Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
K.R. NonuN
U. NiHas,s although unfortunate not accompanied by plates, has enabled me to corred some of the things I have already written, and if not to solve problems at least to
s1te
=Klsi; M
tions).
D.C. Sircar, "Eragudi edicts of Asoka" , Epigraphia Indica 32, L957-58, pp. 1-28.
(=
Studien zu den
1990.
pp
456
457
K.R. NoRMAN
AN ASOKAN MISCELLANY
In this paper, offered in honour of Professor Klaus Bruhn, I should like to examine a number of points in the ASokan inscriptions, and to develop or revise sugges_
tions which I have made in the past.
more than one year when he was zealous. I assumed that when he issued MRE
was therefore at a point just short of his twelfth year.
In my paper about the version of MRE I found at Ahraur,l3 I said that I did
In
iiJtt
he
I now think that I was wrong to calculate in this way. I think that ASoka was
referring to an overall (all-inclusive) period of Zt/z years in MRE r, not3Vz.I think
he says, "There are more than ZVz lstirelni aQhatiydni vasnl years since I am
(i.e., in English, since I have been, since I became) an upsalca. But I did not make
much progress for one year" [Brahmagiri, Siddapura, Nittr, U{egofam (this version
is defective'at this point, but the word el<nr;nis legible), Eagudi and Rjula-Ma4dagiri add el<art savachararTtl: "lt is more than a year li.e. 2t/z less the year in which
did not make much progressl since the sarygha was approached by me [whatever
that meansl, and I have made good progress". I assume that this means that he was
converted to Buddhism, but was not very successful for approximately one year. He
then "approached the sartgha" (perhaps visited avihra for instruction in Buddhism),
with good results.
In short, I now agree with Hultzsch's statementlt that ASoka issued MP-EI2t/2
years after becoming an upsal<a, and more than one year after approaching the sary-
gha.Ido not, however, agree with Hultzsch that the number 256 refers to the number
of days that had passed since he went on tour. This statement is based upon the
mistaken belief that vivuthena, etc., at the end of MRE I mean "being away from
upp"ar
-ot'rn"
uy
on which the edict was issued, counting from the beginning of the regnal
My
I would merely
acceptance
say that
of the view that Asoka's Zt/z yeas includes the year of little
upon calculations
progress and the more than one year ofgood pfogress has abearing
various scholars which try to explain the number 256.H' Falk suggestsla
his
that256 is the number of uposath days in3r/z years. I find it hard to accept
days for a layman
arithmetic, partly because it depends upon there being 5 uposatha
that the uposain each month, and I do not understand how this can be so. I assume
tha days are the new and full moorf days and the two quarter days, i.e. four in each
years, not
month. Even if we were to accept five, his calculation is based upon 3t/z
r""
UV
2. RE XIV(C) K nar.n
Dealing with syllables which have been omitted in'the Aokan inscriptions,rs
I suggested that niaryt at K in RE XIV(C) was a mistake for n <y) a4n.Ibased
this suggestion upon the reading nilcayam which Sircar gave for Y at this point' The
new edition
ofthe Y version of the edictsr6 shows that Sircar's reading was incorrect.
12
I. Filliozat, "L'nigme d 256 nuits d'Asoka" , JA L949,
Studics in Asol<an Inscriptions, Calcutta 1961 , pp. 9-19).
K.R. Norman, "Notes on the Ahraur version of Aloka's First Minor Rock Edict', //"I 26'
2S1l = CPll, pp. 250-68 fp- 2571.
to
H. Falk, "Die 256 Nchte Afokas" , ?-DMG 140, 1, 1990, pp. 96-122'
13
10
CPll,p.227
note
l.
tt
Niklas, p. 161.
1961 ,
458
K.R. NoRMAN
AN ASoKAN Mlscenrtw
are Iike
to be much more reriable than sircar,s
It is certain,
*lii,
a) it may be a word for which the expected Eastern form is nicam (*rrut"u",
it,
origin); b) it might be a Western version of nitiyamwhich has come into
the text
1ci
$ 5 below), but against this is the fact that the expected Eastern form nitiyamappear
at Y in RE xm(or7; c) it is the emendation of the scribe at y in prace
of *rnffi
which he received; d) it is a mistake, i.e. either the ca-arqara shourd
be somethin!
else, or something has been omitted.
