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Country Differences in Sustainable Consumption: The Case of Organic Food

John Thgersen
Journal of Macromarketing 2010 30: 171
DOI: 10.1177/0276146710361926
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Country Differences in Sustainable

Consumption: The Case of Organic Food
Journal of Macromarketing
30(2) 171-185
The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0276146710361926
http://jmk.sagepub.com
John Thgersen1
Abstract
In a sustainability perspective, consumption research has an unfortunate individualizing bias, which means that macro and
structural causes of unsustainable consumption tend to be ignored. Hence, a comprehensive model of determinants of the
sustainability of consumption is developed and applied on a specific case: organic food consumption. The analyzed data are published research on why consumer purchase of organic food products differs between countries. As expected, organic foods share
of total food consumption depends heavily on political regulation, including legal definitions and standards, financial support to
farmers, and a national labeling system. Other important structural factors are soil conditions, an effective and efficient distribution system, and the size of the premium price demanded for organic food products. Macro factors such as the food culture and
the cultures level of postmaterialism and environmental concern play an additional role. The evidence suggests that, together,
macro and structural factors such as these are more, and probably considerably more, important for the sustainability of food
consumption than are individual-level attitudinal variables.
Keywords
sustainable consumption, organic food consumption, country differences, Europe
There is a growing consensus in society that, altering

consumption patterns is one of humanitys greatest challenges in the quest for environmentally sound and sustainable
development (Agenda 21, the action document from the Rio
Summit in 1992, see Sitarz 1994). Sustainable here refers
to a level and pattern of consumption, which meets the needs
of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs (World Commission on
Environment Development 1987). Some of the most serious
environmental challenges currently facing humanity are related
to our unsustainable consumption patterns and lifestyles
(Durning 1992; European Environment Agency 2005; Sitarz
1994; Stern 1992; United Nations 2002). The problem is not
limited to marginal areas of consumption (e.g., the consumption of luxuries), but extends to the way industrial and emerging societies provide basic necessities, such as food, shelter,
and transportation to its citizens (Durning 1992; European
Environment Agency 2005).
Despite the broad international consensus about the need for
action, progress toward sustainable consumption is disappointingly slow. For instance, in a report issued by United Nations
Secretary-General Kofi Annan in preparation for the 2002
Johannesburg Summit, it was concluded that Progress toward
the goals established at Rio has been slower than anticipated
and in some respects conditions are worse than they were
10 years ago. Apparently, consumer-citizens, the business
community, and their elected governments in industrial and
emerging countries strive less hard at achieving sustainable

lifestyles than is desired by the global community and than is
in their collective long-term interest.
When discussing the problem of unsustainable consumption, there is a perhaps natural tendency to focus on individual
consumers decision making and behavior. However, it has
been convincingly argued that the attitudes, preferences, and
choices of individual consumers are less important for the
sustainability of private consumption than are the macro and
structural conditions that frame and constrain individual
choices (e.g., Etzioni 2009; Kilbourne, McDonagh, and
Prothero 1997; Thgersen 2005b). Still, perhaps, because the
activities and motivations of individual consumers are more
obtrusive than the effects of macro and structural factors, both
research and policy in the area of sustainable consumption have
an unfortunate individualistic and individualizing bias (e.g.,
Alfredsson 2004; Schaefer and Crane 2005).
To capture the importance of macro and sociostructural factors for sustainable consumption, the research focus needs to be
broad enough to capture variation in relevant macro and/or
Aarhus School of Business, University of Aarhus, Denmark
Corresponding Author:
John Thgersen, Aarhus School of Business, University of Aarhus, Department
of Marketing and Statistics, Haslegaardsvej 10, DK-8210 Aarhus, Denmark.
Email: jbt@asb.dk
171
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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)
sociostructural factors. In practice, this usually means a crossnational focus (although large and heterogeneous nation states
may sometimes contain sufficient heterogeneity within
national borders). When attempting to explain differences and
similarities between countries, macro- and structural- rather
than individual-level factors become salient. In singlecountry studies, these factors tend to be ignored because they
constitute the shared context and therefore cannot account for
variation in (individual-level) behavior.
In this article, a comparative, cross-national perspective is
used as a means to focus attention to macro and sociostructural
factors influencing the sustainability of the consumption
pattern. By shifting the focus from individual-level factors to
important macro and structural factors, a better foundation for
effective sustainable consumption strategies can be created.
The objective of the article is to demonstrate the crucial
importance of macro and structural factors for (international)
variations in the sustainability of private consumption. For this
purpose, a comprehensive conceptual model for organizing and
integrating important micro and macro determinants of the
environmental sustainability of private consumption is (1)
developed and (2) applied on an environmentally important
area of consumption: private food consumption.
Food Consumption
Food consumption is obviously an important and unavoidable
part of everyday consumption. In addition, it is one of the areas
of private consumption that are most important for environmental sustainability (European Environment Agency 2005).
It has been estimated that approximately one third of households total environmental impact is related to food and drink
consumption (Danish Environmental Protection Agency 2002).
Food consumption is a broad and diverse field and the environmental sustainability of private food consumption depends
on several variables, such as the amount of beef in the diet, the
production system (e.g., organic vs. conventional), and how
and how far the food products are transported. Extant research
suggests that currently the most effective ways that affluent
consumers can increase the sustainability of their food consumption are to (1) reduce the amount of meat, especially beef,
in their diet, (2) buy organic instead of conventionally
produced food products, and (3) avoid food products transported by airplane (e.g., Carlsson-Kanyama and Gonzalez
2009; Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004).1 Due to space limitations, this article focuses on only one of these important ways
to increase the sustainability of food consumption: choosing
organic instead of conventional food. To illustrate the
importance of macro and structural factors for the environmental sustainability of private consumption, research on the
causes of international variations in organic food consumption
is reviewed.
From its beginning, organic farming has rejected the
chemical-based farming techniques of mainstream agriculture
(Niggli 2007). This placed it in opposition to the dominant
paradigm of agricultural policy in industrialized countries
172
Figure 1. Market shares of organic food as percentage of the total

food market in selected European countries in 2006. Source: Padel
et al. (2008).
(Michelsen 2001a), which emphasized technological progress

