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TEST 2 EXPLANATION
GENERAL STUDIES MAINS
1. The poverty estimation in India has evolved into various methodologies which portrays the
extent of people below the poverty line in India. Discuss whether the poverty identification
and its eradication will be more effective if these methodologies targets geospecific regions
of poor than identifying poor households.
The objective of estimation of poverty is to identify those who cannot afford to minimum
standards of living and enable state intervention in providing livelihood opportunities.
But theconcept of poverty itself is ambiguous and its identification strategies has evolved
continuously since independence.
Beginning with the DadabhaiNaorojis poverty estimation in India till C.Rangarajan Committee
poverty estimation in 2012, the methodologies to identify the BPL has been many. It includes
poverty identification based on calorie requirements, purchasing power parity andcost of living. Al
these methodologies invariably identifies poor households based on these indicators.
It is well known that poverty is concentrated in pockets of rural and urban areas such as slums,
uncultivated agricultural lands. It thus becomes logical to arrive at poverty estimation at the level
of these geospecific pockets rather than conventional household level.
Challenges in identifying pockets of poor
It necessitates a fundamental revamping of poverty indicators. It means a shift from
household based indicators to region specific indicators such as scale of agricultural
productivity, industries, etc.
Such pockets may include those household who are not poor. This results in leakage of
governmental support and subsidies and further strain the purse of the government.
Advantages
Region specific identification of poverty can be easier than identifying individual
households.
Regions once identified as poor, can be specifically targeted for schemes and state support.
This provides avenue for tailoring the provisions of the scheme according to the needs of
the region rather than the traditional one size fits all approach.
Monitoring of the scheme in terms of its implementation and output becomes easier.
The identifying of poverty is a politically and socially sensitive issue which should be humane
and just. It is also recognized that no poverty estimation based on households can be absolute
and needs constant revision. Region specific poverty and developmental issues is already
being looked at through Special Category Status. Such a large scale model, at the level of
State, can be replicated to the zones or districts or tehsils to identify poverty and lack of
development. At least, government should consider including region specific indicators, in
addition to household, to arrive at the poverty rate and further policy interventions.
2. Like any other constitution, Nepal Constitution has loopholes. Suggestions are welcome,
dictation is not. Critically correlate the Constitutional logjam and Economical blockade of
Nepal, with concerns of India.
Issues of Nepali Constitution:
Provinces have been carved out keeping political interest and Demarcation does not follow
identity basis or geographic basis. The demand was for single identity basis federalism.
Interest of Marginalized group have been not promoted
Delineation of electoral constituencies in the Terai (where more than 50 per cent of Nepals
people live) which has not been done on the basis of the population in the plains;
Other complaints relate to citizenship norms that disallow children of Nepali mothers married
to foreigners from inheriting Nepali citizenship.
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Women groups are also opposing for representations, citizenship and marriage issues =
created categories of citizenship = causing division = restricting empowerment
What are the concerns for India on recent Constitution?
The present format of the constitution is not inclusive
The past assurances have gone in vain.
Aspirations of all regions and sections of society have not been met.
India wants a stable Nepal; future instability can also lead to heavy in-migration in India.
India has an open border with Nepal. Bordering states like Bihar had raised concerns of
violence in Terai region spilling over to India.
Economic blockade and Indian Concerns:
The unofficial Indian blockade has led to petrol shortages in Nepal. Essential goods coming
into country from India are also blocked. People in Nepal are forced to cook in firewood stoves,
walk to offices, schools are shut, tourism has come down and public transport is in disarray
due to shortage of fuel. The blame game between the two countries has become bitter.
Nepals new Prime Minister Oli Sharma has described the blockade of key border points with
India as more inhuman than a war. In the midst of this political crisis India has slammed Nepal
at the UN for human rights violations. Recently India called on Nepal at the UNHRC to
consolidate constitution building by accommodating all sections and emphasized that current
problems cannot be solved through force.
India has also urged Nepal to investigate and take credible measures to prevent recurrence of
incidents of violence and ethnic discrimination in the country.
Reeling under pressure, Nepal has warmed up to China to open border trade points for the
much needed supplies ahead of the festive season.
Nepali government has every right to deal with internal unrest as it sees fit, but it should be
aware of the trans-national consequences of its action, given the open border that India and
Nepal have enjoyed for decades.
