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Emotional antecedents of psychological

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Emotional antecedents of psychological loneliness: a review and an emerging model.

Leehu Zysberg, PhD
Professor, head of the research authority, Gordon College of Education
Haifa, Israel.

ABSTRACT
Loneliness as a psychological phenomenon is a state of mind rather than an objective
condition. Individuals may feel lonely while totally surrounded by others or may be
totally fine on their own. While the consequences and risks of loneliness have been
covered often in the literature, its antecedents received much less attention.
The traditional definition of psychological loneliness focuses on perception: a perceived
gap between the number and quality of desired interpersonal connection and actual ones.
It is quite obvious that what shapes this state of mind is more elusive, multi-layered and
intangible than the actual number of people one is associated with. So what makes us
feel lonely (or not)?
This chapter will review the existing literature on the antecedents of psychological
loneliness with special emphasis on emotional factors. Classic and current research and
theory will be described and critically discussed and an emerging model to guide future
efforts in this field is presented to summarize the review.
INTRODUCTION
Loneliness is often related to as the plague of the 21 st century and is highly prevalent in
western societies (Ronka et al., 2013). A surprisingly high rate of individuals report
experiencing loneliness in various stages in life, and though the experience is often
transitory and time dependent numerous authors describe the experience of chronic
loneliness (Cramer & Barry, 1999). Studies of trajectories of loneliness indicate that
the vast majority of young persons experience loneliness for extended periods of time,
supporting the chronic loneliness paradigm (Dulmen, 2013). The literature associates an
ongoing experience of loneliness with a broad range of negative outcomes, from lower
academic achievement in school to depression and increased mortality in older age (e.g.:
Cacioppo et al., 2002; Glaser et al., 1985; Leary, 1990). There is ample research on the
nature and assessment of Loneliness (e.g.: de Jong-Gierveld, & Kamphuls, 1985;

DiTommaso, & Spinner, 1993; Russel, 1996; Russel et al., 1984), numerous outcomes of
loneliness (e.g.: Cassidy & Asher, 1992; Heinrich, & Gullone, 2006) and relatively
meager work on the antecedents of Loneliness, with some significant work emerging in
the last decade or so (e.g.: Rokach, 1998; Rokach, 2002; Rokach & Neto, 2005). Even
less is explored and known when it comes to the emotional aspects of the antecedents of
loneliness.
This chapter reviews the literature defining and conceptualizing loneliness, briefly
explores the literature on antecedents of loneliness in general and goes on to focus on
emotional aspects underlying the experience of loneliness, proposing an analytic model to
guide future research into the causes and correlates of this troubling phenomenon.
LONELINESS Definitions and conceptualization
Most individuals can understand and relate to the term loneliness intuitively, however
authors provided formal definitions of loneliness, relying on varying perspectives and
theories. Peplau & Perlman (1982) provided an overview of common psychological
definitions of loneliness. Despite marked differences in emphases and approach the
definitions shared a common core: Loneliness can be defined as an on-going, adverse
subjective experience of discrepancy between individuals need for socialization and
attachment, and their judgment of their actual condition in these respects. All
definitions agree that the experience is inherently unpleasant, adverse and at times
destructive. Most definitions point that the experience has little to do with a persons
objective social standing or associations (Ernst & Cacioppo, 2000; Peplau & Perlman,
1982).
What does being lonely mean? Some authors believe the experience has an innate
evolutionary function: From an evolutionary point of view being alone is a disadvantage,
and a risk for thriving and survival, therefore we may be innately wired to feel alarmed,
experience pain (if only emotional) whenever we perceive the lack of adequate social
associations and support from our environment (Bowlby, 1973; Weiss, 1974).
Others maintain that loneliness has a developmental value: Interactions with others are
acknowledged as a key factor in human development. As such it has drawn a lot of

attention from researchers examining the consequences of rejection, neglect, immigration

