r

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

TRADITIONAL CHORDOPHONES OF THE IFUGAO: A LOOK INTO

THE POTENTIALS OF ARCHAEOMUSICOLOGICAL STUDIES IN THE
PHILIPPINES
Fredelizo Z. Campos 1

Abstract
With a musical system that is deeply rooted in oral tradition, the study
of something more tangible such as material culture is crucial in advancing
ethnomusicology in the Philippines. Although music-related artifacts are yet
to be explored fully in Philippine archaeology, materials from indigenous
cultures particularly musical instruments that were archived at the turn of
the century, present perspectives on the early music in the Philippines. This
paper explores the traditional chordophones of the Ifugao and how analysis
of materials such as these provide insights and directions to the specialist
study of archaeomusicology, and further elucidates the pre-colonial roots of
music and musical instruments in the country.

Keywords: archacomusicology, chordophone, prehistory, zither, organology

I Music Department, School of Humanities, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong; email: cfredeliza@l
yahoo.ca

Introduction
While the universality and enduring presence of music in the
history of humanity is unquestionable, there is much to learn on how

musical instruments were integrated into human activities in the past.

Their presence in societies attests to what has long been defined as music
/ a manifestation of people's creativity in combining inarticulate sounds
into a more coherent, perceptual experience (Alperson, 1994; Rault, 2000).
Although the development of musical competence in prehistory, a nexus to
human's earliest known cognitive ability has been examined over the past
few decades (Cross, 1999, 2003; Cross and Morley, 2008; Mithen, 1998, 2005;
Wallin et al., 2000), it may not be constructive to locate in time the invention
of the first musical instruments. As Sachs (2006) argues, early humans must
have been obliviously producing the seeds of the earliest musical instruments
when they first clapped or stamped on the ground. The origin of many of
the musical instruments in the Philippines, even those often encountered in
literature such as gongs (Benitez, 2005; Cadar, 1996a), remain unclear. This
compels questions that do not center around when materials were actually
produced but rather towards the rationale behind their manufacture and
subsequent development.
Particularly among indigenous peoples, wherein music is orally
transmitted, musical instruments are crucial in understanding the perpetually
changing music and its earlier forms . It is fundamental to examine early
musical instruments and its latter forms to answer questions on beliefs and
traditions, power struggles and changing social hierarchies and structures,
and define societies that are all inherently musical in varying natures as
Blacking (1995) maintains. The Philippines is not privy to similar studies,
nor has it engaged in investigating music of cultural groups at microscopic
levels. The revitalized interest in indigenous music from the beginning of the
1950s, thereby introducing ethnoi:nusicology into the country (Dioquino,
1982), up to the present, has generated clear insights on pre/colonial music
(e.g., Buenconsejo, 2006; Cadar, 1996b; Conklin and Maceda, 1955; Dioquino,
1998; Maceda, 1974, 1997; Mora, 2005; Prudente, 1984; Trimillos, 1972).
Several studies were based on ethnography, well/placed within the period
it belonged; though some earlier works may possibly conjecture that the
materials, being indigenous, are indifferent to Western influence. In some
cases, the absence of sufficient information about indigenous music qualifies
erroneous suppositions that the music is ancient, such as the case of the

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

kulintang music tradition (Benitez, 2005; Cadar, 1996a, 2004 ). There is a need
to address this gap as we look at indigenous musical instruments, taking full
consideration of the periods and circumstances the materials were archived
and tracked down over time.
Although other disciplines, i.e., archaeology and anthropology have
brought material culture to the forefront of cultural studies, the impetus
to examine assemblages of musical instruments within the bounds of
ethnomusicology was seen in the early 20th century when in 1914, Erich von
Hornbostel and Curt Sachs (1914, 1961) recognized the equally important
presence of non~western musical instruments and created a distinct system
of classifying instruments of the world. While concentrated investigations on
the invention of musical instruments and their origins have been conducted
early on (see listings from Sachs, 2006; and Schlesinger, 1912), the scheme
fortuitously instigated a keen look at the material culture that constitutes
music and the embodiment of music outside the Western context.
Thus, in modern studies, the alliance between archaeology and music
research, i.e., archaeomusicology or music archaeology, became a logical
recourse in delineating histories and developments of these various music~
producing materials within different cultural groups. This specialist field
offered a bigger venue for cross ~ disciplinary studies, bringing to light various
concepts such as prehistoric music and rituals (So, 2000; von Falkenhausen,
1986, 1988, 2001, 2006), acoustics (Lawson et al., 1998; Scarre and Lawson,
2006), societal configurations (Fang, 2005; von Falkenhausen, 2006), and
early cultural trade and connections (Blench, 2004, 2006; Both, 2009; CalC\
2009; icolas, 2006, 2009) .
Apart from musical artifacts or archaeological materials directly
related to music~making in Philippine prehistory, existing archives and
early ethnographic accounts of musical practices are valuable sources
in understanding ancient music. A good example is the occurrence of
chordophones among the Ifugao from the northern Philippines (Figure 1), in
which, like many of the indigenous groups in the country, hold remnants of an
autochthonous music that differs from the more popular, Western~ introduced
music the majority of the population listen to. This paper presents some of
the earliest chordophones available for detailed morphological analysis,
adding to the growing knowledge of early, pre~ colonial music in the country.
169