While it is hoped the Chinese offer of oil will ease the immediate crisis for Nepal, it is hardly a
long-term and cost-effective solution for the country.
The government and the major political parties in Nepal cannot shy away from their collective
responsibilities of addressing the political and constitutional issues raised by the agitating
parties.
It is the duty of the government and the ruling parties to reach out to the agitating parties, who
have recently joined the parliament, so that the problems can be resolved through negotiation.
3. Compare and contrast the features of democratic systems of India and USA.
Indian Constitution
1) Indian federation is not the result of an agreement between States.
2) There is only one citizenship for both the States and Union.
3) Each State sends M.P.s to the Parliament depending upon the population of the State.
4) There is no principle of equality between the states.
5) There are three Lists- Union List-(First List); State List (Second List); and Concurrent List
(Third List). The Parliament can legislate only the subjects of the State List and Concurrent
List. The States are not sovereign. The Union can encroach upon States Lists.
6) No State can be separated from Indian Territory.
7) The Parliament, i.e. Center has been residuary powers.
8) There is only one Constitution for Union and States.
9) India achieved uniformity in basic civil and criminal laws, except personal laws in some
matters.
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There are five important issues for understanding the legal framework for the decentralisation
process in the country.
First, the Constitution assigns decentralisation including funding entirely to the discretion of
State governments.
Secondly, the constitutional framework does not (and perhaps should not) prescribe any
pattern, standard or model of decentralisation which again is left to the discretion of State
governments.
Third, there are no easy mechanisms to ensure compliance of even the prescribed provisions
of the Constitution by the States. Most States have not complied with the requirement of
having to appoint gram sabhas (243 A), ward committees (243 sabhas) district planning
committees and metropolitan planning committees.
Fourth, on the financial side, local bodies do not have any independent revenues. There is no
separate list of tax bases assigned to them in the Constitution and they have to depend on the
State governments to levy the taxes that the States choose to devolve.
First, it is important to have clarity in the assignment of functions and the local governments
should have clear and independent sources of finance.
Second, there should be clear mechanisms to ensure that States comply with the constitutional
provisions, particularly in the appointment and implementation of the recommendations of
the SFCs.
Third, sustainable decentralisation comes from the demands of the people and advocacy
should focus on a decentralisation agenda. Indeed, the framework needs to be evolved to
accommodate the demand for decentralisation. Even within the existing framework, it is
important for intellectuals and the press to pressurise the States to comply with the
Constitutional provisions like creation of planning authorities and appointment.
Some of our IAS Toppers with Mr.U.Sagayam IAS, Mr.S.Bharath, Former Civil Judge and our
Founder-Directors Mr.S.Sivarajavel & Mr.M.A.Sadik.
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7. China is not too worried by expanding US-India Ties. What are the reasons for Beijings
composure? Critically discuss
India US Engagements are Obama as Chief guest for Republic day celebrations, LEMOA,
repeated visited of Modi to Washington,
U.S.-India ties over the past few years have become increasingly close, but this movement has
evoked limited response in China. Beijings composure is based on three factors:
(1) Indian foreign policy is independent and free of strategic commitments to other
countries;
(2) India has been cautious in its handling of Chinas differences with the United States,
most prominently the South China Sea, and
(3) The focus of Chinese foreign policy is to the East and not the South. India, the weakest
of these three countries, seems to be engaged in a hedging strategy to gain concessions
from its two more powerful counterparts.
China remained calm about the deepening Indo-U.S. ties, as the Chinese press coverage of
Modis visit was void of hawkish language. The change is likely rooted in New Delhis recent
moves toward equidistance between Beijing and Washington.
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First of all, Indias categorical refusal of the U.S. suggestion of joint patrols in the Indian Ocean
and the Asia-Pacific seems to be a critically important step that allayed Chinese concerns about
India teaming up with the United States.
Second, the high-profile exchanges between China and India during Indian Defense Minister
Manohar Parrikar and National Security Advisor Ajit Dovals visits to Beijing seem to have
succeeded in mutual trust-building. Chinese media accentuated that bilateral ties are
improving and that India does not have hostile feelings against China.