as a means of improving farm incomes and securing food
supplies (Padel and Lampkin 2007, 95). The change in attitudes
toward organic farming at the political level, first in Europe and
later in North America and Japan, came in response to growing
consumer interest in organic products combined with serious
problems caused by the dominant technological paradigm, such
as overproduction, environmental pollution, food scares, and the
depopulation of rural areas (e.g., Lockeretz 2007a; Padel and
Lampkin 2007). Hence, organic farming challenges consumers
to consider not only the private utility of the food they buy but
also whether it is produced in an acceptable way.
Certified organic food products are produced with consideration for the environment and for animal welfare, controlled
and certified by independent control organizations and usually
labeled with an organic label to assist consumers in the supermarket.2 Certified organic food products have experienced a
remarkable increase in market shares in most industrialized
countries in the last three decades (Aschemann et al. 2007;
Richter et al. 2007). However, organic food has been much
more successful in some than in other countries (see figure 1).
Why is that?
To answer why much more organic food is consumed in
some than in other countries, cross-national research on the
purchase of organic food products is compiled and reviewed.
Because there are few comparative studies on organic food
consumption involving countries outside Europe, the
geographical coverage of the analyzed evidence is, by and
large, limited to Europe. This reduces the complexity of the discussion but also the variation in macro and structural factors.
Hence, it is likely that the currently available evidence tends
to underestimate (rather than overestimate) the impact of
macro and structural factors on organic food consumption.
In the following, the author will first give a brief status
regarding organic food consumption (primarily) in Europe.
Next, the author will present a comprehensive conceptual
model to organize the factors and influences, which can explain
global differences in consumption patterns and specifically in
Thgersen
173
organic food consumption. This model is then used to structure

the review of research on international differences in organic
food consumption. Finally, the discussion of the evidence is
summarized and possible avenues for future research are
suggested.
Organic Food Consumption in Europe

Overall, the organic trend is weaker in the east and south of
Europe (with the partial exception of Italy) than in the northwest. However, organic food consumption cannot be reduced
to a northwest phenomenon. According to the best available
international statistics, the per capita consumption of organic
food in Italy is higher than in many countries in the northwest
(Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004; Padel et al. 2008), and the market shares of organic food as percentage of the total food market differ substantively between countries in the northwest as
well (see figure 1).3
There is a large and growing literature on the demand for
organic (e.g., Fotopoulos and Krystallis 2002; Harper and
Makatouni 2002; Hughner et al. 2007; Thgersen 2009; Vermeir and Verbeke 2006) and other types of ethical food products (e.g., de Ferran and Grunert 2007; De Pelsmacker,
Driesen, Rayp 2005; Doran 2009; Steinrucken and Jaenichen
2007). However, there has been little research aiming to systematically figure out why the tendency to buy organic (or
other types of ethical) food products is stronger in some than
in other countries (Daugbjerg and Halpin 2008). As previously
mentioned, the individualizing bias in this research area is
unfortunate, because it is likely to lead to underestimating the
importance of macro and structural factors and, hence, to erroneous inferences about the causes of unsustainable consumption patterns (individual choices vs. structural characteristics
of the context) and about the most effective ways of intervening
to promote more sustainable consumption (appealing to individual responsibility vs. structural changes). The problem is
illustrated by a survey study of consumer acceptance of organic
food in eight European countries (Thgersen 2009). The study
found little difference in what motivates consumers to buy
organic food between countries, but the relationship between
consumers intention to buy and actual (self-reported) buying
of organic food was significantly weaker in the Mediterranean
countries than in the northern European countries in the sample. It is generally realized in social psychological research that
the relationship between behavioral intentions and behavior
depends on consumers having the requested abilities and
resources and on the absence of unforeseen events blocking the
act (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), but
since abilities and opportunities, to a large extent, are situation
specific (Belk 1975), they are often not or only vaguely specified in individual-level research (such as Thgersen 2009).
The relatively few multicountry studies or reports that propose possible pieces to the puzzle, to be reviewed in more detail
in the following, are summarized in table 1. These main sources
were supplemented by other available sources, including a couple of excellent overview books on the historical development
in organic farming worldwide, including the development in

political regulation and the development of the organic market,
written by groups of researchers with many years of experience
in this field (Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004; Lockeretz 2007b).
For the comparative statistics, all of these sources rely on a
mixture of national statistics, sales data, data from experts in
the various countries, and survey data (Willer 2008a). As mentioned in footnote 3, all of these data sources are fallible, so
caution is warranted when interpreting the results.
Among the possible reasons for the differences in the
organic market, or in the consumption of organic food, between
countries, these sources point at national differences in political
regulation as well as differences at the level of the civil society
or market forces. Of the latter, some emphasize differences at
the supply-side (e.g., soil conditions, organic farmers organizations, and distribution channels) while others focus more on
demand-side factors (e.g., consumer disposable incomes, preferences, and values). Furthermore, some point at general characteristics of the country (e.g., climate, culture, and level of
economic development) as possible causes of differences in the
size of the organic markets while others discuss sector-specific
characteristics (e.g., the structure and organization of and conflicts within the agricultural sector) or events (e.g., specific
food scandals or scares).
Hence a number of possible explanations for the differences
in organic food consumption between countries have been suggested in the literature. Still, the overall picture is rather fragmented (Daugbjerg and Halpin 2008). As concluded in an
early study, in each country, individual factors were found
that appeared to have some impact on national growth
(Michelsen 2001a, 16). Along the same lines, a more recent
review of the literature on organic farming concluded that, for
the time being . . . the factors determining the regional distribution . . . are not yet fully understood (Dabbert, Haring,
Zanoli 2004, 16). This is equally true when turning to the
demand side and trying to explain why the tendency to buy
organic food products is stronger in some than in other
countries.
A Comprehensive Conceptual Model for

Sustainable Food Consumption
A comprehensive understanding of the causes of unsustainable
consumption, with regard to food and in general, requires a systematic and cross-disciplinary approach to mapping potential
causes. At the most abstract level, variations in consumption
patterns can be attributed to political and market factors (Arndt
1981). As discussed in the following, political intervention in
the form of creating a legal basis for organic food production
and marketing and various forms of direct and indirect subsidies as well as independent control, certification, and labeling
schemes have played a key role in the creation and development of a market for organic food products. However, the
available evidence strongly suggests that variation in government regulation is not the only reason why the consumption
173
174
Table 1. Research on Differences and Similarities in Organic Food Consumption Across Countries
References
Countries Covered
Snderskov (2009)
Twenty European countries
Daugbjerg and Snderskov

(2009)
Willer (2008) and previous

editionsa
Dimitri and Oberholtzer

(2007)
Padel and Midmore (2005)
Method and Findings
A consumption index based on data from Willer and Yussefi