and other early life experiences putting individuals at the risk of social confinement (e.g.:
Asher & Wheeler, 1985; Parker & Asher, 1993). Experiencing loneliness, though often
cited as a developmental risk factor has also been mentioned as a motivational basis, a
challenge that if successfully mitigated, serves future development and learning (Jung,
Song and Vorderer, 2012; Moore & Schultz, 1983; Rokach & Brock, 1998).
Moreover, loneliness, as any psychological experience, is probably mainly in our head:
studies found evidence that marginalized youths, who had if only one contact they
considered a friend, were already quite immune to the adverse effects of loneliness
(Cassidy & Asher, 1992; Ernst & Cacioppo, 2000). The way individuals construed, and
interpreted their experiences seems to matter more in predicting adverse effects
associated with loneliness than the actual social network available to them )e.g.:
Bogaerts, Vanheule, & Desmet, 2006).
The classic literature on loneliness differentiates between two types of loneliness: Weiss
(1974) defines two types of experiences under the loneliness umbrella: 1) Emotional
loneliness is the experience of lack of intimacy and trust in others. A person may be
surrounded by others yet feel they have no one to trust, confide in and share personal
experiences. (2) Social loneliness is the experience of lack of interpersonal associations,
or an insufficient social network in both quantitative and qualitative terms (Russel,
Catrona, Rose & Yurko, 1984). This typology evoked an impressive wave of empirical
research and instrument development efforts, based on this dual-factor model.
Another model, based on empirical analyses, suggested loneliness encompasses at least 5
content-realms of perceptions and feelings relating to: 1) Emotional distress, (2) social
alienation, (3) growth and discovery, (4) isolation, and (5) self-alienation (Rokach, 1997).
The model highlights the multi-tiered complex nature of the experience, including both
adverse and positive, growth-related components (Rokach, 2007).
The above-described models indicate the disagreement on the nature of the experience
and the subjectivity of the psychological components involved in what it means and

what it feels like to be lonely. The main experience acknowledged by all models is that
of a psychological challenge, and at times: crisis.
Consequences of the experience of Loneliness
Regardless of the conceptual framework taken, ample evidence suggests that when
loneliness is experienced, especially across significant periods of time, with little or no
compensatory or buffering mechanisms, it might have devastating effects on the
individual. The literature suggests prolonged loneliness in older age is associated with
depression, suicidal ideation, and the onset of terminal disease (e.g. Alzheimers, see:
Wilson, et al., 2007) (Cacioppo et al, 2002; Dill & Anderson, 1999; Heinrich & Gullone,
2006). Loneliness might be a risk factor also involved in maladaptive development of the
self and its components (e.g.: self-esteem, self-efficacy and image, e.g.: Leary, 1990;
Moore & Sermat, 2012). Loneliness is also associated with social and behavioral
trajectories leading to socially deviant and anti-social behavior (e.g.: Martens & Palermo,
2005). Given the overwhelming evidence it is worthwhile asking: what leads to
experiencing loneliness?
Antecedents of Loneliness what the literature teaches us
The study of the antecedents of loneliness is less prolific than in other aspects of the
phenomenon. Studies, however, did attempt to map factors associated with loneliness and
have come up with a broad range of content areas. Rokach (1997) identified 5 common
causes of loneliness he named: 1) Personal inadequacies, (2) developmental challenges,
(3) unfulfilling interpersonal relations, (4) relocation or social separation, and (5) social
marginalization. These causes span the full range from innate, personal to financial and
social factors.
Environments and settings
Exploration of the antecedents of loneliness demonstrated the role of environmental and
situational factors in inducing the adverse subjective experience. Relocation or entering
new social and geographical settings are probably the leading environmental cau ses of
loneliness: from moving for college, or immigration, people who move detach from their

original social support networks, a step that may induce loneliness (Rokach, 2002;
Savikko et al., 2005), living in rural areas as compared to cities and metropolises areas
also associates with loneliness (in a manner somewhat contrary to common perception of
cities as alienating settings, rural dwellers experience higher levels of loneliness, see
Rokach, 2007; Savikko et al., 2005). Culture and politics may also play a role, with some
evidence suggesting societies experiencing turmoil and change leave more room for
uncertainty; the breakdown of social structured and hence put more people at risk of
feeling lonely, among other things (e.g. Huntington, 2006).
Personal characteristics
Demographic characteristics also associated with varying levels of loneliness: gender
(being male), older age and lower socioeconomic status were associated with increased
loneliness. Age, however shows an intriguing anomaly whereas loneliness tends to peak
around adolescence and older adulthood, for different reasons (Yang & Victor, 2011).
Family structure also associated with loneliness. For example, widowed participants
reported feeling lonelier than people living with their families (Savikko et al, 2005).
Environment and settings seem to play a major role in triggering loneliness but given the
subjective nature of the experience, the literature focused on personal attributes
associated with it more than external factors. Rokach, among the more prolific authors on
the subject suggested a 5-factor model to account for the subjective experience of
loneliness. Out of these factors, 3 are personal in nature and include: developmental
issues, social inadequacy, and inability to draw upon interpersonal relationships (e.g.:
Rokach, 1997). These factors hint at self-perception and personality as potential
structures underlying these experiences. Indeed, the literature offers a lot of evidence to
support the personality-loneliness association: Studies find relationships between traits
under the five factor model and Eysencks typology (among the most robust models of
personality assessment) and aspects of loneliness, especially neuroticism and extraversion
(or more accurately the lack of it) (e.g.: Saklofski et al., 1986). Current studies have
linked personality traits to both the extent of the experience of loneliness and attitudes or
judgments of this experience as more or less wanted, much in line with the findings
reported above (e.g.: Teppers et al, 2013).