It also explores the potential of in/depth analyses of musical instruments to

illustrate their transformations over a certain period of time, and possibly the
forces at play in their development. The considerable material and diversity of
music in the Philippines, comprising over 150 cultural or indigenous groups
(AIPP 2010; Wessendorf, 2011) alongside their own historical trajectories,
makes it more challenging to present an encompassing musical profile
that acknowledges both pre/colonial and Western/influenced materials. It
is hoped that case studies such as this allow for succinct data that would
contribute to a more comprehensive musical account of the country.
The Ifugao Chordophones
Understanding the incorporation of musical instruments into Ifugao
culture involves an approach that goes beyond the prevalent concept of
what is music - an integration of vocal or instrumental sounds to produce
something that is "perceived as pleasingly harmonious" (Oxford Music
Online, 2007/ 2011). This is a rather simplistic definition, because music is
in itself a provocative concept that can be hardly defined (Alperson, 1994;
Kerman, 1985). Perhaps this is why in other cultures, such as within the Ifugao
realm, music is an ambiguous idea: music and musical instruments are general
terms that do not directly translate to any known Ifugao vernacular (Madarang,
1991). The long/standing European view of music as a salient form of art does
not exist in the Ifugao psyche though it is evidenced in their lives.
What is clear, however, among the music of the Ifugao is the distinct
division between sung or vocal genres and instrumental music. This was
observed early on, duly noted in 1904 during the Louisiana Purchase Exposition
(Densmore 1906). No known traditional song or chant is accompanied, and a
responsorial form is usually present in choral singing (M. B. Dulawan, 2005).
Moreover, the same structure is observed in musical instruments. Jew'
harp and flute music often revolve around a reciprocal type of interaction
between players, and to articulate words (Blench and Campos, 2010, 2011). In
ensembles, such as among gong players, the first flat gong leads the ensemble
and an interaction amongst players occur based on patterns. Provisional
terms are attached to particular gongs based either on its function within the
ensemble or playing style, such as khangha for the lead gong and hepfat for the
subsequent supporting gongs, while in some areas, the lead gong is referre
to as pinhak and the rest as holnob, katlo, or kapat (Campos, 2012) .

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

Notably, musical terms vary between municipalities and subgroups

within communities nuanced by differences in dialects, meanings and
representations. Hudhud in Kiangan for instance, directly translates to "story"
but has subsequently been assumed as a particular type of chant or a manner of
chanting epical narratives (M. B. Dulawan, 2009). This was the chant declared
by UNESCO as an intangible cultural heritage in 2001 (UNESCO 1995 ~ 2010;
2001) but is called differently in other municipalities of the province. This
ambiguity in terms is also observed in chordophones. Ayyuding, tadcheng,
kuldahhing, and kulbing are just some of the names used to refer to the instrument
(Dioquino, 2008; L. S. Dulawan, 2001; M. B. Dulawan, 2006; Maceda, 1998;
Madarang, 1991). These terms do not distinguish those made from bamboo and
from wooden boards, though there were instances that the idiochord zither
was erroneously called "bamboo guitar", perhaps for the lack of a more fitting
term (L S. Dulawan, 2001; FMNH archives 1907~1909).
This brings to light an important issue in organological taxonomy.
Although it is imperative to understand the intellectual history of names placed
on musical instruments between cultures (Kartomi, 1981, 1990), practical
usage of known conventions such as the von Hornbostel and Sachs (1914, 1961)
classification scheme, and its ensuing revisions (e.g., Kartomi, 2001; MIMO,
2011; Oxford Music Online, 2007~ 2011) assures that systematic comparative
studies can be made. For instance, the generic term "plucked~ strings" does
not essentially qualify as a typology under chordophones since virtually any
stringed instrument can be plucked to produce sounds. This may potentially
create confusion to those unaware of the contextual background of the term.
The Ifugao generally have simple chordophones or zithers, and
entirely different from a composite chordophone like a guitar or a lute.
However, certain chordophones from the province do not exactly fit this
categorization and will be discussed in detail later on. Unlike the more
familiar bangibang and flat gongs that are played during rituals and festivities,
the Ifugao chordophones are mostly played for personal entertainment and
during more intimate gatherings at home. The sophistication in making or
playing the instrument is almost gone (Campos, 2012), and early archives
are very rare, apart from documentations conducted towards the mid~ 20th
century, such as those produced by Maceda (1998) and Conklin (library of
Congress, 2002) which are accessible for further study.