(2005) and Hamm and Gronefeld (2004) is regressed on generalized social trust, generalized institutional trust (both based on
the first round of the European Social Survey [ESS], 2003), postmaterial values (the share of the respondents labeled postmaterialist by four-item Materialist/Postmaterialist battery of
Inglehart et al. [2004], from European and World Values Survey
2006), an estimate of the average price premium for organic food
(from Hamm and Gronefeld 2004) and various descriptors of the
demographic composition from World Bank and Eurostat
sources. Variables were national averages or shares. The level of
postmaterialism was the only significant predictor of organic
food consumption
Denmark, Sweden, UK and USA
Comparative policy analysis plus surveys with representative
samples of consumers from the four countries. Regressing selfreported organic consumption on country of residence, postmaterialism, perceptions regarding organic food and agriculture and
demographic variables. Some of the differences in aggregate
demand between Denmark and the other three countries cannot
be explained by the included control variables and are attributed
to differences in policy. Besides policy, country differences can be
explained by differences in postmaterialism (higher in Denmark
and Sweden) and trust in organic labels (higher in Denmark)
Differ between editions, but in principle all Current statistics and market info collected by the Research
Institute of Organic Agriculture, the International Federation of
organic food producing and consuming
Organic Agriculture Movements and the Foundation Ecology &
countries of the world
Agriculture from national and international statistical bureaus,
market research companies and experts. A basic source concerning developments and cross-national differences in organic
farming and the organic market
United States and European Union (EU)
Market statistics and politics for the two areas are compared
supplemented by a review of other material. It is assessed that
consumers have become the driving market force in both regions.
European consumers have faced more serious food scares than
have American consumers. The stronger opposition against
genetically modified organisms (GMOs) among European consumers has also favored organic food in Europe relative to America.
The more proactive policy in Europe has led to organic having a
higher share of the food market and of agricultural land but due to
stronger demand the market is currently growing faster in the
United States. This suggests that the divergent policy directions
do not matter in terms of meeting consumer demand, although
they may matter for other reasons
Eighteen European countries
The Delphi method, using experts of the organic food market in
eighteen countries, is used to explore factors influencing the
development of the organic market, future market prospects, and
the role of governments in future market development. It is found
that short supply chains and focus on regional organic shops may
be an indication of an earlier stage of market development, likely
to be followed by integration into mainstream outlets and
involvement of multiple retailers. It is concluded that the mutual
but mismatched interdependence of demand and supply acts as a
constraint to the overall development
(continued)
Thgersen
175
Table 1 (continued)
References
Countries Covered
Hamm and Gronefeld (2004) Nineteen European countries
Michelsen et al. (1999)
Eighteen European countries
Padel, Lampkin, and Foster

(1999)
Fifteen EU countries
Method and Findings

Detailed data on organic production and consumption collected
by means of a questionnaire sent to a number of market experts in
each of the nineteen countries. Responses were cross-checked
and validated and supplemented by means of data from the
Internet and other sources. Data were collected twice, in 2000
and 2001 with the same questionnaire. Among the main results
regarding cross-country differences were that (1) countries with a
high organic share of total food sales also had a high percentage of
organic food sold through general food shops, such as multiple
retailers, (2) in countries where general food shops were very
active in the marketing of organic food, consumer price premiums
were usually lower, (3) most countries with high organic market
shares had a common national label and consumer recognition of
this label was usually high, (4) to obtain an efficiently functioning
market, both the supply side and the demand side must be
developed equally
Data collected by national experts by contacting the most significant marketing agents in each country. The information covers
the situation in 1997. The report is about market impacts of
policies and the contribution of organic food and feed markets to
the general policy objectives of the Common Agricultural Policy
(CAP). The analysis focuses on market supply rather than on
consumer demand. It shows that adaptation of supply to demand
represents a larger problem for the development of organic food
markets than does the development of sufficient demand
National experts in each country filled out standardized questionnaires, supplemented with various published and unpublished
data sources, and consultations with key individuals in specific
fields. The influence of policy support on the development of the
organic sector is explored. Policies include the agri-environment
program (EU Regulation 2078/92), the EU regulation 2092/91
defining organic crop production in statutory terms and policies
to support market and regional development and the information
provision of organic farming. Policy makers have been interested
in organic farming for its environmental and health benefits and
the potential to contribute to the goals of regional development
programs. The evaluation suggests that the variation in support
policies alone cannot explain the different rates of conversion to
organic farming in the EU
a
The world of organic agriculture is a yearly publication since 2000, which uses national statistics and surveys with key persons to gather as precise a picture of
the status of organic food production and consumption worldwide as possible. Hence, it mainly contains descriptive data and the judgments of differences and
similarities are mainly presented as brief statements of facts rather than analyses.
of organic food differs between countries (Padel, Lampkin, and

Foster 1999). Various market factors also play a role.
It is common to divide market factors into supply-side and
demand-side factors. Both supply-side and demand-side factors
influence consumer choices, including the consumption of
organic food, but in different ways. In consumer research, a
popular distinction is between factors determining consumers
motivation, ability, and opportunity to buy (in this case)
organic food, as operationalized in the motivationability
lander
opportunity model (e.g., Hoyer and MacInnis 2006; O
and Thgersen 1995). These two distinctions are viewed as
complementary in the current framework.
Supply-side factors include a wide range of primary production, industry, and distribution-related characteristics, which
might theoretically influence the consumption of organic food

products in different ways, but which in practice primarily
exert their influence through the availability and relative prices
of the products (e.g., Magnusson et al. 2001; Zanoli and
Naspetti 2002), that is, through influencing consumer opportunities for buying organic food. Demand-side factors include
consumer beliefs, attitudes, and values (e.g., Magnusson
et al. 2001; Thgersen 2009), that is, factors influencing consumer motivation to buy organic food, as well as factors influencing their ability to do so, such as income, task-relevant
knowledge, and habits (e.g., Thgersen 2005a; Thgersen and
lander 2006).
O
The proposed model for explaining variations in organic
food consumption in a cross-national perspective is illustrated
175
176
Figure 2. Determinants of organic food consumption.
in figure 2. Within the broader framework outlined above, the

model includes a specification of the political and market
factors that are most important in the case of organic food consumption, with the latter divided into supply-side/opportunity
and demand-side/motivation and ability factors and the former
into political regulation and government-sponsored market
development activities. The specific factors mentioned under
each of these headlines are derived from the reviewed
literature.
In the following, this conceptual framework is used to
structure the review of extant research on country differences
in organic food consumption. The comprehensive framework
makes it possible to effectively synthesize the evidence and
to identify important knowledge gaps that call for further
research.
Political
Regulation and Subsidies
As is true for other factors, discussed below, there is a lack of
systematic comparative research investigating the relationship
between national policies and the development of the organic
176
sector and market (Daugbjerg and Halpin 2008). However, the

scattered evidencesupported by a few systematic empirical
studies cited belowstrongly suggests that differences in political regulation are among the factors explaining the differences
in the success of organic farming between countries. Specifically, in a thorough comparative analysis of European national
politics in this area, it was concluded that the leading
countries in the development of organic farming (in terms of
the percentage of organic to total land area) have most certainly
experienced strong policy support for organic farming. In most
cases, this has included special support for the markets for
organic foodstuffs (Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004, 13).
Switzerland and some countries in the European Union (EU)
began subsidizing organic farmers, especially during the transition period, in the late 1980s, and since 1994 all EU member
states have been obliged to support the conversion to organic
farming financially (Padel and Lampkin 2007). Although the
national policies within the EU have been gradually harmonized over time, there is, and especially has been, quite a bit
of variation between countries in the implementation of this
policy. Some countries have been much more ambitious than
others and implemented a variety of policies aimed at supporting the growth of the organic food sector, both from the supply
Thgersen
177
and the demand sides (Daugbjerg and Snderskov 2009;