Third, a communique issued by Indian Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and her Chinese and
Russian counterparts in April 2016, among other things, takes a stand against the
internationalization of the South China Sea disputes and advocates that the issue should be
solved by the involved parties. This argument shows a striking parallel with the Chinese point
of view related to the situation in that area.
Fourth, While the Indian prime ministers vow of assistance in safeguarding the freedom of
navigation on seas could be interpreted as a hidden reference to Chinas behaviour in the
issue, the article argues that the statement was not specific enough to be understood in this
way.
Finally, the fact that LEMOA was not signed during the June 2016 Modi visit and the sluggish
development of the more consequential Communications and Information Security
Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) suggests India will be cautious about engaging in
strategic agreements with the United States. This further implies that China does not have to
worry about Indias engagement with Washington. Still, if LEMOA is concluded, it would allow
the signatories to use each others bases for resupplies, repair and rest, and thus mark a
significant development in Indo-U.S. military ties.
By taking an ambivalent stand on the internationalization of the disputes, India supports the
Chinese position only partially, but there is nothing to suggest that New Delhi backs Chinas
territorial claims in the area.
On the other hand, India does not fully depart from the U.S. stance by reiterating its commitment
to the freedom of navigation. India thus walks a careful line between these two powerful states,
able to shift incrementally one way or the other depending on their actions impact on India.
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The Supreme Court has categorically mentioned through its judgement that the right to
freedom of expression cannot be used to malign the reputation of the person. This being the
crux of the judgement has to be viewed with more prudence as it tries to strike a balance
between Freedom of speech & expression and individual reputation.
Through this judgement SC has given a right message to all the people who use defamation as
per their whims and fancies. The motive to defame a person may be to gain undue advantage
however there are instances where people have used this draconian section of 499 & 500 to
malign the reputation of a person which is accumulated over years with much hard work and
perseverance. This judgement is a stern message to all those who consider freedom of speech
as absolute and to think twice before defaming a person.
However on the other side of the discourse they are sections arguing that it curtails any form
of criticism. Media which expresses the above concern has a view that people with deep
pockets can go on and on by dragging the person to court considering all forms of criticism as
defaming.
Finally with this judgement the court has cautioned indirectly to not to take judiciary for
granted in solving issues like defamation which are of not that important. This judgement has
come at a time when the judiciary is overburdened with crores of pending cases.
Politics in a democracy should be fought by having constructive criticism of each other and not
by maligning a person in a public domain. Politicians need to play politics in a more sensible and
mature way to develop the country and not to set personal scores or with power motive. India is a
country with still millions of people deeply engrained in poverty; our entire discourse should
focus on how to get these people out of poverty than settling insults in courts. With the new
judgement media needs to be more diligent and prudent while reporting issues that have serious
implications. The Supreme Court in its wisdom has given its judgement in true sense at a time
when we need to focus on development and not on defamation.
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Our Student, N.L. Beno Zephine, India's 1st visually challenged IPS Officer
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Indias interest in seeing Afghanistan move towards greater peace and prosperity cannot be
overstated. India is one of the closest regional powers that have invested in institution and
infrastructure building in Afghanistan.
Salma Dam has become a reality, it is tempting to bring in the Pakistan factor. One can
underline how India is sending engineers and doctors, who work alongside ordinary Afghans
to build a peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan, while Pakistan sends the jihadi militants who
spill Afghan blood and destroy that beautiful country.
But a little triumphalism apart, why should India even bother with Pakistan? Instead, it should
focus on the larger picture: Leverage the Afghan goodwill into geo-strategic gains and also
learn lessons in developmental diplomacy from the Afghan experience and improve it
diplomatic outreach as it seeks a larger global footprint.
Indian grants, estimated to be over $2 billion has led to the culmination of major projects like
the Zeranj-Delaram road, the Pul-e-Khumri power transmission line, the parliament building in
Kabul and several other projects covering schools, healthcare, rural irrigation, buses,
electricity distribution, capacity building and training programmes and so on.
The Salma Dam stands in the heart of the province in western Afghanistan from where the
Chisti Silsila or Chisti tradition of Sufism came to India and found an abode in Ajmer, Delhi and
Fathepur Sikri. In building and completing the dam, India has finally offered its "guru
dakshina" to the messengers of peace, compassion and harmony.