171

Idiochord tube zithers, idiochord half-tube zithers, and heterochord

zithers from different institutions and from personal collections were
examined in this study (Figure 2). Both whole-tube and half-tube types
are produced from mature bamboos bearing one to four idiochord strings,
i.e., made out of a sheath stripped from the material itself leaving both ends
attached to produce the vibrating string. From its length measurements,
bamboos with internodes that range from 23 em to over 49 em were utilized
bearing diameters between 5 em and 10.50 em (Table 1). Most have either
two or four strings while a singular 3-stringed zither and two single-stringed
zithers are included in the assemblage. These zithers are no longer played
nor essentially produced in the area, although there are some recollections of
the musical instrument being played for entertainment among small groups
in the past. Moreover, there is no recognizable difference or reasoning when
it comes to the production and performance choices made between tubular
zithers and half-tube zithers among its players.
The oldest chordophones analysed for this study were archived in
the Field Museum of Natural History during the early 20th century (Figure
3) (Bronson, 1982; FMNH Archives 1907-1909). These are the only ones that
bear etched decorations and burnt engravings on the body which somehow
suggest the declining relevance of the instrument among the Ifugao over
time. The varied decorations and sizes of these zithers show the eminent
craftsmanship and the range of customization individuals place on their
musical instruments. Unlike gongs that are shared with the community (it
is rare that individuals or families would own a whole set of gongs) (BeyerLuglug, pers. comm. 2010), thus conforming to certain standards, instruments
such as the chordophones are more freely altered according to aesthetic and
functional specifications of the owner. In fact, a small rectangular aperture in
the central portion of one tube zither from Mayoyao was purposely placed by
its maker (Figure 4).
Idiochord zithers are widespread in the Philippines, particularly in
Luzon, Palawan and Mindanao (Maceda, 1998), but these commonly bear
multiple strings, so it is interesting to find one mono-idiochord (half-tube)
zither from the province, where it is virtually unknown to exist (see inset
in Figure 5). The player may well have used the thumb to drum upon the
instrument while plucking the string as observed from the idiochord zithers
in Shan State, Burma (Marcuse, 1975) or the mono-idiochord tube zither

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

from Melanesia (Kunst, 1967). Another unusual tube zither contains a split
singular string that is assumed to be both struck and plucked in a particular
way to generate a more distinct resonance as the split string will not easily
vibrate freely (Figure 5).
Heterochord board zithers endured to this day but they were only
archived from the 1950s onwards (Table 2). The instrument is widely used
in the Cordillera but apparently not elsewhere in the Philippines and may
well be a local development from the idiochord half/tube zithers still being
played in other areas. Both idiochord and heterochord zithers, though never
used concurrently, are known to be played by locals to imitate gong ensemble
patterns. At least four different rhythmic patterns are played in Asipulo and
players can choose to add resonators by placing the board on top of a bowl or
a similarly/shaped object to enhance sonority while movable bridges change
the frequency and pitch of the strings (Figure 6) . Originally, rattan strips are
used as strings but the introduction of industrial wires altered the timbre of
the vibrating chord and instigated players to pluck the strings, eliminating the
percussive method of playing the instrument with thin percussion sticks.
Another unusual development of the heterochord board/zither is
the strip/zither. The instrument has metallic strips, probably taken from
industrial packing/chests, and stretched between the two ends of a wooden
plank (Figure 7). A central bridge enables two notes to be sounded from
each strip. Clearly this version of the instrument has to be struck with two
sticks, like some of the idiochord zithers. Again, this instrument seems to
have now fallen out of use. Organologically, this has become something quite
distinct, since the wide bands no longer behave like vibrating strings, but
rather like lamellae, such as those found in the Jews' harp. They can only
be tuned by moving the bridge and not by tightening the string. Notably,
a strip/zither has an anthropomorphic figure board that resembles a bulul,
the representation of the Ifugao rice god. This is thus far the only Ifugao
instrument that shows anthropomorphism, and is a rarity in Philippine
music instruments. Certain zithers of hummel (old Swedish) type also
have sculpted head and torso (Rault, 2000), which could suggest that this
specimen was European/influenced. However the widths of the strips fall
between 1.50 ems and 2 ems (see Table 2), well within the dimensions of
other zithers, and clearly demonstrating the local influence in the production
of the instrument. The heterochord strip/zither has no distinct category in