Dimitri and Oberholtzer 2007; Hamm and Gronefeld 2004;
Padel and Lampkin 2007).
Denmark, one of the top three organic countries in Europe,
is often mentioned in this connection. The Danish law on
organic farming from 1987 has been called groundbreaking
(Aschemann et al. 2007, 132). It was the first national law to
define organic farming and support it financially (Padel,
Lampkin, and Foster 1999). Later, when facing oversupply in
some organic product groups, Denmark was also the first
country to adjust its policy to focus more on demand strengthening, instead of just using production subsidies to support the
organic sector, with its national action plans of 1995 and 1999
(Aschemann et al. 2007; Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004). A systematic, comparative study confirmed that the relatively ambitious Danish policy, with its emphasis on both supply- and
demand-side instruments, is a significant contributing reason
why organic food consumption is substantially higher in
Denmark than in most other countries (Daugbjerg and
Snderskov 2009). Demand-side instruments will be discussed
in more detail in the next section.
Germany, the largest organic market in Europe in absolute
terms (Padel et al. 2008), was the second to introduce a scheme
to support conversion to organic farming financially, in 1989,
in the context of the EUs so-called extensification scheme
(EC Reg. 4115/88; Padel, Lampkin, and Foster 1999).
Germany was the first country to support the conversion to
organic farming within this scheme.
EC Regulation 2078/92 provided an even bigger boost to the
development of organic farming than EC Regulation 4115/88
(Aschemann et al. 2007). This regulation was intended as an
agri-environmental program, and although it is in principle a
common framework across the EU, its measures were
implemented differently and with different degree of focus
on environmental versus other objectives in different member
countries. This is probably a contributing reason why the
organic sector took different paths of development in the
various countries (Aschemann et al. 2007).
Especially, the EUs agricultural policy was implemented
with a different focus in northern Europe and in the Mediterranean countries. Although it led to the promotion of organic
agriculture in northern Europe, it led to supporting traditional
small-scale production of regional specialties in the Mediterranean countries (Kurzer and Cooper 2007). The latter was based
on the EU Commissions support of the promotion and protection of regional specialties by introducing, in 1992, a system
known as Protected Designation of Origin (PDO), Protected
Geographical Indication (PGI), and Traditional Specialty
Guaranteed (TSG). The purpose of these designations is to
protect traditional products reputations from competition by
cheaper imitations that assume the same name as the original.
In the domestic market, the protection of traditional
products tends to favor local relative to imported products,
which benefits the environment due to the reduced transport.
However, the protection and promotion of regional specialties
is as much an export-oriented strategy, which leads to increased
international trade within product categories and therefore to

an increase in the transportation of products overall. Hence,
it is dubious that this strategy promotes environmental
sustainability.
France, Italy, Greece, Spain, and Portugal have been granted
the largest number of designations for geographically protected
food products (Kurzer and Cooper 2007). In northern Europe,
however, there are relatively few traditional, regional specialty
foods produced. Hence, a contributing reason why Mediterranean countries have focused less on promoting organic farming
than northern European countries seems to be that the national
governments and most likely the countries farmers have perceived revitalizing and protecting traditional food specialties
as a more attractive business strategy.
Based on the cited studies, it is not possible to quantify the
importance of differences in national political emphasis and
regulation for the variation in organic food production and consumption between countries, but the evidence strongly suggests
that variations in national political emphasis and regulation are
the important contributing factors. It would be difficult to
explain the substantial growth in (especially) the European
organic sector since the 1980s without reference to its growing
recognition by policy makers (Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004;
Dimitri and Oberholtzer 2007; Padel and Lampkin 2007).
However, there is a lot of between-country variation in the
development of organic farming and the organic market, which
cannot be explained by variation in support policies alone
(Aschemann et al. 2007; Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004; Padel,
Lampkin, and Foster 1999). As discussed in the following, in
addition to political regulation, various market factors have
contributed to the different development of the organic
markets, in Europe and elsewhere.
Demand-Side Instruments: Control, Certification, and

Labeling
Market development activities regarding the organic food market can be, and have been, carried out with or without political
support. However, like other infant industries, emerging
organic food sectors lack resources, reputation, and credibility,
which the political system can provide. Hence, in practice,
political support for market development activities for the
national organic food market has made a lot of difference
(Daugbjerg and Snderskov 2009; Hamm and Gronefeld
2004; Padel and Lampkin 2007).
Next to the legal definition of organic farming, the most
important market development activities are the establishment
of credible control, certification, and labeling systems for
organic food products (Michelsen 2001a). In different countries, such systems have been organized by producer organizations (e.g., the Soil Association in the UK), nongovernmental
organizations (e.g., the Swedish KRAV labeling system), or
governmental organizations (e.g., the Danish state-controlled
organic label, the label). A clearly defined production system
guaranteed by control and certification systems is a prerequisite
for the segmentation of the market into organic products and
177
178
conventional products and thereby for the establishment of a

market for organic food products (Aschemann et al. 2007;
Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004). The control and certification
is communicated to consumers by means of a label or logo,
which is essential for consumers to be able to recognize a
product as organic, at least in a supermarket (Hamm and
Gronefeld 2004). The credibility of the certifying body, both
in terms of commitment and ability, is essential for consumer
trust in the organic label and in organic food products (Eden
1994; Howard and Allen 2006; Thgersen 2002). In general,
consumers seem to have more confidence in labels that are
government backed than in labels that are not (Roosen, Lusk,
and Fox 2003).
A common EU organic logo exists, but until now it has had
no practical relevance. Consumers have used national labeling
schemes as guidance when buying organic food products. In
addition, whereas there is only one organic label in some countries, in others there is a range of logos, labels, and brands. Germany now has one national public organic logo (Bio-Siegel),
but up until 2000 each of the nine producer associations used
its own logo (Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004). The evidence suggests that when there are several certifying bodies and labels in
a country, it creates consumer confusion and undermines consumer confidence (Aschemann et al. 2007; Hamm and Gronefeld 2004).
It seems likely that differences between countries with
respect to the control, certification, and labeling systems is a
contributing factor explaining differences in the development
of the organic market (Hamm and Gronefeld 2004). Denmark
seems to have benefitted most from a well-known and
established organic label. A national, state-controlled organic
certification and labeling scheme, introduced in the 1987, was
part of the package that made the Danish organic market one
of the most successful in the world (Aschemann et al. 2007;
Daugbjerg and Snderskov 2009; Hamm and Gronefeld
2004). However, a national organic label alone is not sufficient
to boost the organic market. For example, France lags behind
most other western European countries in terms of organic market share (see figure 1), although it introduced its national label
for organic food products, Agriculture Biologique, as early as
in 1984 (Padel and Lampkin 2007).
What happens if a national standard and label is introduced
in an organic market that has already reached a certain level of
maturity, in spite of the lack of these features? Here, the evidence is also mixed. Whereas the implementation of the
National Organic Program and the United States Department
of Agriculture (USDA) label in the United States in 2002 gave
the organic sector a boost, Germanys introduction of the
national logo in 2001 did not seem to benefit the sector particularly, at least in the short run (Aschemann et al. 2007).4 Of
course, each case is unique, which means that the effects of a
specific intervention, such as a national organic label, may be
hidden by the (possibly larger) impact of other events, such
as the economic recession in the first years of the millennium
or the Nitrofen scandal in Germany in 2002, where a banned
herbicide was found in organic feed.
178
Hence, in spite of the indisputable importance of a credible

