THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF
ANCIENT GREEK
RELIGION
ESTHER EIDINOW
and
JULIA KINDT
UNIVERSITY PRESSOXFORD
Great tendon Se, Orford, 02608
Unied Kingdom
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hatedin any hd prt webateeferenced ints wor.CONTENTS
List of Figures
Abbreviations and Conventions
Notes on Contributors
Introduction
Ester E1pinow AND JoLta Kino
PART I WHAT IS ANCIENT
GREEK RELIGION?
1. Unity vs. Diversity
Ronin Osporwe
2. Beliefvs. Practice
‘Tuomas HARRISON
3. Old vs. New
Enaty KEARNS
4. Many vs. One
\VINCIANE PIRENNE-DetrORGE AND GABRIELLA PIRONT!
PART Il TYPES OF EVIDENCE
5. Visual Evidence
Mierre GatEMAN
6. Literary Evidence—Prose
Hannan Wittey
7. Literary Bvidence—Poetry
Renaup Gagné
xi
a
29
39
st
6
83=
n,
3.
4.
1.
36.
wm
38.
9,
contents
Epigraphic Evidence
Cage Taytor
Material Evidence
Carruin E, Barner
Papyrology
Davip Martinez,
PART II] MYTHS? CONTEXTS
AND REPRESENTATIONS
Epic
RicHarb P. Martin
Artand Imagery
“TaNJaS. SCHEER
Drama
(CLAUDE CALAME
History
Ronent FOWLER
Philosophy
Rick BENITEZ AND HAROLD TARRANT
PART IV WHERE?
‘Temples and Sanctuaries
Micttast Scort
Households, Families, and Women
Marrugw Diuton
Religion in Communities
Kostas VLAssoPouLos
Regional Religious Groups, Amphictionies, and Other Leagues
Cunisty Constantaxorourou
7
13
wm
1st
165,
9
195
au
27
2a
257
2323.
24,
2.
28,
29,
30.
3.
PART V HOW?
Religious Expertise
MICHAEL A. FLOWER
New Gods
Ranp ANDERSON
Impiety
HuGH Bowpen
‘Sacred Law?
ANDRE} PETROVIC
PART VI WHO?
Gods—Olympian or Chthonian?
Susan Deacr
Gods—Origins
Carouina LOpez-Rurz
Heroes—Living or Dead?
(GUNNEL ExROTH
Dead or Alive?
EMMANUEL VOUTIRAS
Daimonic Power
GIULIA SFAMENI GASPARRO
Deification—Gods or Men?
Ivana Perrovic
PART VII WHAT?
Prayer and Curse
HENDRIKS. VERSNEL
Sacrifice
FRED NAIDEN
conrents
23,
35
3
35
369
383
37
48
co)
a9
46x CONTENTS
432, Oraclesand Divination a7
SARAH ILES JOHNSTON
33. Epiphany. 491
Veriry PLarr
34, Healing 505
FRirzGrar
PART VIII WHEN?
5. From Birth to Death: Life-Change Rituals sm
Saran Hiren.
36. Ritual Cycles: Calendarsand Festivals 537
JAN-MarHIEU CARBON
47. Imagining the Afterlife ss
RapcuirFEG. EDMONDS IIL
PART IX BEYOND?
438. Magna Graecia (South Italy and Sicily) 567
GILLIAN SHEPHERD
439, ‘The Northern Black Sea:'The Case ofthe Bosporan Kingdom 589
Maya Muratov
4o. ‘the Ancient Near East 605
JANN. BREMMER
41. Greco-Egyptian Religion 6a
Karan Kure
42. Bactria and India 67
Ractet Mares
43, China and Greece: Comparisons and Insights 651
Lisa RapHats
General Index 667
Index of Passages 693CHAPTER 4
MANY VS. ONE
VINCIANE PIRENNE-DELFORGE
AND GABRIELLA PIRONTI
INTRODUCTION
‘Tu term ‘pelytheism’ has come down to us from the Hellenistic Jewish philoso.
pher Philo of Alexandria, who used the Greek adjective polutheos and its cognates to
‘describe a widespread vision ofthe divine that was different from that of his own rel
sion (Ph. Dec 65: polutheos; Mutat. 205: polutheia). (The majority of Mediterranean
cultures cons dered that many divinities existed in the world and needed to be hon-
‘oured by humans) In the context of ts emergence, the Greek word was pejorative, in
the same way that ‘paganism’ and idolatry’ would soon be used in Latin Christianity
“Polytheism’ began tobe used during the sixteenth century, to draw a contrast between
‘truthful monotheism and the error of pagan religions (Schmidt 1987). Its context, for
‘two centuriesat least, would remain largely determined by Christian theology.