\pe
towards -y-. I support this belief with the observation of Lders2o that
is parway
irurtoPt
since
XIIO,|.
tt
fe-aso writes -gy- after ,'i-, but this is presumably done mechanically by analogy with -te^ -.
after
It is not really appropriate in the *orl Kotigyo ftr xnIla, u."uu*r i* rrrou"ro
-rr"rtiy
bewritten Kalinga. where the nasal is writren, rair in the i
cnxutcl
crll, r o* oot
write -gy-.
is", but by mistake the eye of the scribe responsible for writing the master
exemplar jumped from the f:rl:st ata to the second, so that the words ata d[tta deAntiochus
omitted.
4. RE XIV(E) sarT*haya
As is well known, the KharothI script has a character which is used to denote
the development of As in the North-Vy'estern Pk1.23 This is usually designated by ch',u
although Hultzsch, somewhat confusingly, transliterates it by ft{ without, as he
states, implying anything about the pronunciation of this character. In this article I
employ the usual transliteration c'.
Knowledge of the use of this character gives us information about the etymology of Gndhan- words, or in the case of the ASokan inscriptions, knowledge of what
techniques.
>
-/<-
This does not necessarily invalidate the suggestion. The mixture of Eastern
and Western forms
which occurs (see $ 8 below) shows that scribi were not always consistent
in their ,,translation"
459
p.
L6L.
21
Nikl, p.146.
2 Hultzsch, p. 48.
See H.W. Bailey, "Gandhrl", BSOAS XI, 1946, pp.1&-97 lp. 7701.
Hultzsch,
p. 55 note 5.
460
AN ASOKAN MISCELLANY
K.R. NoRMAN
the scribes26 thought was the etymology of any word in which they wrote this character. we must, however, remember that the scribes sometimes copied what was in
their exemplars without making the necessary translations, e.g. in RE IX(c) M writes
khuda because that is what his exemplar had, and he did not realise that he should
have written ch'uda 1 lcsudra (G has chuda). The factthat Sh writes putika in this
place suggests the possibility that this word was not common in the North-west. In
RE x(E) sh writes khudrakena and M khudakena 1 ludraka (G has chudaka), i.e.
neither site writes c&'.
Whatever the origin and general distribution of the two-fold development of the
> kkh and cch,27 it seems clear that in the ASokan inscriptions as a general
group fr.J
>
>
ch'in westof the ASokan inscriptions, as in the case of ch', the use of
(c)ch or
In RE XIV(E) we find in all the extant versions except G the phrase desam
smkhya, or variations of it. The interpretation of this phrase depends, of course,
upon the identification of the verbal root which underlies saryA:hya. At sh M the
reading is samkhya, implying that the scribes, rightly or wrongly, did not recognise
this word as being the equivalent of any root in which they would use the character
c' ( Skt ls. There seems to be little alternative to believing that they understood the
underlying root to be the equivalent of Skt salnWry-, and we can assume that they
took the phrase to mean "considering the region". This is usually taken to refer to
such phenomena as the omission of REs XI, XII and XIII at the Kaliga sites.
At G, however, we
tion that the scribe thought the underlying root was samldry- cannot be correct, be-
'I
use the word "scribe" in the very widest sense to include all those who were responsible for
the trnsmission of the edicts, whether in the region or not.
'
See
H. Berger, Zwei Probleme der minelindischen Inutlehre. Mnchen 1955, pp. 65-87.
2t
I use the terms "Western" and "Eastern" with reference to the t)pe of Pkt used at a site, and
not in a geographical sense. Although So is in the West of India, the Pkt employed there is an Eastern one, except for the change -l- ) -r-, which is carried out in a purely mechanical way by the
scribe.
I use the word "exemplar" to mean any document which w copied anywhere in the train of
transmission.
-cch- ' If the scribe had recognised the equiva-k|ty- does not usually develop
his exemplar,
*trre Skt rootklrya- in the word sarpkhyawhich he received in
catrse
i""
461
r,"*ourhavewrittensar.n&ya,whichwastheappropriateformofthewordinhis
'iut""t.
of a verbal
The writing of c implies that the scribe assumed the existence
of skt ,t{. Hultzsch's alternative suggestion of
root which contained the development
'sqtkaroot k- in Skf' and
can probably be discounted because of the rarity of the
into MIA. It would seem very probable that the
irre unlikelhood of it continuing
sarylui- in mind, although the absolutive from this
scribe had the equivalent of Skt
desaprobabty meant much the same as elcnroot is not saryaya in Skt, and for him
in contrast to sava "the whole" ' For him'
desa " apart", which occurs in RE VII(D)
i'e' failing to write' a part"' This too'
then, the phrase probably meant "destroying,
way of referring to the omission of
in a manner of speaking, would be an appropriate
edicts at the Kaliga sites.