control, certification, and labeling system for building consumer confidence and ability to choose organic food products
in the supermarket, national differences in these systems can
only explain a limited amount of the cross-national variation
in the consumption of organic food. In particular, the positive
impact of a credible control, certification, and labeling system
depends on organic products being both desired by consumers
and available and affordable. Thus, it also depends on random
events as well as on policies to support conversion and continued production and on a range of market factors to be discussed
in the following (cf., Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli 2004; Michelsen
et al. 1999; Padel and Midmore 2005).
Market Factors
Supply-Side Factors (Opportunity)
It appears from the previous sections that differences between
countries in the development of the organic food market can to
a high extent, but not completely, be attributed to variations in
political regulation and politically supported market development activities. A key mediating factor is farmers decisions
to convert to organic agriculture. The economic position of
organic farmers relative to nonorganic farmers, and thereby the
incentive to convert (Michelsen 2001a), is obviously influenced by both political regulation and market factors (Dimitri
and Oberholtzer 2007). Farmers are more inclined to look for
supportive arrangements, such as support for organic farming,
in periods of general agricultural recession than in periods of
prosperity (Michelsen 2001a), which illustrates the importance
of the incentive to convert for the development of national
organic markets.
Supply-side factors, such as the quality of soils and climate,
have played an important role for the speed of conversion to
organic production in different countries (e.g., Dabbert,
Haring, Zanoli 2004). For example, in countries such as
Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, organic farming is especially prevalent in disadvantaged rural areas where extensive
agriculture predominates. In disadvantaged regions, grasslands
tend to be more important than arable land, and less fertilizer is
used on agricultural lands in general. Extensive forms of animal production tend to play a major role in these regions, both
in organic and in conventional farming. Among other things,
this means that the changes a farm has to undergo to convert
to organic farming are relatively small. According to Dabbert,
Haring, Zanoli (2004, 13):
Even if no additional price premium for organic produce is
received and no policy-related payments are made for organic
farming, the loss a farmer undergoes when converting to
organic agriculture is fairly small. If, in such a situation, price
premiums can be achieved or agri-environmental payments are
made for being organic, organic farming tends to be more
profitable than conventional farming.
Thgersen
179
Although there is clearly no one-to-one relationship between

the share of agricultural land being managed organically and
organic foods share of the total food market, a large domestic
production provide a push to organic consumption in a country (Hamm and Gronefeld 2004). For example, at the change of
the millennium, Italys organically cultivated agricultural land
area was by far the largest in Europe in absolute terms and
among the largest in terms of share of total agricultural land,
but the per capita consumption of organic food products was
much more modest (Hamm and Gronefeld 2004). This apparent
discrepancy was the result of a combination of extensive
organic agriculture (especially large areas used for sheep production) in some Italian regions and the fact that Italy exports
a large share of its organic products (Dabbert, Haring, Zanoli
2004). However, the early conversion of large areas of farmland to organic production had a positive influence on the availability and affordability of organic food products on the Italian
market (Hamm and Gronefeld 2004). It seems likely that this is
a contributing reason why Italys organic food consumption per
capita is now substantively larger than in other Mediterranean
countries (Padel et al. 2008).
Another, important supply-side factor is the development of
effective distribution channels (Hamm and Gronefeld 2004).
Initially, organic food products were mostly sold directly by
farmers to consumers, at the farm, through producerconsumer
associations, or at farmers markets. Later, specialty (health
food) stores played an increasing role in many countries, but
now most organic food products in Europe are sold through
conventional supermarkets, including discount stores (Aschemann et al. 2007; Richter 2008). Conventional retail chains
have been especially dominating in the most successful organic
markets, Switzerland, Austria, and Denmark (Dabbert, Haring,
Zanoli 2004; Michelsen et al. 1999; Richter 2008), which is
probably a contributing reason for organic foods relatively
high market share in these countries (Hamm and Gronefeld
2004). It is a general observation that after conventional supermarkets start offering organic products, sales increase substantively (Aschemann et al. 2007). The major reason for this is
higher availability for consumers, but as noted by Aschemann
et al. (2007), a big companys involvement in organic food is
also normally accompanied by advertising and public relations
campaigns, which are likely to increase the publics interest in
organic food in general.
In parallel with conventional retailers increasing their
assortments, and sale, of organic food products, the specialized
organic retailing sector has gone through a restructuring and
concentration process in many countries. For example, the Italian organic supermarket chain Natura Si had 60 outlets in 2006
(Richter 2008). A related trend has been for smaller regional
organic wholesalers to merge into consolidated national wholesalers (Richter 2008). Among other things, the large organic
wholesalers initiate joint marketing programs for the specialist
retailers such as the German and Swiss (ECHT BIO.) program
and the Italian bio program (Richter 2008).5 In contrast to
what one might expect, the sale of organic food products
through conventional supermarket chains has not hurt the sale
through specialized shops and direct sales by farmers, on the

