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Marine Policy
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Natural Resources Institute, 303-70 Dysart Road, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada, R3T 2N2
Department of Anthropology, 443 Fletcher Argue Building, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
a r t i c l e i n f o
abstract
In Piriapolis (Uruguay) and Paraty (Brazil), artisanal shers view shing as a way of life, rather than just
a job. The freedom of shing and an inherent satisfaction in the occupation gure large in shers
attachment to it. There are strong indications, however, that the relationship of shers to shing is
changing. First, while shers from both areas wish to keep shing in the future, they are moving into
different occupations or supplementing their work in shing with other employment. Second, artisanal
shers from Piriapolis and Paraty identied shing as an undesirable occupation for their children
because they believe that in the future shing will no longer be a viable occupation. Nonetheless,
despite the wishes of their parents, young men and women in Piriapolis and to a much lesser degree in
Paraty continue to become involved in shing and shing-related activities. The paper uses a social
wellbeing perspective to interpret sher responses to the changing circumstances they face. Wellbeing
is a lens to understand the distinctive features of artisanal sheries and helps to understand shers
disenchantment with sheries governance processes, in a scenario where participation is being
promoted by the state in Uruguay and Brazil. The implications of these ndings for state efforts to
promote sher participation in governance are discussed.
& 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
Artisanal sheries
Wellbeing
Governance
Way of life
Uruguay
Brazil
1. Introduction
Artisanal sheries, like the family farm and the rural community, have an important place in academic analysis and popular
accounts as a richly symbolic other to the alienating experience of
life in the impersonal world of capitalism. As such, they serve
useful normative and political purposes in combating economically reductionist perspectives on sheries management and
development. As with any ideal type that reduces a complex
phenomenon to an analytical construct [1], however, it is important to be cautious about the limitations of the idea of artisanal
sheries. Too much attention to the idealized form obscures the
historical and spatial variability of artisanal sheries, features that
have important consequences for artisanal sheries governance.
This paper seeks to balance empathy for the normative view of
artisanal sheries with a grounded appreciation for the everyday
struggles that artisanal shers engage in as they devise various
solutions to maintain and improve their quality of life in contexts
of ongoing and major change. The paper is written with a backdrop of transition: the two reference cases, the shing area of
Piriapolis in Uruguay and the coastal region of Paraty in Brazil, are
in the midst of globalization-induced transformations that are
shifting the basis of peoples livelihoods and threatening intergenerational rupture. A wellbeing perspective is used as a vehicle
for interpreting sher responses to the changing circumstances
they face. Wellbeing offers an analytical lens that brings into
focus the distinctive features of artisanal sheries while also
highlighting the diversities that exist within and between them
and also between empirical cases and ideal type renderings of
artisanal shing. The kinds of ne-tuned understandings that a
wellbeing perspective generates are also valuable for social policy
and resource management because they help understand how
material endowments, social heterogeneity, and subjective considerations shape peoples interest and involvement in governance of the artisanal sheries sector. In Piriapolis and Paraty, a
wellbeing perspective gives insights into the unexpected decisions that shers are taking and helps to understand their
disenchantment with sheries governance processes. The paper
begins by arguing that social wellbeing is a useful way to understand the current transition in artisanal sheries. It then gives
background to the two case studies in Uruguay and Brazil before
38
39
Fig. 1. Case study areas: Piriapolis (Uruguay) and Praia Grande and Ilha do Araujo (Paraty, Brazil).
40
Table 1
Why did individuals interviewed become shers?
Reasons for working in the sherya
Family in the shery
Like shing
Make good money
Lack of alternative (or better) choices
a
Piriapolis n16
b
3
13
7
5
Paraty n10
7
3c
2
2
Table 2
Fishers aspirations for themselves and their children.