5. RE XII(G) chanat
in Eastern Pkts and
The distinction between the development of skt tq > t<kh
> cch or ch' in western Pkts is not always maintained in the Asokan inscriptions'
at Y and equivalent phrases
In RE XII(G) the phrase atapsamdar.n ca chanati occurs
that the scribe there saw the
occur at the other sites. At Sh we frnd ch'a\ati, showing
writes charyati, and clearly did
root as being the equivalent of Skt,tsn-. M, however,
his exemplar was an exnot recognise that the fotm chanati which he received in
(which was in
to the general rule that he should wnte ch'when his exemplar
ception
WefindasimilarWesternforminanEasternPktinREXlll(o)YachatiG
mightsupposethatitwasveryconvenienttomakeuseoftheWesternformchannti
The use of Western forms in the East might, therefore, have reflected the actual speech patterns of the area, i.e. perhaps ASoka did actually use the occasional
Western form. Where we find all sites using a Western form, this is of course very
possible as an explanation. Since, however, these lilestern forms are, for the most
463
AN ASoKN MISCELLATY
K.R. NoFMAN
462
suggested
that the alcsaras neyu which are all that is legible at K in RE XIII(N) was a miswriting for (hani)yeyu, since theya-alaracan sometimes be confused with zc''* Now
that we have the Y reading haryneyu, however, we can see that my suggestion was
part, used haphazardly, there is the possibility that between the dictation of the edicts
by Aoka and the despatch of the individual exemplars to the sites, the edicts were occasionally subjected to a Western influence. This could be explained as arising during
the copying process, which might sometimes have been carried out by scribes whose
native dialect was a Western one, or had Western features. I have elsewhere3o tried
to explain the occasional agreement between G and Sh, although they belong to dif-
the suggestion that hamn- is a passive stem is rejected, then, since there are
many examples in MIA of verbs being conjugated in classes which differ from those
used in Skf,36 it could be taken as a Class IV active stem. Alternatively, we might see
ferent recension branches, as being due to the fact that the same scribe was responsible for copying out the versions to be sent to those sites, in the course of which he introduced the same idiosyncrasies into both versions. See also $ 8 below'
to be extracted from this form, with the resultant indicative form haati.38 This
would explain the form ahaarury at Ja IV 395, 18x, which is glossed haantu.
If
6. RE XIII(N) Sh harpeYasu
33
The occasional departure from this pattern is probably by mistake, e.g. Y bh.s. (all that can be
Norman, "Some orthographical problems in the Alokan inscriptions", in Indian History and Epigraphy (Dr. G.S. Gai Felictation Votume), Delhi 1990, pp. 100-105 tp. 1031) that this may be due to
used rabh-.
an uncorrected
of dlabhis) at RE I(F)
nd
at K in RE V(K) where Y
K.R. Norman, "studies in the epigraphy of the Alokan inscripfions", Stud.ies in Indian Epi2, 1975, pp. 36-a1 [p. 37] = p l, pp. 214-19 [p. 215].
35
With the exception of one example of anye in SepE I at J. I have suggested elsewhere (K'R.
See
graphy
writing error.
K.R. Norman, "The dialectal variety of Middle Indo-Aryan" , Sanslcit and World culture, Ber1986, pp. 389-96 tpp.392-931 = CPl[l, pp' 115-25 [pp. 119-21].
36
lin
K.R. Norman, "ASoka and capital punishment: Notes on a portion of ASoka's fourth Pillar
= CPl, pp' 200-13.
K.R. Norman, "Lexical variation in ttre ASokan inscriptions", TPS 1970, pp. t?l-36 lp. l22l
= CPl, pp.
130-43
[p.
1311.
37
As Mme Caillat suggests in "Asoka et les gens de la brousse", BEI9, 1991, pp. 9-13 tp' lll'
am gratefrrl to Mme Caillat for showing me a pre-publication version of a paper entitled "The
'doub optative suffix' in Prakrit: Asoka XIII(N) na hatnnesu - na harfleyasu" , ABUONLXII and
L>On (for the years 1991 and1992), Am{tamahotsava Volume, Poona, 1993, pp.637445 in which
she sets out in greater detail the evidence for her belief that hgtpEasu is active.
