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IDEAS OF ARISTOTLE
SUBMITTED TO:
APOORVA CHANDRA
Semester: 2, Section: C, Roll No: 25, Program: B.A. LL.B
(Hons)
Certificate Of Declaration
I,
OVERVIEW OF LITERATURE
1. Ramaswamy, sushila, A History of Political Thought-Plato to Marx, PHI laboring Private
Limited, 2010
: This book gives us a brief idea about the political thoughts of great
philosophers from the times of Plato to Marx. It describes different theories prescribed by
these philosophers.
2. Nelson, Brian.R Western Political Thought from Socrates to the age of Ideology, Pearson
Education, 1995 : Written simply and directly but without sacrificing intellectual depth
this book presents the basic terms, ideas, and dilemmas of Western political thought
through an in-depth analysis of a limited number of major thinkers from the pre-Socratics
to the contemporary era.
OBJECTIVES
To find the essence in views of Aristotle in context to:
justice, equity
constitutionalism
politics and state
RESEARCH METHEDOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
Aristotle states that A specific habit differs from a specific faculty or science, as each of the
latter covers opposites, e.g. the science of health is also the science of sickness; whereas the habit
of justice does not cover but is opposed to the habit of injustice. Justice itself is a term used in
various senses; and the senses in which injustice is used vary correspondingly.
The citizen, Aristotle claims, has specific rights and is all equal. So, each citizen has
the same humanitarian, economic, social rights as any other citizen. He believed that birth place,
and ancestry did not play a factor in what defined a citizen, but his involvement within
politics. Parry (1972) quotes Aristotle, a man who shares in the administration of justice and
in the holding of office, as a definition for what a citizen is. This also suggests the idea that
citizens and justice were in control of each other. To further Aristotles idea to what a citizen is
would also allow us to see how obscure his ideas can be.
Aristotle not only studied almost every subject possible at the time, but made
significant contributions to most of them. In physical science, Aristotle studied anatomy,
astronomy, embryology, geography, geology, meteorology, physics and zoology. In philosophy,
he wrote on aesthetics, ethics, government, metaphysics, politics, economics, psychology,
rhetoric and theology. He also studied education, foreign customs, literature and poetry. His
combined works constitute a virtual encyclopedia of Greek knowledge.
With the Prior Analytics, Aristotle is credited with the earliest study of
formal logic, and his conception of it was the dominant form of Western logic until 19th century
advances in mathematical logic. Kant stated in the Critique of Pure Reason that Aristotle's theory
of logic completely accounted for the core of deductive inference.
The citizen, Aristotle claims, has specific rights and is all equal.
So, each citizen has the same humanitarian, economic, social rights as any other citizen. He
believed that birth place, and ancestry did not play a factor in what defined a citizen, but his
involvement within politics. Parry (1972) quotes Aristotle, a man who shares in the
administration of justice and in the holding of office, as a definition for what a citizen is. This
also suggests the idea that citizens and justice were in control of each other. To further
revolution, deposing of an aristocratic system and closing the class gap between the lower and
upper classes.
To conclude, we have seen that Aristotles ideas have been greatly
influenced by his studies of nature and science, and saw an opportunity to connect justice,
citizenship and the state to an empirical system where it could be easily analysed and assessed.
We see such measures with the careful breakdown of different constitutions that operate states,
the roles of the citizens within those states and the types of justices used to enforce the
constitution, and its people.
Justice is considered to be a fundamental issue that outlines two of his
significant works, the Nicomachean Ethics and The Politics. As the title of the latter suggests,
justice and politics are connected strongly, as justice proves to be an underlying theme
throughout the book. Aristotle does not just outline the ideas of justice as a judicial entity, the
force that punishes wrong doers, but as a degree of virtue, or morality that is considered to be
phenomena in politics. He argues strongly that without a sense of morality, and virtue, any type
of constitution is destined to fail.
Throughout Aristotles ideas regarding the state, justice and citizenship, he maintains the idea
that there is a strong link between all three. As one change, so does the other and each is
dependant on the other. This proves to replay throughout history as the role of the citizen changes
if the states constitution changes.
moving cause) so that it can contain liquid (final cause). One can also explain the existence of
the city-state in terms of the four causes.
The formal cause of the city-state is its constitution. Aristotle
defines the constitution as a certain ordering of the inhabitants of the city-state .He also speaks
of the constitution of a community as the form of the compound and argues that whether the
community is the same over time depends on whether it has the same constitution. The
constitution is not a written document, but an immanent organizing principle, analogous to the
soul of an organism. Hence, the constitution is also the way of life of the citizens. Here the
citizens are that minority of the resident population who possess full political rights
The existence of the city-state also requires an efficient cause,
namely, its ruler. On Aristotle's view, a community of any sort can possess order only if it has a
ruling element or authority. This ruling principle is defined by the constitution, which sets
criteria for political offices, particularly the sovereign office. However, on a deeper level, there
must be an efficient cause to explain why a city-state acquires its constitution in the first place.
Aristotle states that the person who first established [the city-state] is the cause of very great
benefits
To sum up, the city-state is a hylomorphic (i.e., matter-form)
compound of a particular population (i.e., citizen-body) in a given territory (material cause) and
a constitution (formal cause). The constitution itself is fashioned by the lawgiver and is governed
by politicians, who are like craftsmen (efficient cause), and the constitution defines the aim of
the city-state .For a further discussion of this topic, see the following supplementary document:
The constitution thus defines the governing body, which takes different forms: for example, in a
democracy it is the people, and in an oligarchy it is a select few (the wealthy or well born).