Since the nineteenth century, Greek rituals and ther social embedding have been exten:
sively studied, In contrast, gods were et on the fringes of new scholaly trends as pastcusi
‘sities to be treated individually in dictionaries (god of wat, goddess of love, of wisdom,
tc), justikeacolletion of statues n a museum. Today the use ofthe term ‘polytheism’ as
‘an explanatory category isa clear indicator that gods are returning tothe forefront of the
study of ancient Greek religion (ecently, Bremmer and Erskine 2o%0; Parker 2011 6-102;
‘Versnel 201), Scholars are focusing on the ways in which Greek people performed rituals,
‘ot only to affirm social hierarchiesin ther local communities (the borizontal ‘embedded
perspective) but also explicitly to honour theirgods (the vertical perspective).
How Does PotyTHEISM Work?
Understanding plurality is hard work, and describing how polytheism functions
thas been a matter of scholarly debate for fifty years at least. The shift of paradigm40. VINCIANE PIRENNE-DELFORGE AND GABRIELLA PIRONT
concerning these questions is closely connected with studies devoted to the Greek
pantheon by Jean-Pierve Vernant and Marcel Detieone (Vernant 1974; and Detienne
and Vernant 1974, revisited by Detienne 1997), and often called the ‘French structural-
{st approach’, Scholars working on Greek polytheism today must stil take this wotk
{ntoaccount, Wecan synthesize itas fallow, also takinginto consideration some more
recent qualifications.
Vernant (1965, 1974) was reacting against two trends in schclatship, first, a
long-lasting ‘essentialization’ of the Greek gods, in which individual gods were char-
acterized as ‘gods of a particular domain (as mentioned), and, second, an obsessive
{quest for the origin of the gods. He underlined the fact that Greek gods were divine
‘powers and not persons, despite their literary and iconographical representations as
anthropomorphic figures (already, for Gernet, as early as 193, a god was a ‘system of
notions (1931:222)) Vernant emphasized the necessity of taking into consideration the
‘connections between deities within a pantheon: divine powers wore to be defined in
‘contrast to other powers and limited by them, We can no longer fully subscribe to this
‘model. One of ts main imits is the fact that seeing the gods in opposition to each other
runs the risk of underestimating the overlap in their fields of competence. Moreover,
rigid application of the model can stil lead to identifying each god with a distinctive
and exclusive ‘mode of intervention’ (Dumézil 1974; 186-256). Indeed, it gives back to
the gods an ‘essentializing’ unity that was the original point of contention (Detienne
1997: 61-24 Parker 2005; 390), Nevertheless, the core of Vernant’s approach remains
‘valid, when qualified by a more complex analysis of how polytheism works.
In this perspective, a god can be seen asa complex network or luster of powers. On.
the one hand, each god is defined by his or her own powers, competences, attributes,
and so on—its own network; on the other hand, itis characterized by relationships and
associations with other gods belonging to the same pantheon—a system whose com
ponents cannot be studied in isolation—for instance, inact
and cults or ina literary work, with its interacting divine protagonists. Unity and plu-
rality are closely related at each level of analysis: each god is conceived as many powers
Jnanetwork whose core isthe god’s name; many gods form structuresthat we call pan-
theons; each pantheon is sen as an organizational whole within its context (the whole
‘cosmos in atheogony; the Trojan War in epics; scenario on the tragic stage at Athens;
natural, social, and political life ina city et).
‘Studies on polytheism challenge the ‘canonical vision of Greek gods as distinct per~
sonalities with a clear psychological profile established once and for alln the mytho-
logical tradition, In past decades, scholars still needed to insist that Greek deities were
approached in ritual practice and conceived at different levels—the local, polis level,
and the Panellenic one in sanctuaries as in narratives (Sourvinow-Lrwood 1978). This
assertion is obvious today, and the risk of 'essentialization’ has been reduced enough
to partially rehabilitate the word ‘personality’ or the expression ‘cult persona’ to refer
to the gods. Ina religions context, evoking a ‘personality’ is the way to get a handle on
the gods, to pray to them, but what is finally expected by worshippersis well and truly
‘ manifestation of divine power. In the middle of this tension, the aame of the god
with various sanctuariesMANYVS.ONE 41
{s essential, providing an evocation ofthe particular god in question, which pervades
smyth and cult, personality and powers.