3t
Cf. Pli tlajjeyyatha Yin1232,7) which shows the 2 pl. optative ending -eyyth added to the
stem dajj-, which is extracted from the 3 sg. optative daiia < SK datyat; cf. 2 sg. impv. daiiehiYin
t[r 2t7,4.
464
K.R, NoRMAN
AN ASoKAN MISCELLANTY
whatever the solution to the problem, we must suppose that the scribe at Sh
took the group -mn- in the received hamneyu and replaced it, mechanically, by the
same replacement which he used for the stem marytn-, i.e. -ry-. The result, as noted
above, was identical with the stem which he had already used as the passive in
RE
I(G), although it is fruitless to speculate whether he was aware of this and, if ss,
whether he thought that what he had written was active or passive. Since modern interpreters are undecided about "kill" or "be killed", it may well have been that the an-
cient scribe was equally confused, and saw no reason to doubt that the apparently passive form which had been produced by his mechanical way of translating was correct.
7. RE D((C) ambal<ajanil
In an investigation into the lexical differences which occur in the Aiokan inscriptions, I suggested3e that the variation of vocabulary which we find in RE rx(c)
was due to a syllable being lost from an original ambalca-janiyo, with the result that
the scribes had to translate the resultant *arybal<a-jano.My suggestion was based in
part upon the readings arybaka-janiyo given by Hulsch for K and anbot<a-janil<o
given by sircar* for so. Janert, however, reads ambal<n-janiafor K,a1 and ambal<a-
janil for
original reading
w as aqnbalca-j
(a)rybal<a-ja(In)itk.l) make
it
anil<a.
It is,
however, still possible that the variations arose from the omission of a
syllable, i.e. ambaka-jan[ik]a, or at least from the belief of the scribes that the second
element of the compound was not < jan "a wife" but was in some way connected
with
it
added
versions.
465
anuvatt-i Sh atha et ahra (anha), mais M athra et ailleurs attha" .4 The pattern of
development which we nd in the Pillar Edicts, however, which show fewer scribal
idiosyncrasies than the other series ofAsokan inscriptions, supports the view that the
-rt-, -rth-
and
(C) Y (lca)av(flyeo'KJ M
'
'
IV(F) G samvaaRE V(E) G satnvafaRE V(E) Y (a)n(u)vat.(s)aryQ)i K anuvasa4nti Dh anuvatisalnti G anuvartsare
anuv a(i S amti M anuv ai
RE V(O) Y anu(vata)ru K Dh Sh anuvatatuM nuvaatu
RE VI(D Y (lcaviya-) K Dh M lcataviya- G l<ntavya- Sh lealava
RE VI(M) G anuvataraqn
RE IX(D) Y trata(v.)y(e) K Dh J So M l<ntaviye G katavyam Sh l<ntavo
RE D(G Y lcaa(v)iye K J M knaviye G lcatavya Sh l<navo
RE
Sh
e K.R.
Norman, "Lexical variation in the ASokan inscriptions',, TpS
CPl, pp. 130-43 [pp. 13S-39].
K.L.
42
lbi., p.
a3
Nikl, p.
82.
p.
l2l.
6 These geminated consonants are, of course, written as single in ttre ASokan Brhmi script.
a7
It must be borne in mind that it is perhaps dangerous to base any theory upon the -th-l-h- alter
nation, because the two characters are so similar in appearance in the Brhm script that the writing
of one for the other may be merely a scribal error, opposed to a genuine dialect form.
4 In these lists I give full information about doubtful syllables
at
since her edition may not be available to all readers. I do not show doubtful syllables at other sites,
since full information about the is available in Hulsch.
466
K.R. NoRMAN
AN ASoKAN MISCELLAI.IY
ne
Niklas, p. 90.
$ Niklas, p. 91.
5t
Niklas, p. 91.
s2
RE
IX(N) K
Sh atham
467
M hrar.n
XIV( y (alha)saK
sh athaye M athraye
G pravahayisamti
p rav ad h e i arytti
M p av ad hayiS amti
Y (v.)Qhaga)t(i) R valhiyati c M vaQhay,t
sh vagheti
RE
xIrG)
RE
)II(B) y
-a(Qha)_
Sh
sh
_a4ha_
tr( Y (tq.)
