have no interest for me; it means only a kind of ‘greeting to a foreigner. if someone smiles at a stranger in Japan, especially a girl, she can assume he is either a sexual maniac or an impolite person. 338. chupree? Communicag lnerculuralls Becoming Competent Korean snudent- An American visited me in my country for one week His inference was that people in Korea are not very friendly because they dida’t smile or want to talk with foreign people. Most Kor ‘ean people take ime to gettobe friendly with peo- ple. We never talk or smile a strangers. Anabic student: When 1 walked around the campus iy frst day many people smiled at me. 1 was very ‘embarrassed and rushed tothe ments room 0 see If Thad made a mistake with my clothes. But {could find nothing for them to smile at Now Tam used to allthe smiles Vietnamese student:The season why certain for: ceigners may think chat Americans are superficial — and they are, some Americans even recognize this —is that they talk and smile too much. For peo- ple who come from placid cultures where nonver: bal linguage is more used, and where a silence, 8 snle, a glance have their own meaning, i is trve that Americans speak a lot. The superficiality of Americans can also be detected in thei relations ‘with others. Their friendships re, most of the time, so ephemeral compared tothe friendships we have at home. Americans make friends very easily and leave their friends almost as quickly, while in my country it takes 2 long time to find out a possible fiend and then she becomes your felend—with a ‘very strong sense of the term. ‘Statements from two US. students follow} The first ‘comes from someone who has learned to look for dlifering perceptions and the second, unfortunately, reflects the stumbling block of assumed similar, US. student:1 was waiting for my husband on a

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