Additional evidence link predispositions and behavioral patterns which are beyond the
scope of personality trait typology but associate with interpersonal tendencies to interact
with others: studies have identified perspective taking, social and communication skills as
well as self-disclosure attribution style and even attachment style with the tendency to
feel lonely (e.g.: Bogaerts, Vanheule, & Desmet, 2006; Bruch et al., 1988).
The consistent results associating personality and loneliness almost suggest the existence
of a lonely personality with very specific traits and predispositions, namely: tendencies
toward lesser regulation of reactions, interpersonal relationships and lower proficiency in
reading and processing information about the self and others. These points lead us to
examine the emotional and emotional regulatory functions and their associations with
loneliness.
Emotions, emotional regulation and loneliness
Is there an emotional code to loneliness? Though there is some work addressing
emotional antecedents of loneliness, it is far less developed than the literature on the
emotional consequences of loneliness. Here I will attempt to provide an emerging picture
of emotional factors that may have a role in individuals likelihood of experiencing
loneliness.
Delay of gratification. The most Basic function of emotional management and regulation
is perhaps the one involving postponing gratification or need fulfilment (Agarwal, 2014).
The most basic of emotional regulation tasks and the most difficult to manage, it is also
considered by many to be the very foundation upon which interpersonal associations and
relations are built in terms of effective negotiations, effective conflict management and
coping with needs within a complex interpersonal setting ( Agarwal, 2014; Cacioppo et
al., 2006; Dill & Anderson, 1999). Need satisfaction regulation or delay of gratification
has been associated in psychological and educational research with life-long adjustment,
mainly at the social and emotional levels: Mischels classic marshmallow study
exemplified how emotional regulation and delay of gratification serve as factors in
psychological adjustment through the life cycle (Mischel et al, 2010). It is suggested that

such abilities are pivotal in developing and maintaining meaningful interpersonal

relationships, thus reducing the chance of experiencing loneliness in the long run.
Emotional knowledge. The concept if often associated with two skills: 1) The naming or
recognition of emotions in self and others and (2) Awareness of emotions as they are
experienced by self and others (Stein & Levine, 1989). This concept represents a
developmental task beginning at very early age and often associated with early
experiences of deprivation and frustration (Garner & Power, 1996).
Another developmental aspect associated with this concept is that of the development of
Ego resources or perceptions associated with a sense of self: Anchored in the grand
theories of such luminaries as Kohlberg, Sullivan and Erikson, the notion of ego
development speaks of emerging selfhood, as a physical, perceptual, emotional and
interpersonal anchor of psychological development (for a thorough review see: Hy Le &
Loevinger, 2014). As individuals learn through on- going experiences since birth, both
physical and interpersonal, they define their own and others boundaries, set perceptual
frameworks and rudimentary perceptions that shape their world, and their relationships
with themselves and others (e.g.: Allen et al, 1994). Ample evidence associate Ego
development, emotional reaction patterns and relationship patterns throughout the lifespan (e.g.: Smetana et al., 2006).
Though theory associates self and emotional knowledge with the nature and quality of
social associations and studies have associated emotional knowledge (or the lack of it)
with increased risk of loneliness especially at childhood and adolescence (e.g.: Heintz et
al, 2014), The evidence is however still preliminary and rudimentary. Future studies may
further help explore the nature of emotional aspects of self-definition and self in general
and their role in the experience of loneliness.
Self-knowledge, internalizing vs externalizing. A coherent self-concept as a basis for
adept emotional processing and coping is an idea presented in the early days of
psychological reasoning and research (Hobfoll & London, 1986). The healthy selfconcept provides an infrastructure for better self-knowledge, and the ability to
differentiate between what is me or mine and not me or mine. Such differentiation