R tta
t
Ati*
Y uctl
Y su(k)a({.ry KDh sukaaryr G sut<ataryt
S UC
sh sukiar7tM srkata
V (dut(laryK Dh Sh dukalaryt G dutcataryt
P
M tutta
RE VG) Y
VCol Y (k)a(te) K Dh trae G
RE
P
g _U(*) Y (v)iyapaa Klh vtyapaa G vyapat Sh vapaa M viyapw
uOl Y (t)l- K Dh lcat- c kat- Si Ao_
S
M r<atra_
RE vG-)
Y v(i(p)at@) K
viyapraa
RE
v(M) y
IX( Y (nivlu)t)a*si
Sh nvutaspiM nivutsi
Similarly, after -- dental -ddh- usually develops > -44h- in the East, and remains as -ddh- in the West. In the NW the development is ) -ddh- at Sh, but more
commonly > -ddh- at M, with -r- sometimes inserted into the group.
RE IV(C) Y Dh vudha- Sh vuQhanamM vudhrara
RE IV(I) Y v(a)dhllKvadhiDh vaSht G vadht Sh vadhiM vadhri
469
AN ASoKAN MIScELLANY
K.R, NORMAN
468
There are some clear and unambiguous examples, e.g. forms from the root
vatlvat- < Skt vart-, where there can be no doubt about the derivation or the meaning, and we can be absolutely certain that the NV/ sites have -/- while the Eastern
sites have -f-. Any suggestions based on the fact that the Eastern sites have -f-, which
is taken as precluding a development from a form which contained -r- ot -l-o can now
be seen to be incorrect.
have in the past made such a suggestion, which must now be corrected. At
RE XIII(G) we find Y K agabhuti- Sh M agabhui-. There is no -/- in the Eastern
versions and I therefore assumed that retroflex -f- was an innovation in the NW,
which would allow an interpretation 1 bhuti = bhuti.s It is now clear that the ab-
of -t- t the Eastern sites does not prove that -l- is an innovation in the NW. It
is most untikely that if Sh M received the same exemplar as Y K in XIII(G), in which
there was a form with -t-, the scribes in the NW would replace this form with -. It
follows, then, that'the form with -f-, i.e. an Eastern form, was in the exemplar(s)
received at Sh M, although it was not in the exemplars at Y K. Since Y K Sh and M
normally follow the same recension of the REs, we should perhaps recognise an
occasional sub-recension, with Eastern forms sent to the NW, but with some Western
forms already inserted in the versions sent to Y K fcf. chani in $ 5 abovel. If this
is so, then bhui is a genuine Eastern form, and wp must take account of this fact
when interpreting it. We can deduce that bhuti is to be derived < Skt bhti, and not
< bhuti as I suggested. The meaning of *agra-bhrti, however, is not obvious. I
assume that it must mean "the state of being an agrabhyta = 'a topmost servant :
high ofcial"'.
sence
The question arises of the way in which the exemplarq at Y K were produced.
It is clear that -y was not in the final versions of the exemplars, from which the actual inscriptions were made at those sites. Whether the final versions of the exemplar
were due to the scribes at Y K, i.e. the changes from -- > -t- were made locally, or
whether the versions were made by members of the secretariate at Ptaliputra, is impossible to say. If the final version was produced locally, then we must surmise either
that the local translator was inconsistent, sometimes translating into Western forms
and sometimes not, or that there were various local translators, who did not all translate in the same way.
If
it
can easily
be understood that the persons responsible for producing the versions to be sent to the
* K.R.
Norman, "Notes on the Greek version of Afoka's Twelfttr and Thirteenth Rock Edicts",
ltl-18 [pp. 116-17] = CPr, pp. 144-55 [pp. 152-53].
JRAS1972, pp.
470
K.R. NoRMAN
AN ASoKAN MlscLLnrw
various sites varied from edict to edict, so that Western features were sometimes
introduced by scribes who were acquainted with western dialects. whichever
ex_
planation we adopt, we have to accept the fact that some inconsistencies crept into
versions, since we sometimes find both Eastern and Western forms
same edict.