In the future
Piriapolis
n 16
Paraty
n 10
15
2
8
0
41
42
In Ilha Grande Bay, where Paraty is located, sheries management has been largely top-down. Unsurprisingly, shers in Praia
Grande and Ilha do Araujo are not satised with this regime and
would like greater involvement in governance. When shers were
asked if the government should consider their opinions before
taking sheries measures, all replied afrmatively. Some comments made by shers illustrate this better: Fishers have more
knowledge than them (the government). They have the theory,
shers have the practice; Many things that they do have nothing
to do with reality; (If they consulted us) they would understand
what they do not know; They could be guided by shers. But that
will never happen! As it is shown by the latter comment, some
shers have no hope that an alternative mode of interaction
between shers and government based on joint decision making
could be possible. As a consequence, meetings with government
agencies are perceived as useless by shers. Even though shers
wish that their knowledge was taken into actual consideration by
the government, their dissatisfaction with it has created a barrier
to the success of the current government sponsored shift towards
more participatory modes of artisanal sheries governance, such
as the shing agreements (Acordos de Pescaa type of comanagement arrangement) currently being institutionalized in
Ilha Grande Bay by the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture [19].
5. Discussion
Findings from Piriapolis (Uruguay) and Paraty (Brazil) supported the large literature in developed and developing countries
showing that shing is a way of life rather than just a job [4;20].
Artisanal shers from the above case studies, regardless of
differences in the reasons why they started shing, identied
pleasurable aspects of their occupation, similar to those found
elsewhere. The ndings presented in this paper provide, then,
additional evidence against the assumption made by shery
researchers and policy makers in developing countries that shing is an employment of last resort [2023].
In Paraty there is a strong shing tradition grounded in kinship
relationships whereas in Piriapolis shers took up shing because
they liked it and made good money. In both instances the freedom
of shing and an inherent satisfaction in the occupation gured
strongly in shers attachment to it. As Fig. 2 shows, despite these
positive reasons for working in the shery, however, there are
strong indications that the relationships of shers to shing is
changing. First, while shers from both areas wish to keep shing
in the future, they are moving into different occupations or
supplementing their work in shing with other employment. This
Fig. 2. Similarities (in white type) and differences between artisanal shers perceptions of shing in Piriapolis and Paraty.
43
6. Conclusion
Despite the reluctance of artisanal shers in Piriapolis and
Paraty to encourage their children to take up shing, it is not
inevitable that there will be a loss of attachment to shing or that
artisanal sheries in the two study regions are doomed. This
research is only a brief snapshot of a long historical process and
conditions may well again become favorable for shing in coming
years. Equally, despite the wishes of their parents, young men and
women in Piriapolis, and to a much lesser degree in Paraty,
continue to become involved in shing and shing-related activities. Nonetheless, artisanal shers do feel under pressure as
ecological conditions worsen and they feel neglected by state
sheries management agencies.
There is much that state agencies could do to reverse that
sense of neglect and thereby to ameliorate conditions for the
success of artisanal sheries. Most importantly, artisanal shers
need to be made to feel that they are valued partners in the
governance of sheries and in coastal development. This is a tall
order for state sheries agencies oriented towards industrial
sheries and dominated by natural scientists. A social wellbeing
approach, however, might be a useful basis on which to build
understanding the sector and engagement with it. By adopting
wellbeing as a policy objective, state agencies would be better
equipped to understand the material, relational and subjective
factors that inform decision making for artisanal shers. A social
wellbeing perspective would also direct attention to the social
variations within and between artisanal sheries and clarify the
hard choices that they face. Despite their differences, in both
Piriapolis and Paraty greater state attention to the expressed
needs of shers, whether in the form of reallocation of resources
from the large-scale sector or in efforts to promote their identity,
could reinvigorate the artisanal sector.
The two cases in this paper show that while artisanal shers
do indeed consider their work as something more than just a job,
and indeed see it as part of a way of life, they are also realistic
about the future of shing. There is thus no guarantee that
artisanal shing will continue as the basis of a way of life into
the next generation. Essentially, perpetuation of artisanal sheries as a valuable alternative way of life is a societal choice. If the
arguments for sustainability and social values that artisanal
sheries embody are accepted in Uruguay and Brazil, then both
societies will have to show considerably greater enthusiasm
about nding ways to support them. Social wellbeing provides a
compelling basis to push for the signicance of artisanal sheries
and, potentially, a guide to sheries agencies for how to more
effectively engage with artisanal sher groups so that the latter
can lead efforts to sustain themselves while also adapting to
changing conditions and new challenges and opportunities.
Acknowledgments
This paper is the result of cross-fertilization among three
projects. The rst one constitutes the main component of Trimbles PhD research and is entitled Conditions for adaptive comanagement of artisanal sheries in coastal Uruguay, funded by
the Centre for Community-Based Resource Management (Natural
Resources Institute, University of Manitoba). The second one, in
44
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