the von Hornbostel and Sachs classification scheme and warrants further
organological investigation.
It seems apparent that the Ifugao chordophones are left unaffected
by Western influence as it is until this day purposely being played, if not
exclusively, to imitate gong ensemble patterns and remained a source of
entertainment for smaller, intimate gatherings, Other Ifugao instruments like
the flat gong, flute (which is played very commonly to the tune of popular
songs), concussion and percussion bars have been introduced to bigger
avenues of performances that are both modern and traditional. However,
over the last few decades, the socio ~political and industrial reorganization
in Ifugao resulted to shifts on interests and focus. Tourism, urbanization, and
movements of people left agriculture behind. Sacred rituals and traditions that
were once exercised alongside people's reliance on their terraced lands have
undergone a split towards public performance and spectacle, and a few as a
ritualistic tradition covertly practiced in remote areas and unintended for non~
participants and outside observers. The UNESCO declarations made for hudhud
introduced Ifugao to the international community, and this channeled available
resources towards its preservation. Other musical forms appear to have been
sidelined, endangering lesser known vocal gemes like alim and baltung, and
musical instruments such as the idioglot clarinet and zithers. Within a century,
alongside the persistence of development, majority of the Ifugao pratictioners
have roles that shifted to that of musical consumers, mirroring what has been
observed in other cultures (Magrini 2000).
Concluding Remarks
The collection of chordophones archived in this study demonstrates
subtle morphological transformations and developments that occurred over
the last 100 years or so. Along with the obsolescence of etched decorations
are the declining craftsmanship in the manufacture of the instrument and
its inherent value within the Ifugao community. The introduction of new
raw materials in its production serves as markers of industrialization and
apparent socio~political changes. Tourism figured greatly in the province
over the past few decades, and this included a vibrant promotion of tradition,
which inadvertently generated standardized musical instruments and
performances (Campos, 2012). These are just some of the insights that can
be generated in the study of assemblages of material culture collected over a
period of time.

For the moment, the earliest records of chordophones from the

Philippines only extends over a hundred years and it is unlikely that much
older musical instruments of this type can be found without difficulty.
However, the discovery of gongs and bells from archaeological excavations
and shipwrecks established the participation of the Philippines within trading
networks in the Indo-Pacific from as early as the lOth century (Benitez, 2005;
Nicolas, 2006, 2009). Recent archaeological excavations suggest that the
incorporation of musical instruments into Filipino culture is indeed much
older. Conch shells, which are excavated from archaeological sites as well as
carabao horns, are known to have been used as trumpets. At Nagsabaran, a
Neolithic site in Cagayan, northern Philippines, four small, suspended bells
were recovered from its Metal Age burials dating to perhaps 1500 years old
(Figure 8) (Piper and Hung, pers. comm. 2011). The bells were found in a
child burial and were possibly worn as a charm bracelet.
To date, gongs and bells are the only materials recorded and analysed
as musical instruments, but this mainly relates to their high survivability in
the archaeological record where most organic instruments will have decayed
long ago. The characteristic shape is also easily recognizable as a musical
instrument but it is plausible that inconspicuous materials that could
be associated with music are present and would require re-examination
by informed analysts. For instance, the faunal assemblage from the same
excavation in Nagsabaran have been examined (see Amano, 2011; Piper;
Campos, et al., 2009; and Piper, Hung, et al., 2009) and a single fragment of a
bird ulna, 3.5 em in length, bears intricate decorations on its surface2 (Figure
9). This could possibly be remnants of a small bone flute, similar to some
of the oldest bone flutes from a red-crowned crane found in China wherein
the species bear ancient mythical connotations (Zhang et al., 1999). The
incisions are similar to the decorative patterns on several bamboo flutes in
the Philippines.
In this regard, future directions in Philippine archaeology should
cover close examination and in certain instances, re-examination of materials
that could possibly be remnants of ancient musical instruments, such as
chordophones. This will certainly enrich our understanding of the antiquity
of musical traditions in the Philippines.
2

a paper on worked bones which include the aforementioned bone is in preparation by Amana eta [.