Indias interest in seeing Afghanistan move towards greater peace and prosperity cannot be
overstated. India is one of the closest regional powers that has invested in institution and
infrastructure building in Afghanistan.
For India, Afghanistan has immense strategic potential. Besides the infrastructure work India
has initiated and completed, it has also signed the TAPI pipeline project that aims to bring
natural gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to India. More important, a
friendly, stable regime in Kabul is geopolitical insurance against Pakistans deep state. Both
countries share concerns about Pakistans good-terrorist-bad-terrorist nuancing.
Afghanistan is currently going through a particularly turbulent transition. The government in
Kabul has been stretched in trying to stop Taliban advances over the past few months.
President Ashraf Ghani seems to have realised that a complete military victory is improbable.
In fact, Mr. Modi goes to Afghanistan at a time when Mr. Ghani is openly targeting Pakistan for
supporting the Taliban. This raises the question of whether New Delhis engagement should be
limited to infrastructure development or whether it should expand its relationship.
Lately, India has signalled a small shift in its policy by delivering M-25 attack helicopters to
Kabul. But it remains cautious about making larger overtures on security and is wary of being
sucked into a never-ending war. Such caution is required. But it should not deter India from
playing a bigger role in a country whose stability is vital for its regional ambitions and whose
people traditionally count India as a well-meaning friend. As the Chabahar agreement brought
together India, Afghanistan and Iran, New Delhi should work to bring together more regional
powers invested in Afghanistans stability and economic development.
15. Despite having Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act since
1996, the child sex ratio in India is alarmingly skewed. Critically examine why the PCPNDT
Act has not yielded success. Do you think rather than banning sex identification of a fetus
through this Act, mandatory sex identification and registration of a fetus will tackle the
issue of female feticide?
The main objectives of PCPNDT Act, 1994 are
Prohibition of sex selection before or after conception
Regulating the pre-natal diagnostic techniques for detecting the genetic, metabolic or
congenital disorders
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The Nepali Government tried to play its northern neighbour against southern neighbour. This
time there was a change in Chinas approach. On earlier occasions, China had politely
expressed its inability to send fuel to Nepal, but the voluntary offer by China to supply fuel
during the present crisis demonstrates Beijings growing interests in Nepal. Beijing has focused
its policies vis--vis Nepal by trying to reduce its dependence on India in the political,
economic, and security arena.
There was a realisation in Nepal, too, that politically and economically, it is heavily southwardoriented. Furthermore, its foreign trade is largely dependent on access to and through India,
not China. The consequences of the economic blockade by the agitators forced the Nepali
Government to soften its stand.
The rapprochement between New Delhi and Kathmandu began with the first step was taken by
the Nepali Government. It displayed some flexibility by agreeing to some of the core demands
of the protestors. This paved the way for an easing of tensions between India and Nepal, as
well as the Madhesi calling off their protests.
India welcomed the developments as positive steps that helped create the basis for a
resolution of the current impasse. New Delhi was also aware of ground realities and anti-India
sentiments which were detrimental to a strong relationship between the two countries, and
hence, India was looking for a way-out to restore normalcy.
The Madhesi parties, however, described Mr Olis visit to India as unsuccessful. The failure of
both sides to issue a joint statement at the conclusion of the visit, and the inking of deals which
had already been cleared in 2009, were cited as some examples of why the visit failed to have
any impact.
Exactly one month after his India-visit, Mr Oli visited China. The most celebrated agreement of
transit through China aims to relax the obstacles created by geography
In reality, however, implementing this agreement is a remote possibility due to two key
reasons one, the distance and hence economic unviability, and two, the missing
infrastructure facilities within Nepal. Indeed, geographical factors cannot be ignored and
certainly without strengthening domestic institutions and facilities, such an agreement would
be of little use. Also, Nepals political uncertainty is a major impediment to achieving the
desired results.
While Mr Oli showed some signs of pragmatism by visiting India first, India-Nepal relations
will get the right momentum only after Nepal addresses its domestic political problems,
particularly the task of making its Constitution more inclusive.
For India, too, the complex regional dynamics forced the Modi Government to rethink its
approach towards its neighbourhood which calls for more than a mere demonstration of
goodwill. Indias key challenge in Nepal is to overcome the wave of anti-India sentiment.