Before attempting to distinguish and evaluate various constitutions Aristotle considers two
questions. First, why does a city-state come into being? He recalls the thesis, defended
in Politics I.2, that human beings are by nature political animals, who naturally want to live
together. For a further discussion of this topic, see the following supplementary document:
Secondly, in the particular sense justice means equality or
fairness, and this includes distributive justice, according to which different individuals have
just claims to shares of some common asset such as property. Aristotle analyzes arguments for
and against the different constitutions as different applications of the principle of distributive
justice (III.9.1280a722). Everyone agrees, he says, that justice involves treating equal persons
equally, and treating unequal persons unequally, but they do not agree on the standard by which
individuals are deemed to be equally (or unequally) meritorious or deserving. He assumes his
own analysis of distributive justice set forth in Nicomachean Ethics V.3: Justice requires that
benefits be distributed to individuals in proportion to their merit or desert. The oligarchs
mistakenly think that those who are superior in wealth should also have superior political rights,
whereas the democrats hold that those who are equal in free birth should also have equal political
rights. Both of these conceptions of political justice are mistaken in Aristotle's view, because they
assume a false conception of the ultimate end of the city-state. The city-state is neither a business
enterprise to maximize wealth (as the oligarchs suppose) nor an association to promote liberty
and equality (as the democrats maintain). Instead, Aristotle argues, the good life is the end of
the city-state, that is, a life consisting of noble actions (1280b391281a4). Hence, the correct
conception of justice is aristocratic, assigning political rights to those who make a full
contribution to the political community, that is, to those with virtue as well as property and
freedom (1281a48). This is what Aristotle understands by an aristocratic constitution:
literally, the rule of the aristoi, i.e., best persons. Aristotle explores the implications of this
argument in the remainder of Politics III, considering the rival claims of the rule of law and the
rule of a supremely virtuous individual. Here absolute kingship is a limiting case of aristocracy.
Again, in books VII-VIII, Aristotle describes the ideal constitution in which the citizens are fully
virtuous.
CRITISISM
Aristotle shared many of Platos basic assumptions. He believed with Plato in the primacy of
reason, and that there is an intrinsic connection between politics and ethics. Both accepted the
role of society in improving individuals through education. Plato and Aristotle agreed that
humans can fulfill their nature only in a social context, but they had very different ideas about
the best constitution for state and government. Aristotle criticized Platos political views mostly
on empirical and practical grounds. He rejected Platos ideas for revolutionary change by
observing that they are impracticable, and they cannot easily be reconciled with human nature as
we know it. Aristotle attempted to correct Platos idealistic views by teaching adherence to the
golden mean; a term borrowed from geometry that can be interpreted as a middle way in the
recommendation of political arrangements.
CONCLUSION
According to Aristotle, observation shows that nature dictates a union of naturally ruling
and ruled elements, for the preservation of both. The naturally ruled element should obey the
ruling element. That hierarchy is evident throughout nature and it applies to political
organization as well as family.
The human soul has two elements, one that rules and one that is ruled. Nature dictates
that order in the soul to allow for right behavior to follow.
Women must not be allowed to rule, since they lack rational capacity. In men, the rational
element naturally rules, while in women it is present but usually ineffective. Womens natural
role is to serve the family as good wives and mothers but to stay out of the public sphere.
Aristotle rejects those reforms as impracticable. The institutions of the family and private
property are rooted in nature.
Observation shows that men pay most attention to what is their own and neglect what is
not their own. The sense of possession is natural and brings duty and obligation.
Aristotle sees the family as a natural institution that promotes civic virtue as well as
mutual care among loved ones. Parents feelings of special attachment to their children are
natural.
The impulse to own and cherish objects is natural, and efforts to eradicate private
property are wrong and futile.
Aristotle suggests that property should be possessed in moderation and should be put to
public use whenever possible. Charity is possible only under a regime of private property.
Aristotle believes that it is dangerous to concentrate power in the hands of an elite; that
concentration will breed discontent and dissension.
The best practical constitution for most states is rule by the middle class.
The middle class embodies moderation because it constitutes the mean between rich and
poor. Because it possesses a stake in the property systemBecause it practices moderation and
avoids extremes, the middle class is more likely than either the rich or the poor to be guided
by reason.
Those qualified for rule must therefore be male, own property, and be literate (or at least
have modest education). The middle-class rule will then confer stability and rational control.
Bibliography
Note on Citations
. Passages in Aristotle are cited as follows: title of treatise (italics), book (Roman numeral),
chapter (Arabic numeral), line reference. Line references are keyed to the 1831 edition of
Immanuel Bekker which had two columns (a and b) on each page. Politics is abbreviated
asPol. and Nicomachean Ethics as NE. In this article, Pol. I.2.1252b27, for example, refers
toPolitics book I, chapter 2, page 1252, column b, line 27. Most translations include the Bekker
page number with column letter in the margin followed by every fifth line number.
Passages in Plato are cited in a similar fashion, except the line references are to the Stephanus
edition of 1578 in which pages were divided into five parts (a through e).
A. Greek Text of Aristotle's Politics
Barker, Ernest, revised by Richard Stalley. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.
Jowett, Benjamin, in The Complete Works of Aristotle, The Revised Oxford Translation,
vol. 2, ed. Jonathan Barnes. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984.
Richard Robinson with a supplementary essay by David Keyt, Politics III-IV (1995).