Making News by Doing Work: Routinizing the Unexpected

Author(s): Gaye Tuchman

Reviewed work(s):
Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 79, No. 1 (Jul., 1973), pp. 110-131
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2776714 .
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Making News by Doing Work: Routinizing

the Unexpected'
Gaye Tuchman
QueensCollege,CityUniversity
of New York
Notingthat,on the one hand,variabilityin raw materialsimpedes
routinization
and that,on the otherhand,organizations
imposeroutinesto controlthe flowof work,this articleexplorestwo related
questions:(1) How can an organization
routinely
processunexpected
events?(2) How do newsmendecreasethe variabilityof eventsthat
formthe raw materialof news?The articleexaminesfiveclassificationsused by newsmento distinguish
amongevents-as-news.
First,
the articleanalyzestheseclassifications
as definitional
"categories."
That approach failingfor specifiedreasons,it views these same
classifications
as typifications.
This analysisstressesthe extentto
whichtypification
of raw materialsarisesout of the requirements
of
the organizational
structureof news work.It pays special attention
to some practicalproblemsconcerning
the controlof work.It also
discussestheramifications
thatariseforthenewsorganizations
from
themannerin whichan eventoccurs.Some implications
of the analysis are discussed.
One themedominantin the sociologyof workis the "control"of work.
Proponentsof the structuraland technological
approach (Perrow 1967;
Thompson1967; March and Simon 1958) stressthat organizations
routinizetasks if possible,for routinization
facilitatesthe controlof work.
As discussedby Hughes (1964) and othersof the Chicagoschool(Becker,
Geer,and Hughes 1961), personsat workalways have too much work
to do. To cope withthisproblem,theytryto controlthe flowof work
and theamountof workto be done.
Prompted,
possibly,by a viewof routineas negotiatedprocess(Bucher
1970), membersof the Chicagoschool extendthe discussionof workto
For instance,EverettHughes (1964, pp. 55thehandlingof emergencies.
56) suggeststhattheprofessional's
"struggle. . . to maintaincontrolover
of [his
[his or her] decisionsof whatworkto do and overthe disposition
or her] timeand [his or her] routineof life" may be particularly
acute
withwhatare emergencies
to the people
forworkerswho "deal routinely
1 Lewis A. Coser, Rose Laub Coser, Arlene K. Daniels, Robert Emerson, Carolyn
Etheridge,Kenneth A. Feldman, Melvin Kohn, and Marilyn Lester were all kind
enough to read earlier drafts,as were newsmenJames Benet and Howard Epstein.
I owe a special debt to Rue Bucher, Eliot Freidson,and Harvey Molotch who criticized several drafts.The extentof my debt is indicatedby the slightresemblancethis
versionbears to earliestversions,discardedupon sound advice.

110

AJS Volume 79 Number1

Making News by Doing Work

who receivetheirservices."He speaks of this situationas introducing
a
"chronictension"betweenworkerand client,and, in an oftenquoted
passage,explains:". . . the personwiththe crisisfeelsthat the otheris
tryingto belittlehis trouble.The physicianplays one emergencyoff
againsttheother;thereasonhe can't runrightup to see Johnnywhomay
have themeaslesis thathe is, unfortunately
rightat thatmoment,
treating
a case of the black plague" (p. 55). Hughes's examplesuggeststhat,in
handlingsome typesof emergencies,
specialistsseek to imposepriorities
and routinesuponthem.It also impliesthatsomeworkers,
suchas doctors,
lawyers,and firemen,
may profitably
be viewedas specialistsin handling
specifickindsof emergencies.
Sociologistshave paid scant attentionto workerswho routinely
handle
nonspecialized
emergencies,
rangingfromfiresand legal cases to medical
problems.Yet, some workersdo preciselythis task. Newsmen(and they
are still overwhelmingly
men) stand out as workerscalled upon to give
accounts(for a discussionof accounts,see Scott and Lyman [1968]) of
a wide varietyof disasters-unexpected
events-on a routinebasis. News
work thrivesupon processingunexpectedevents,events that "burst to
the surfacein some disruptive,exceptional(and hence newsworthy)"
manner (Noyes 1971). As Helen Hughes (1940) noted, "Quickening
urgency"is the "essenceof news" (p. 58).
That workersimposeroutinesupon theirworkposes a problemconcerningnonspecializedunexpectedevents: how can an organization
how do newsroutinizethe processingof unexpectedevents?Specifically,
men2routinizethe handlingof a varietyof unexpectedeventsin orderto
processand to presentaccountsand explanationsof them?3For, without
some routinemethodof copingwith unexpectedevents,news organizawouldflounderand fail.
tions,as rationalenterprises,
Throughoutthis paper, the terms "news organization"and "newsmen" are used as
though they were interchangeable.In part, this is because one speaks with newsmen
and observes them. The participantobservor can neitherinterviewnor observe an
organizational rationale. However, there is also some theoretical justificationfor
this usage. Zimmerman(1970, p. 237) concludes,"It appears that the 'competentuse'
of a given [organizational] rule or set of rules is founded upon members'practiced
grasp of what particular actions are necessaryon a given occasion to provide for
the regularreproductionof a normal state of affairs."And this article asks how news
organizationscan process accounts of emergencieswhile continually reproducinga
normal state of everyday affairs.
3 Some topics are necessarilyexcluded here. The most importantis, how do newsmen
events? For purposesof analysis,
distinguishbetweennewsworthyand non-newsworthy
I assume that the events discussed have already been deemed newsworthyand that
the newsmenmust decide how to classifythat event-as-news.In practice,the decision
that an event is to be made into news and characterizationof an event-as-newsare
mutually dependent. Frequently, they are inseparable procedures. For instance,
arguing that a story should be writtenabout an event, a reportermay state, "Of
course that's news. . . . It's a good hard news story,similarto the one about [another
event] that we ran last week."
2