the
in one and
the
The deductions which have been made about the developments of dental __
after Skt -r- enable us to be more certain about the meaning of another word. In
RE
X(A) we find the phrase y dhammayutatTfs K dhammavataqn G dharymavutaryx
sh
471
form he received, e.g. the scribe at Sh retained athain RE I(IF), and Sh M write
alha in RE VI(. Occasionally we find a half-way form, e.g. athra (= artha) atsh
in RE vI(F). Here the scribe has recognised that the group -()r- arises from the assimilation of a group containing -r-. He therefore restores this to the group, but does
not change -lh- to +h-. we similarly find half-way forms in the development of denls after h e.E. sh kira (: kirta) 1 krta in RE vII(E). comparable to this is the
as a stage half-
I0. Ktato
of the dhamma", and the form -vaam at K would then be a scribal error which
had led to the omission of the u-mtra. At RE xIII(s), however, we find y
K
ance
dhar.nmavutam Sh dhramavutam
M dhramavuta with the same verb. Here the exist-t- at Sh shows that we are dealing with the development of vrtta "conform
to the practice of the dhamma", which suggests that at RE x(A) we have the same
compound, although no site has -r- there. K -vatat.n at RE X(A) is, therefore, not an
error, but an example of an alternative development of Skt -r- ) -a- rather than )
ence of
-u-.
Bloch
117 note 14) says that tato (RE IX(N)) is the only word in the East-
ern recensions of Aloka where Skt frnal -ah becomes -o. This is not strictly correct,
since as he himself points out,58 yaso (or variants) occurs in all sites (RE x(A) &
@)) and vyo also occurs (PE VII(HH)), in the compound vayo-mahla. we also
frnd Satiyaputo and Kelalaputo (RE u(A)) at K. Ar Y the former word is defective
and the latter is omitted,se so it is not possible to see what ending was there. The
word is not legible at Y in RE IX(N),o and it is not certain whether tato occtrs in
the other contexts in RE XIII(c) (F) (K) at Y since, according to Niklas, the readings
are doubtful in each place.6r
It would seem that Satiyaputo and Kelalaputo at K are clear examples of Western endings, and I think that yaso va kirt va- is probably a stock phrase in which the
Skt ending -o was kept. We should perhaps note that K also has, the Western form kiti
with a dental -t-. Another conscious Sanskritism or archaism can be seen in tadanaand yati-e "at present and in the future" in the same sentence at K. This was doubtless a standard phrase which had probably survived into MIA as a fossilised usage.63
58
Bloch, p. 47, g 4.
5e
Niklas, p. 9.
Niklas, p. 91.
NTKLAS,
55
Niklas, p. 95. The scribe perhaps took -v- as a glide consonant, and replaced it by -ys6
See Brough, GDhp, p. 235 (ad GDhp 176).
57
It
is interesting to note that M writes this form more frequently than Sh.
The two words are also found together in Skt, e.g. tadtve ca ayatyary ca (Kauiliya Arthastra, ed. R.P. Kangle, Bombay 1960, gg 5.1.57 5.a.e.
472
K.R. NoRMAN
AN ASoKAN MTscELLANy
GDhp (apar.to 265).68In fact a(p)pa is actually found in the Aokan inscriptions, in
MRE I(H) at Pngurri. The group tpa, written as pta, is not restricted to G, but is
found in apta at a number of sites in MRE I(H), as is atva which is actually written
as such, not as avta. This would seem to support the view that the ligature pta is
indeed to be read as tpa.
although
than Apabhrama.
It is to be noted
ofbeing stock
phrases, where a scribe might well write the form which was most familiar to him
from his own (Western) dialect.
o. von Hinber
7-
in MIA earlier
11. RE
473
bases
catvro
In his discussion of consonant groups containing -m-,ut o. von Hinber conx(F) etc. at G I have given elsewhere my reasons
for saying that this is simply a graphic idiosyncrasy for tpa6
- and states that this
spelling is not a precursor of Hind p. He goes on to say that G pt should probably
be tken as a still lightly labialised tu before the transitio n to tt. I must confess that
I do not understand this reference to tu.
siders the form pta (sic) in RE
He also states that appa first gained acceptance in later MIA in Apabhralna.67
Although it may be true that appa only appears consistently to the exclusion of and
in very late MIA, nevertheless it certainly occurs as an alternative to att at a much
earlier date. A glance at PSM shows that app is quoted from the Nydhammakaho,
a Svetmbara canonical text, and the word is actually found in one of the oldest texts
of that canon, e.g. at uttarajihayanasutta I.40. The development is also found in
K.R. Norman, "The orthography of the Girn version of the ASokan Rock Edicts", -BEl 5,
= CPllI, pp.274-82.
>
See
GDhp g 63.
cit,,p.65.
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