contrary (Aschemann et al. 2007). A likely reason, suggested
by Aschemann et al. (2007), is that most conventional supermarket chains have a rather narrow assortment of organic food
products, so when their advertising and public relations campaigns increase interest in organic food, new consumers go to
specialist retailers for their wider assortment, including
regional organic food specialties.
The effectiveness of the distribution channels also has
important implications for total costs and therefore consumer
prices (Aschemann et al. 2007; Hamm and Gronefeld 2004).
In countries where most of the organic food products are sold
through conventional supermarkets, lower price premiums
tend to be charged for organic food products (Hamm and
Gronefeld 2004; Michelsen et al. 1999). Although it has been
suggested that the significance of price premiums is declining (Aschemann et al. 2007, 137), extant research strongly
suggests that high product prices are still one of the most
important barriers to growth in the demand for organic food
products (Dimitri and Oberholtzer 2007; Hughner et al. 2007;
Padel and Midmore 2005).
Due to the expansion of the organic market and the
consolidation of its distribution channels, prices of organic
food products have become more competitive in Europe
(Aschemann et al. 2007). However, price premiums tend to
be higher in countries with a low turnover of organic food products compared with conventional products (Dabbert, Haring,
Zanoli 2004). Hence, the relationship between organic consumption and prices is a two-way street: In markets with a low
organic turnover, premium prices are high due to high costs,
which impedes the expansion of the organic market. When the
sale of organic food goes up, economies of scale in production
and distribution allow more competitive prices and lowering of
the price barrier. Hence, as in most other consumption areas,
growth in organic food consumption is self-reinforcing.
Demand-Side Factors
Ability. In the early days, the organic sector was mostly
supply driven. Farmers introduced organic food products for
various reasons. However, it has been suggested that more
recently consumers have become the driving market force
(Dimitri and Oberholtzer 2007).
It is common to refer to average disposable incomes when
commenting on differences between countries with respect to
purchasing organic food products (Sahota, Willer, and Yussefi
2007). Because consumers usually pay a premium price for this
kind of product, it seems likely that consumers in richer
countries will be more willing to do so. Reflecting this, the
consumer market for organic products is mostly in the industrialized countries, whereas Oceania and Latin America
account for a major part of the production area (Aschemann
et al. 2007; Willer 2008b). However, a recent study of twenty
European countries found that the variation in organic consumption across countries in Europe is not currently related
to average national income (Snderskov 2009).
179
180
Others have linked the slowdown in the growth rate of the

organic markets in some countries in the first years of the
new millennium to the economic recession in this period
(Aschemann et al. 2007). This assessment is supported by the
repetition of this pattern during the recession at the end of the
decade (Clarke 2009). It seems that the demand for organic
food products is more sensitive to the general economic climate
of the country than food in general. In this respect, organic food
products share a characteristic of luxury goods, which are in
general more sensitive to economic upturns and downturns
than everyday necessities (Campbell and Li 2003).
The income effect naturally depends on the price premiums
charged for organic food products. As mentioned in the former
section, organic food prices have become more competitive in
Europe during the last two decades. Together with the relatively narrow variation in national incomes in Western Europe,
the decrease in the premium prices charged for organic food
could explain why variations in organic food consumption
between European countries no longer seem related to average
national incomes. Therefore, it is unlikely that the lack of an
income effect on organic food consumption can be generalized
outside Western Europe or the group of affluent, industrialized
countries.
Motivation. Another factor, possibly contributing to the
variation in organic food consumption between countries is
motivational. Buying these kinds of products may be more consistent with the cultural values and norms of some than of other
countries (Usunier and Lee 2009). National cultures differ in
many ways that might have implications for the weight given
to environmental and ethical concerns in food choice. General
traits of the national culture may play a role, such as cultural
value emphasis and religion (Schwartz 2009). However, it
seems likely that cultural traits that are related to this specific
area, such as environmentalism and food culture, are even more
important (Askegaard and Madsen 1998; Thgersen In
press-d).
Askegaard and Madsen (1998) found that food cultures to a
high extent follow language and (therefore also) national borders. For example, they identified unique food cultures in each
of the Mediterranean countries (rather than a common Mediterranean food culture) as well as in each of the Nordic countries
(rather than a common Nordic food culture). Hence, variations
in national food cultures could account for some of the diversity in consumers preferences for organic food products across
countries, in Europe and globally.
Differences in national food cultures are, for example,
reflected in the previously mentioned considerably larger number of designations for geographically protected food products
being granted in the Mediterranean countries than in northern
European countries. It has been suggested that citizens in
Mediterranean countries share an emotional attachment to
small-scale traditional farming, regional produce, and regional
gastronomic traditions (Torjusen et al. 2004) and that their
designated geographically protected food products are considered part of the national patrimony or identity (Kurzer and
180
Figure 3. Environmental concern measured as attention toward

protecting the environment in selected northern European and
Mediterranean countries, 20032008. Note: The graphs show the
percentage of large random samples of the population picking
protecting the environment as one of the two most important
issues (among fifteen issues) facing their country at the moment.
Source: Eurobarometer 59 to Eurobarometer 70, The European
Commission.
Cooper 2007, 1038). Research has also found that many

consumers do not distinguish between local and organic food
products (Roininen, Arvola, and Lahteenmaki 2006). A high
involvement with traditional, local, or regional food products,
especially if combined with a widespread belief that traditional
domestic food production is virtually the same as organic, may
create a mental barrier to entry for organic food. This seems
to be the case in, but is not necessarily limited to, some
Mediterranean countries.
As regard, other specific value differences, it has been noted
that animal welfare plays an important role in northern
European countries whereas it is almost an unknown value to
Italian or Greek consumers (Zanoli and Naspetti 2001). In addition, reviews of consumer studies show that environmental
concerns are central for many consumers with regard to organic
food (Hughner et al. 2007; Torjusen et al. 2004). Pan-European
opinion polls suggest that environmental concernreflected in
how much attention is paid to protecting the environment relative to other issuesis higher in northern Europe than, for
example, in Mediterranean countries (see figure 3), and environmental concern also seems to play a more important role
in motivating consumer action in the north than in the south
(European Commission 2008). In line with these data, it has
been suggested that interest in organic farming (in northern
Europe, JT) grew out of strong popular environmental consciousness (Kurzer and Cooper 2007, 1039). This assessment
is backed by a recent comparative study of 20 European countries, which found that cross-national variation in organic food
Thgersen
181
consumption is significantly related to the populations