is taking place at multiple layers of our psyche, including perception, and emotional
reactions to events (within and around us). Such structures may account for our tendency
toward internalization (less expression or relief of tensions, attribution of external
outcomes so characteristics of self) or externalization (more expressive style, attribution
of external outcomes to others, or circumstances). These can be conceptualized as an
attribution style or a personality-related pre-disposition, and are associated with
loneliness in children and pre-adolescents (e.g. Heintz et al, 2014). Such patterns seem to
show stability across the life-span (Fischer et al., 1984).
Emotional intelligence. Emotional intelligence is a relatively new concept addressing a
century old issue the role of emotions in reasoning and problem solving. Various
definitions are presented in the current literature but all share the following assumptions
on the concepts nature and significance in our context: 1) Emotions are a major and
basic motive in our behavior, (2) Emotions can be utilized to encode information, better
read situations and effectively manage interpersonal relations, and (3) Individuals vary
extensively in how effective and capable they are in these fields of intra and interpersonal function (Boyatzis, Goleman, & Rhee, 2000). Emotional intelligence has been
related to as an ability, a personality trait and an eclectic collection of non-cognitive skills
and tendencies (Salovey & Grewal, 2005), and despite the use of various measures,
evidence did show support of the concepts role in everyday social and interpersonal
settings and challenges. For our purpose here it does seem like individuals high in EI,
manage interpersonal relationships more effectively, derive more pleasure form them and
report less social distress (e.g.: Petrides et al, 2006). A few studies have provided direct
evidence to the role of EI in the experience of loneliness, among them Zysbergs (2012)
suggesting that EI provides a protective effect against feeling lonely, beyond what is
accounted for by personal characteristics and personality traits in a sample of young
adults. Austin and colleagues (2006) showed that EI is associated with a sense of social
and interpersonal well-being (which can be described as the opposite of loneliness).

The above concepts and ideas may be integrated into a frame work describing an
emotional DNA prone to loneliness or exactly the opposite protect individuals against
feeling lonely for prolonged time spans.
Toward a model of Emotional and personal antecedents of Loneliness
The existing literature on the nature of the experience of loneliness has established its
subjective nature: one can feel lonely while surrounded by others while another may not
feel lonely even when alone (Killeen, 1998). The very same body of research also
emphasizes the emotional nature of loneliness: in short being lonely does not feel good
and evokes a broad range of negative emotional responses (Amichai-Hamburger & Ben
Arzy, 2003; Dill & Anderson, 1999; Heinrich, & Gullone, 2006). That being
acknowledged, the literature has yet to offer a comprehensive model or view of emotional
characteristics that put one at a higher or lower risk level for experiencing chronic
loneliness.
Based on the literature and the concepts it associates with interpersonal perceptions, and
coping as well as directly with the notion of loneliness, I propose a model of emotional
and social antecedents of loneliness at the personal, individual level. The model is
presented in tiers: 1) A foundation level at which basic elements of emotional
development and regulation set the stage for (2) Skills and predispositions that are
socially and interpersonally driven, and (3) Abilities and attributes that facilitate
interpretation of social and interpersonal experiences.

Perception, attribution and reaction patterns

Internalizing-externalizing.
Locus of control
Aspects of emotional intelligence: Emotional regulation in self and others,
Integrating emotion in thought.

Emotional-Social Skills
Emotional knowledge.
Interpersonal skills: Self presentations, communication and negotiation,
collaboration, etc.

Emotional infra-structure
Aspects of self development, ego development.
Delay of gratification.

Figure 1. A model of emotional-social antecedents of loneliness.

The model proposes a multi-tiered view of an individuals potential for effective social
interaction, not necessarily at the so-called-objective level (as in social network size or
quality) but rather in individuals tendency to experience distress or wellbeing around
their association with others and their social settings. At the same time it offers a
developmental perspective that may help researchers fit the model to the characteristics
of the target audience across the lifespan: from early childhood to late adulthood.
As suggested above the model proposes that aspects of ego development and selfdevelopment provide the foundation for the individuals ability to perceive self and
others, differentiate self from others, and experience emotion within social interaction.
Concurrently, the developmentally significant ability to delay gratification is an
additional axis along which the model assumes much of the potential for more or less
effective management of social interactions. Based on these developmental potentials,
individuals develop and hone emotional and social skills that underlie their interactions
and long-term relations with others, therefore laying the so-called behavioral or

objective aspects of the risk for loneliness. Last but probably most important in our
understanding of the risk of feeling lonely is the last tier that has to do with higher level
emotional and social abilities and skills. These may account for how individuals perceive,
interpret and cope with social and emotional aspects of interaction with others, therefore
becoming more or less likely to experience loneliness.
While this model is not yet supported by dedicated research, the existing evidence,
thoroughly reviewed here and elsewhere, do support this structure. It is presented here in
hope it can lead thought, and research in this field. The model does not include personal
demographics such as gender, culture and additional aspects that clearly influence and
shape individuals social perceptions and skills, as these are viewed as laying beyond the
scope of the current work. They should be, however, accounted for in future research and
work.

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