“The tension between these components—single personalities’ and interrelated pow.
crs within a pantheon—temains atthe core of many discussions on how polytheism
‘works and implies that there are different methodological options by which to address
this question, The regional scope for studying a consistent pantheon, on the one hand,
and the deity-centred option, on the other, are the mainstreams ofthe study of Greek
polytheism today. Both of them can be questioned and have their limitations. In a
‘god-by-god analysis, one encounters the risk of being excessively focused on the chosen
deity, drawinga staticand unequivocal picture,and forgetting therelationshipscreated.
by specific configurations (see BIMCR 2011.01.14), However, the regional option creates
its own distortions. t conveniently marks out connections within a local system, but
does not necessarily explain why we find, in so many places, a deity named Athena, or
Zeus, or Demeter, Apollo, and soon, often with specific cult epithets. Accordingly, one
runs the tisk of resorting to a superficial and ‘canonical’ description ofthese deities,
by describing them ata Panhellenic level, without adequate acknowledgment oftheir
local persona, In other words, a study focused only on a region encounters two differ
cent risks; either, on the one hand, ‘atomizing’ single deity in its local manifestations;
‘or on the other hand, reducing deities to their generic description ‘god of ‘god.
‘dess of.) which is rather paradoxical in studies trying to understand polytheism at
4 local level. Another way of addressing the question of how polytheism works would
be to study a particular domain of ife (marriage, protection of children, war, politic,
agriculture, seafaring, etc) and observe how different divinities are involved in this
context, An ideal position would be to integrate all ofthese approaches, but such an
enterprise remains dificult to conduct, except in large collaborative team
thas been stated that ‘polytheism is indescribable’ (Parker 2005: 387). However, we
cannot remain silent, We must try to understand how the Greeks managed to concep-
tualize unity and diversity together (contra Versnel 2011). Gods cannot be conceived in
static terms because cults and myths reconfigure and redefine them as personalities
and, a the same time, as powers interrelated to each other. Under the same name, a
deity is at once the cult persona worshipped in a particular place and the figure that
Js, for example, described in the Iliad as feasting on Mount Olympos or staged by
Euripides in the theatre of Dionysos at Athens. The divine name has a central value
because the god is not completely absorbed in and reduced to what is particular and
temporary in its Function or narrative construction (Pirenne-Delforge 1994: 10-12).
‘A god is still more than the heterogeneous mosaic resulting from an arbitrary com-
bination of epithets, images, and narratives (contra Burkert 1985 19,218), To use once
‘again the metaphor ofthe network, asum would be static, while a network is dynamic,
fluid, exible, A god can be conceptualized lke such a network: different activities or
contexts such asthe telling of myths or practice of particular cults let some segments
and portions of the network appear (Pironti 2007: 285). "The whole set of connections is
not necessarily entirely activated in each context, whatever that may be, but remains
potentially available, For instance, ina local cult, the god's name with a cut epithet42 VINCIANE PIRENNE-DELFORGE AND GABRIELLA PIRONTI
4s one aspect ofthe deity seen in close-up, not the expression of complete different
deity In this respect, myths and stuals are not unrelated bodies of evidence, but spe-
lic languages, which resonate inside the mental frame of poets who narrated tales, oF
painters who decorated Attic vases, and of worshippers who performed rituals
‘To give some flesh to these abstractions, lt us take into account two diferent types
of divinity. Theirs tbe tackled are what scholarship misleadingly identifesas'minor
deities’ or ‘personifications, that is, the Moirat(Pirenne-Delforge and Ponti 2010.
“The second example refers to a deity belonging tothe ‘highest evel’ of the Greek pan-
theon: Hera, the wife of Zeus himself. The methodological approach of poythetsm
‘mustbe the same forboth categories because both referto divinities elt by worshippers
tobe powerful agents ctingin therlivesatonetime or another
Case Srupy 1: THe Morrat
‘The name of the Moirai refers to the ‘portion’ or ‘share’ that every human—or
ivine—being receives. In this case, the powers of the goddesses are closely related
to the notion conveyed by their name, just like their mother Themis (the divinely
inspired order of things’) and many other ‘divine personifications’ worshipped by
the Greeks. They are commonly understood to be ‘goddesses of fate’ and actually
‘appear in mythic tales that mainly associate them with birth and death. As tradi-
tional spinners and weavers, these goddesses rule over everyone's lifecycle and over
the vatious patterns of the ‘life thread’, This is the traditional, Panhellenic image
conveyed by tales from Homer to Pausanias and beyond. The label ‘goddesses of fate!