postmaterialistic value orientation (Snderskov 2009).
Attitudes in the general population do not necessarily only
influence the development of the organic food sectors via the
market. In a thorough comparative analysis of the development
of European policy in this area, it was suggested that growing
public interest in environmental matters led to greater sympathy for organic farming, which translated into a desire to give
it political support for environmental reasons (Dabbert,
Haring, Zanoli 2004, 5). Others have speculated that attitudes
in the general population influence farmers and that some have
converted to organic production in an attempt to avoid the
general criticism of agricultures environmental problems
(Michelsen 2001a).
However, differences in environmental concern obviously
cannot explain the huge differences in organic foods market
shares between the Nordic countries (see figure 1) nor the fact
that the organic food consumption per capita is considerably
higher in Italy than in, for example, Finland (Padel et al.
2008). Hence, differences in cultural values and concerns can
only account for a limited share of the cross-country variation
in organic food consumption.
Discussion
The sustainability of final consumption depends on individual
consumer choices, but individual choices are severely
constrained by a range of macro and structural factors. In this
article, the importance of macro and structural factors for sustainable consumption is demonstrated in an environmentally
important field: food consumption. Macro factors have been
identified that contribute to explaining the level of sustainability of food consumption, specifically organic food consumption, based on a review of extant research on differences
between, especially, European countries.
With the existing evidence, a precise quantification of the
relative importance of macro and structural factors is not
possible. However, the quality of the reviewed research is sufficiently high to document without any reasonable doubt that
macro and structural factors, both determined by policy and
market actors, play a key role for the level of organic (and
therefore also sustainable) consumption in a country.
As reported in the reviewed literature, some countries have
supported organic agriculture, and the development of an
organic market, earlier, more persistently, and with a broader
range of means than others. This has led to a range of impediments to consumer organic choices being removed or substantially reduced, especially those related to availability, price,
and consumer uncertainty. Generally, northern European countries have supported organic food production and consumption
more than the Mediterranean countries, and Denmark stands
out in this respect. Denmark is one of the few countries where
the government from the outset has intervened both at the supply side and the demand side (push and pull, cf. Padel
et al. 2002) to facilitate the development of an organic food
sector, and this is one of the reasons why Denmark is one of the
three countries in the world with the highest organic food

market share (Daugbjerg and Snderskov 2009).
It has been suggested that the relatively weak political support for organic food in Mediterranean countries is at least
partly due to a stronger focus on regional and local specialties.
More research is needed to document the veracity of this claim.
However, it is obvious that, from a business strategy point of
view, protected trade names based on systems of local and
regional origin has many of the same merits as organic production, and they may even command a higher premium price. In
addition, there is evidence suggesting that many consumers do
not distinguish between local and organic food production.
Future research should investigate the proposition made in this
article that such beliefs, especially when combined with strong
consumer attachment to local and regional products, create
barriers to entry for new organic food products.
Both the organic strategy in northern Europe and the
regional and local specialties strategy in Mediterranean countries have benefited from popular support. In Mediterranean
countries, regional and local specialties are considered part of
the national patrimony or identity (Kurzer and Cooper 2007).
In northern Europe, organic food production has fit consumers
environmental concern (which has been focused in the direction of agriculture and food production by various highprofile food scandals). The difference in agricultural focus
between the north and south of Europe might partly be attributed to these popular sentiments. Most likely, there are other
contributing factors, however, including different opportunities
(i.e., the fact that the southern European countries have a much
larger richness of renowned local and regional specialties than
northern European countries).
The available evidence suggests that differences in political
regulation are important, but not the only factors that have contributed to the variation in the consumption of organic food
across European countries, however. It seems likely that a
whole range of market factors, both on the supply and the
demand side, have also played a role. For example, everything
else being equal, the conversion of land to organic production
has gone faster under conditions that favor extensive agriculture, most likely because the costs of converting are smaller
under these conditions. This seems to have been a contributing
factor for the relative success of organic farming in countries
such as Austria and Switzerland, and perhaps also in countries
such as Sweden, Italy, and Germany.
Another supply condition that seems to have played an even
bigger role for the development of the organic market in different countries is the maturity of the distribution channels (sale
through conventional supermarkets vs. more extensive channels such as farm sale, farmers markets, and health food
stores). It differs substantively between countries how early
and to which extent conventional retail chains have taken in
and promoted organic food products. The available evidence
suggests that when they have done so, this has boosted the
consumption of organic food, both because of increased
accessibility and lower prices and because of the increased promotion of organic food. Hence, it would be useful with more
181
182
systematic research to clarify why countries differ in this