TABLES AND FIGURES

No. of
Strings

Ll

Lv l

Lv2

Dl

1909

36.40

31.80

0.74

10.50

FMN H

1909

28.50

23 .70

0.53

10.40

FMNH

1909

26.40

26.70

0.56

10.30

FMNH

1909

23.80

22.17

0.43

7.00

FM NH

1909

37.00

33.80

0.39

7.20

FMN H

1909

37.00

34.10

0.24

5. 57

FM NH

1909

37.40

36.50

0.40

5.79

FM NH

1909

30.70

28.60

0.45

5.03

FM NH

1909

29.00

15.80

0.34

5.00

Kiangan

ca. 1960 -1980

43 .50

27.50

0.30

7.80

Kiangan

ca . 1960 -1980

33.10

28.00

0.27

5.30

ca. 1960 -1980

28.50

24.30

0.30

5.70

UPCE

1970

35.57

22.12

0.42

8.00

UPCE

1970

35.40

23.01

0.52

8.50

Mayoyao

ca . 1980

49.40

39.00

0.62

6.30

Source/
Institution

Year Collected/
Acquired

FMNH

Kiangan

Table 1. Measure ments of idiochord zi thers; materia ls w ith damaged

and/ or missing ports ore not presented . L1=overall length o f the tube;
Lv 1=a ve. le ngth of the string s; Lv2=thic kness o f the string ; D1 =tube
diameter. Measurements ore in centimetres.

Figure 1. Mop of lfugoo indicating its 11 municipalities: Alfo nso Listo,

Aguinaldo, Moyoyoo*, Bo noue*, Hingyon*, Hungduon*, Logow e*,
Kiongon*, Lomut, Asipulo*, and Tinoc. Municipa lities w ith asterisks* w ere
surveyed during fieldw ork in 2010 (see Blench and Compos, 20 11).

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

Figure 2. ldiochord and heterochord zithers archived from lfugao Museum (Kiangan),
Mayoyao Museum (Mayoyao) , Intangible Cultural Heritage Museum of the
lfugao Provincial Government (ICHO) , Banaue Museum (Banaue) , U.P. Center for
Ethnomusicology (UPC E), The Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), and from private
collections (Pers Coli).

~
s

~.::~_,._ .

-~-~-

-~

rl'"J:~

~~ ~--

!:1

Figure 3. ldiochord zithers from the early 1900s. Courtesy of the Field Museum of Natural
History (FMNH) .

Figure 4 . Tubular zither with an elongated aperture was for either aesthetic or functional
reasons . Courtesy of Mayoyao Museum.

Figure 5 . Uncommon idiochord zithers from FMNH.

MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

Figure 6. Heterochord zither from Asipulo with a resonator, the owner replaced the
original rattan strings with industrial wires about 20 years ago. Courtesy of D. Dulnuan .

Figure 7. Heterochord board zithers with lamellae. Courtesy of Banaue Museum and R.
Blench.

Figure 8. Bells excavated from the Metal Age deposits in Cagayan (courtesy of Hsiaochun Hung).

1 em
Figure 9. Bird bone bearing anthropogenic signatures (courtesy of N. Amano} .

Acknowledgements
The author expresses thanks for the institutional support of the
Provincial Government of Ifugao and its municipalities, Intangible Cultural
Heritage Office, Banaue Museum, National Museum of the Philippine .
University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology, Libray of Congres .
and the Field Museum of Natural History. Acknowledgement is due to Hsiaochun Hung, Noel Amano, Philip Piper and the Nagsabaran Archaeological
Project for access to materials. Heartfelt thanks are due to Manuel Dulawan, Lil
Beyer/Luglug, Rebeccca Bumahit, Delfin Dulnuan, Gabriel Maddawat, Virgili
Anannayo, Prof. Ramon Santos, Prof. Peter Bellwood, and Roger Blench for the
additional materials, information and comments on this paper. Support for the
fieldwork conducted in Ifugao is provided by the World Oral Literature Project
in collaboration with Roger Blench, and to access archives at the Field Museum
of Natural History and the Library of Congress, from the University of Honcr
Kong Travel Research Grant.

""'

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MUSIKA JORNAL 8 2012

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