The Nepalese resentment of dependence on India is not reduced by an often-patronising
Indian attitude. India considers Nepal mainly as a source of cheap, and not always welcome,
labour.
Further, India seems not to have decided whether to treat Nepal as one of its neglected northeastern states or as a sovereign country. Hence, this attitude and perception must change. It
also underlines the fact that persistent engagement and dialogue with immediate neighbours
in all circumstances should be the mantra for India for deepening ties
18. "Constitution is a vehicle of Life, and its spirit is always the spirit of Age. Discuss
1) India is the only country in the world with a written constitution that has been amended so
many times in the six and a half decades since its inception in 1950.
2) The fact that it has been amended for more than 100 times gives rise to 2 questions:
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3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
a. the constant and unending process by which the Constitution is being mutated and
mutilated, to suit the needs of the political party in power. - E.g: controversial 42nd
amendment brought in by Indira Gandhi at the height of the Emergency.
b. Other point - Constitution is a living document and must reflect the growing aspirations
of the people of India from time to time. It is the will of people to carve out their own
destiny.
The procedure for such amendment is laid out in Article 368 of the Constitution and indeed
can be said to protect the sanctity of the Constitution as well as to check the arbitrary power of
Parliament.
42nd amendment even introduced amends and altered provisions to check constitutionality of
amendments:
a. To check constitutionality of legislation enacted by Parliament and State Legislatures a
minimum number of Judges for determining constitutionality of laws was introduced.
b. Jurisdiction of High Courts with respect to constitutionality of Central laws was curbed
under Article 131 (Exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in regard to questions as
to the Constitutional validity of Central laws) and
c. Article 228A(No high court shall have the jurisdiction to declare any Central law to be
constitutionally invalid.)
3 judgements that altered the course of Indian Constitution:
a. Gokalnath case - upheld that constitutional amendments through Article 368 were subject
to fundamental rights issue
b. Keshavanandha Bharathi case - the Constitution has a basic structure of constitutional
principles and values and that the judiciary has the power to review and strike down
amendments which conflict with, or seek to alter, this basic structure of the
c. Minerva mills case - applied and evolved the basic structure doctrine of the Constitution,
unanimously ruling that Parliament cannot exercise unlimited power to alter this basic
structure or tread upon the fundamental rights of individuals, including the right to liberty
and equality.
Amendment of fundamental rights a. 1st constitutional amendment i. It provided against abuse of freedom of speech and expression, validation
of zamindari abolition laws, and clarified that the right to equality does not bar the
enactment of laws which provide special consideration for weaker sections of society.
ii. This amendment set the precedent for amending the Constitution to overcome judicial
judgments which purportedly impeded the fulfilment of the governments
responsibilities to particular policies and programmes.
b. Obliterating Fundamental right to property.
c. The Swaran Singh Committee on Constitutional reforms appointed by the President of the
Indian National Congress early in 1976, suggested that the primacy of the Directive
Principles of State Policy over Fundamental Rights must be proclaimed once for all and no
law giving effect to the Directive Principles should be called in question on the ground of
infringement of any of the Fundamental Rights.
Some of the Recent amendments that live up to the spirit of age:
a. 91st Amendment 2004 - Restricted the size of the Council of Ministers (CoM) to 15 percent
of legislative members & strengthened the Anti Defection laws
b. 93rd Amendment Act, 2006 - Provided for 27 percent reserrvation for other backward
classes in government as well as private higher educational institutions.
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Despite being characterised as a united force, recently civil society has become more
radicalised and acts on fundamentalist principles. (RSS and VHP). The issue of Dalits and
cow vigilantism points to this radicalisation tendency of civil society groups.
As such civil society with diverse base and objectives, becomes very fragmented. Thus they
lack a concerted action and a coordinated approach to deal with a social ill.
The recent emergence of government sponsored civil society (in Andhra Pradesh, where
District Collector is the chairman) and retired government officials promoted NGOs colors
the popular perception about the credibility of these organizations.
The lack of role clarity and the sense of purpose
Lack of democratic principles in their functioning
Lack of institutional interaction with the State machinery
Increased political tendency of the civil society organizations which becomes a proxy for
political parties.
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