4s not completely wrong, butis unsatisfactory, as are all such reductive kinds of labels
concerning the gods, Moreover, it is built upon the unwarranted assumption of a
"universal notion of fate’, common to the Greek world and our own (as Eidinow 201
notes), We can identify the Moirai as powers whose specific network encompasses
distribution, reward, and regulation, On a mythical level, they interact with the sta-
bility warranted by Zeus’ authority (Hes, Theog. 901~6;¢f. Pironti 2009). Qn the level
‘of cut practices, the evidence related to them is neither numerous nor explicit about
‘worshippers’ expectations. This evidence includes three kinds of texts (we do not take
{nto account funerary inscriptions, which usea very loose notion of fate’) first, in
‘vidual or familial dedications concerning pregnancy and birth (IG IP? 4475 FD IIL
4.360; ¢f. Pind. Ol. 641-43 Ant. Lib. 29}; second, family foundations ofthe Hellenistic
period constructing « kind of ‘micro-pantheon’ in which the Moirai are honoured
(UGXU, 43485LSAM 7a); third, civic rituals attested by literary texts and inscriptions
(GP 73; Paus. 2.1.4).
‘Without addressing the detail of this evidence, we can delineate the position
assumed by these goddesses in the fields of birth and family matters. Their inter-
ventions in human lives and communities ate various but they are closely related to
both lifespan and lifecycle, in narratives as well as in cult practice. Other deities areMANY VS.ONE 43
concerned with the same fields of intervention, but the ‘set of notions’ related to the
Moirai, including distribution, reward, regulation, is specific. They are the benevo-
lent protectors of the lifecycle, as well as the strict guardians ofits limits. The Moirai
regulate the share attributed to everyone, determining the beginning and the end of
Life,as well as the important steps that regulate life, with an eye on the correct balance
between good and evil. Ona arger scale, family group honours the Moiraiin order to
perpetuate the family In this case, the expected intervention not only concerns indi-
vidual lives and their limits, bt the consolidation of the lineage itself, Finally, on the
global level of polis religion, epigraphic and literary evidence indicates that a whole
civic community could pay homage tothe Moirai. What exactly were the expectations
‘of a ety? In the Eumenides of Aischylos, where the Moirni and the Semnai theal are
closely connected, we are told that the life of young people is protected by both groups
‘of goddesses since they are able to prevent civil war (Aesch. Bum. 956-67; cf, Paus
2.114, 00 acult relating the two at Sicyon). Accordingly, the balance between good and
evil at the very heart ofthe polis concerns correct distribution of births and deaths
within the community. The strict regulation made by the Moirai is one ofthe condi
tions ofthe survival ofthe entire community of the polis, as well as ofthe families
composing it The three spinners and weavers depicted in Panhellenic myths are not
a fiction without any relation to cults. Moreover, their close relationship to Zeus and
the identity oftheir mother, Themis, are the best indications that they are not, as has
been hypothesized, primeval goddesses of death and arbitrary dispensators of good
and evil Instead, they are regulators, even though human beings are often unable to
grasp the cosmic dimension of this regulation and distribution, and complain about
thearbitrariness of fateand the limits inherent in human life.
Case Stupy 2: HERA
Heras our second case study (Pienne-Delforge and Piro 2009, and forthcoming)
and focus wll beer lationship with Zeus, whichis fundamental in various tales
concerning the goddess. Actos the whole Greek tradition, hels the wife ofthe father
andkng ofthe gos. In Homer shes depicted, at east at st sight, a5 shrev, lays
geting angry Zeon Hom. 37-21 8407-8) Thestme image appearsin hoses
here he persecute the illegitimate children fer cle husband (Hom. 24-36%
Hes. Theo. 33-5 Ap. Rhod. 1996-7) Taken a face value, mythical narratives give the
goddess an image thats incompatible with he cult person, fr example, in Argos or
in Samos However, fw arf ead the many tls or mary vases depicting Hera,
an scrutinize the aetiologies of some of er culls, mportant insights emerge. ving
ussome ches hat canbe uted totes the valid ofaHera network’ Inthisease: mar
riage legitimacy, power and sovereignty at essential aspects for determining east
apartofa definitional structure ofthe goddess, which s largely ooted inthe tlation-
ship betveea Hera and he husband andbrother, the king ofthe godsRegarding the cult persona of Hera in Argos, the aetiological evidence is scanty.
Nevertheless, we can reconstruct a mythic