respect and what hampers the evolution of efficient distribution
channels for organic food products in some countries.
The, related, size of the premiums charged for organic food
products is another important supply condition. According to
most consumer surveys, high price is one of the most important
reasons for not buying organic food (Hughner et al. 2007),
which suggests that differences between countries in this
respect have contributed to the differences in aggregate
demand. A study in Germany found that the prices of organic
food products are equivalent to the 25 percent top conventional
food brands in many product categories (Hamm Aschemann,
and Riefer 2007). This means that the price premium for
organic food products is not a problem as long as they only
compete in the premium market. However, such a positioning
also sets quite narrow limits to the reachable market share for
organic food products and for organic food productions contribution to a more sustainable consumption pattern. There is a
need for more and more comparative research on the positioning of organic food products and its implications for their price
sensitivity.
Another factor that seems to account for some of the differences in organic demand between countries is the different
ways control, certification, and labeling systems are organized.
As mentioned above, the optimal way of organizing and
implementing these systems is still not unequivocally settled.
Hence, there is a need for detailed, comparative analyses of the
approaches taken in different countries and their implications.
How do particularly successful and unsuccessful national
programs compare to one another and to approaches in other
countries? Which other variables discussed in the current article (e.g., policy, culture, distribution system, and premium
price) play a role in the development or acceptance of organic
labels for food products? Which policy recommendations can
be derived from a thorough comparative analysis of successful
and unsuccessful certification, control, and labeling programs?
There is strong evidence that also demand-side factors have
contributed to the differences in organic food consumption
between European countries. Especially, the development of
the organic food market seems to have benefited from environmental concern and a postmaterialistic value orientation, both
of which differ between European countries. Food scandals,
which have created mistrust in conventional agriculture and
food production, have also benefited the organic food market,
especially in northern Europe (Aschemann et al. 2007; Hughner et al. 2007). Furthermore, these demand-side factors may
not only have benefited organic food production directly
through the market, but perhaps also indirectly through paving
the way for political support and putting pressure on farmers to
convert to organic production. Hence, this article also illustrates the practical relevance of research attempting to explain
differences in environmental concern and values between
countries (e.g., Inglehart 1995; Schultz et al. 2005). Because
organic food production obviously challenges the technological dimension of the dominant social paradigm (DSP), the
study also links into and informs research on differences and
182
changes in the DSP (e.g., Dunlap and Van Liere 1978; Dunlap
et al. 2000; Kilbourne et al. 2001; Kilbourne, Beckmann, and
Thelen 2002).
The factors covered in this review go some way toward
explaining the main difference between the north and the south
of Europe (primarily interacting differences in environmental
concern, in the importance attributed to regional and local specialties, in distribution channels, and in national policies) and
some of the exceptional cases. In addition to relatively high
environmental concern, the three countries with the highest
organic market shares in Europe, and in the World, Switzerland, Austria, and Denmark, all benefited from large retailers
making organic food available and affordable to broad segments of consumers early in the development of the organic
market. In addition, the development of the organic sector in
some countries has benefited from soil conditions that made
organic agriculture relatively more profitable. Visionary political support was also a major contributing factor, including the
implementation of a successful state-controlled organic labeling system. That Italy is a positive outlier in the Mediterranean
region seems to be partly attributable to early, large-scale
conversion to organic agriculture due to a mixture of favorable
soil conditions and a large organic export. It may also be part of
the explanation that most of the organic food is sold in the big
cities in northern Italy, which is more similar to northern
Europe both in terms of incomes and values than southern Italy
(Richter et al. 2007). A better understanding of the Italian case
may be the key to identifying effective strategies for increasing
the organic market in other Mediterranean countries. More
research is needed in this area.
However, there are other important holes in our understanding of the differences between countries in organic food
consumption. Notably, the reviewed literature revealed no
explanation for negative outliers in northern Europe, including
Norway and Finland. Future research should investigate what
has suppressed the demand for organic food in countries such
as these.
As mentioned several times, and as illustrated in the model
in figure 2, the various factors influencing the development of
the organic sector, and the demand for organic food, are not
mutually exclusive or independent, but interact in a complex
pattern. The consumer sentiments that created demand for
organic food in some countries also influenced the political
system and paved the way for political support to organic producers and production. Furthermore, the political system is
obviously influenced by the economic interests of farmers,
which means that the political regulation tends to become more
favorable when organic agriculture has reached a size that
makes it a political factor in the country. There are some early
studies of the interaction between the political system, farmers
associations, and environmental and consumer interests (e.g.,
Michelsen 2001a, 2001b), but this is an area where more
research is needed (Daugbjerg and Halpin 2008).
There is also a need for more research on the importance of
national food cultures for the development of the organic sector. The emphasis on traditional, local, and regional specialties
Thgersen
183
seems to have been a barrier for organic food in some Mediterranean countries. However, this barrier seems to have been
overcome in Italy. Why is that? Is it because organic farming
for export has become significant enough to be a political factor
to Italian farmers to a greater extent than farmers in other Mediterranean countries combining the organic and the designation
of origin strategy. Or, perhaps is it because consumer-citizens
in northern Italy are influenced by the same postmaterialist
value tendencies found in countries in northern Europe? Future
research should investigate this.
In addition, it is a weakness of the approach used in this
article that it does not allow a quantification of the relative
importance of individual-level versus macro and structural
factors. There are a few attempts in this direction in the
reviewed research, but more systematic research is needed
here. Furthermore, organic food is only one aspect of a sustainable food consumption, and not even the most important
(which is the amount of meat, and especially beef, in the diet),
and food is only one among several areas that are important for
the sustainability of private consumption (notably private
transportation, home energy consumption). The environmental
benefits of buying organic food may be partly or fully negated,
for example, if the products are transported by airplane or if
consumers buy more meat and/or dairy products because it is
organic (the rebound effect, cf. Hertwich 2005). Hence, to
strengthen the case of the importance of macro and structural
factors for sustainable consumption, there is a need for
extending this research to other consumption areas and to the
interaction between consumption areas.
Notes
1. For a consumer-directed campaign promoting these changes in private food consumption, see www.sierraclub.org/truecostoffood/.
2. See www.ifoam.org. Although it is not supported by scientific evidence, many consumers seem to believe that organic food products
are also healthier and taste better than their conventional counterparts. A number of empirical studies conclude that these beliefs are
the main reasons why consumers buy organic food (cf., Renee
Shaw Hughner et al. 2007 Who are organic food consumers? A
compilation and review of why people purchase organic food.
Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 6). However, the basis for this
conclusion has been questioned on methodological grounds and a
recent study strongly suggests that the mentioned health and taste
beliefs are products rather than antecedents of buying organic food
(John Thgersen In press-a, Green shopping: For selfish reasons
or the common good? American Behavioral Scientist).
3. The per capita consumption of organic food depends on food
prices, which vary between countries. When expressed in a common currency, it also depends on the exchange rate. Market shares
are independent of the general price level and exchange rates, but
they are not available from all countries. In addition, the market
share of organic food depends on the price of organic relative to
conventional food products and, not least, on how the food sector is defined (e.g., just food or food and drinks), which may vary
between countries. For these reasons, and because all of the
measures are fallible, even the best available comparative statistics

should be interpreted with caution.
4. The researchers making these assessment have revised their assessment of the German national logo and believe that now seven to
eight years after its introduction, it plays a major role for consumer
awareness and trust and consequently for the current development of
the German organic market (professor Ulrich Hamm and Dr. Jessica
Aschemann-Witzel, personal communication).
5. [ECHT BIO.] and bio are trademarks.
Acknowledgments
The author is grateful to Jessica Aschemann-Witzel, William
Kilbourne, and three anonymous reviewers for helpful comments on
an earlier version.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
the authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research and/or
authorship of this article.
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Bio
John Thgersen is a professor of economic psychology at the Department of Marketing and Statistics, Aarhus School of Business, Aarhus
University, Denmark. His research focuses on social and environmental marketing, the motivational roots of norms for environmentally
responsible behavior, and the role of moral norms in consumer decision making.

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Journal of Macromarketing

Country Differences in Sustainable Consumption: The Case of Organic Food

>> Version of Record - May 24, 2010

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Country Differences in Sustainable

There is a growing consensus in society that, altering

emerging countries strive less hard at achieving sustainable

Aarhus School of Business, University of Aarhus, Denmark

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

Figure 1. Market shares of organic food as percentage of the total

(Michelsen 2001a), which emphasized technological progress

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organic food consumption. This model is then used to structure

Organic Food Consumption in Europe

in organic farming worldwide, including the development in

A Comprehensive Conceptual Model for

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

Twenty European countries

Daugbjerg and Snderskov

Willer (2008) and previous

Dimitri and Oberholtzer

Padel and Midmore (2005)

Method and Findings

A consumption index based on data from Willer and Yussefi

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Hamm and Gronefeld (2004) Nineteen European countries

Michelsen et al. (1999)

Eighteen European countries

Padel, Lampkin, and Foster

Method and Findings

of organic food differs between countries (Padel, Lampkin, and

might theoretically influence the consumption of organic food

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

Figure 2. Determinants of organic food consumption.

in figure 2. Within the broader framework outlined above, the

sector and market (Daugbjerg and Halpin 2008). However, the

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and the demand sides (Daugbjerg and Snderskov 2009;

international trade within product categories and therefore to

Demand-Side Instruments: Control, Certification, and

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

conventional products and thereby for the establishment of a

Hence, in spite of the indisputable importance of a credible

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Although there is clearly no one-to-one relationship between

through specialized shops and direct sales by farmers, on the

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

Others have linked the slowdown in the growth rate of the

Figure 3. Environmental concern measured as attention toward

Cooper 2007, 1038). Research has also found that many

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consumption is significantly related to the populations

three countries in the world with the highest organic food

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Journal of Macromarketing 30(2)

systematic research to clarify why countries differ in this

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measures are fallible, even the best available comparative statistics