ill

AmericanJournalof Sociology
To answerthesequestions,this articleuses two ideas developedin the
sociologyof work. (1) Routinizationis impededby variabilityin raw
material(an idea in the organizationalliterature[Perrow 1967]). (2)
Personscategorizethe objectsof theirworkto controlit (an idea in the
literature
on occupationsand professions[Beckeret al. 1961]). Together
theseideas suggestthatthe way in whichnewsmenclassifyevents-as-news
decreasesthe variabilityof the raw materialprocessedby newsorganizationsand facilitatesroutinization.
The firstpart of this paper exploresthe newsmen'sclassifications
of
events-as-news
as definitional
categories.It asks, How do newsmendefine
Are their
categoriesof news? What are the bases of theirdefinitions?
of
categoriessufficiently
consistent
to enablethe routinization newswork?
The answersindicatethat this methodof analyzingthe classifications
is
inadequate.
The secondsectionof the paper approachesthe same classifications
as
I meanclassifications
typifications.
(By typifications,
whosemeaningsare
in thesituationsof theiruse.) It asks,How are theseclassificaconstituted
tionsrelatedto the practicalorganizational
newsmenas
tasksconfronting
theygo about theirwork?How are theyrelatedto the contingencies
of
the situationthatthe newsmenare reporting?
This analysissuggeststhat
of newswork.More important,
typifications
enablethe routinization
typificationsarise out of and reflectthe requirements
of the organizational
structurewithinwhichnews storiesare constructed.
This structureand
the exigenciesof the way the storydevelopscombineto defineeventsas
therawmaterialof newswork.The last sectionsof the articleexplorethe
of this analysis.
theoretical
implications
Throughoutthisessay,I shall referto events(happeningsin the everyday world), to news (accountsand explanationsof eventspresentedby
newsorganizations),and to events-as-news.
Derived fromthe theoretical
problemposed here, this last term indicatesthat newsmencategorize
eventsnot onlyas happeningsin the everydayworld,but also as potenmaterials-as the raw materialto be processedby news
tiallynewsworthy
organizations.
A NOTE ON METHODS

The data presentedhereweregatheredby participantobservationat two

sites. They were a local independenttelevisionstationaffiliated
with a
majornetworkand a dailymorning
newspaperwitha circulationof about
250,000.Both had substantialcompetition
withintheirown mediumand
fromothermedia. Both are locatedin the same city,a major television
market.Researchat these two sites lasted a littleover two years. Informants
knewme to be a sociologistengagedin research.
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Making News by Doing Work

I observedworkin thenewsrooms,
As partof theresearch,
accompanied
newsmento news events,and then followedthe course of theirstories
interviewson a
throughthe news process.I also conductedsemiformal
regularbasis. They wereused to glean information
concerning
the initial
choice of whichevent-as-news
to cover and to ask questionsabout the
handlingof specificstorieswhoseprocessingI had observed.In addition,
I asked newsmenfor definitions
of the termsthey were using. Specific
hypotheses
did not promptthe requestsfordefinitions.
Rather,to observe
adequately,I had to knowthemeaningsof thetermsI heardused.
Most of the data discussedhere are taken fromthe newspaperfield
notes. The local televisionstation concentrated
upon local stories,and
so it was the newspapermen
who were morelikelyto discuss storiesof
nationalscope.I have used nationalstoriesas extendedexamples,because
theyare moreaccessibleto thesociologicalreader.However,theprinciples
and definitions
invokedby both the electronicand the ink-pressnewsmen
weregenerallythe same. Disagreements
on thesetopicswill be specified.
NEWSMEN ON CATEGORIES

OF NEWS

At work,newsmenuse fivetermsto differentiate

categoriesof news: hard
news,softnews,spot news,developingnews,and continuing
news.Journalismtextsand informants
explainthatthesetermsdifferentiate
kindsof
news contentor the subject of events-as-news.
Asked for definitions
of
theircategories,newsmenfluster,fortheytake thesecategoriesso much
forgrantedthat theyfindthemdifficult
to define.To specifydefinitions,
newsmenofferexamplesof the storiesthat fall withina category.They
tendto classifythesame storiesin thesame manner,and somestoriesare
cited withsuch frequencythat theymay be viewedas prototypes.
This
sectionreviewsthe prototypical
cases mentionedby informants.
Hard News versusSoft News
The informants'
main distinction
was betweenhard news and its antithesis, soft news. As they put it, hard news concernsevents potentially
available to analysisor interpretation
and consistsof "factualpresentations"of eventsdeemednewsworthy
(for a discussionof "factualpresentations"and analysis,see Tuchman [1972]). When pressed,informants
indicatedthathardnewsis "simply"thestuffnewspresentations
are made
of. For instance,asked fora definition
of hard news,a televisioneditor
offeredthe followingcatalog of basic news stories: "Hard news is the
gubernatorial
messageto thelegislature,
theState of theUnionAddressto
accidentor the murder,the bank hold-up,the
Congress,the train-truck
legislativeproposal .

. and the firetomorrow."

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
This editorand otherinformants
voluntarily
contrasted
hard newswith
softnews,also knownas the featureor humanintereststory.Some examplesof softnewsstoriesare: an itemabout a big-citybus driverwho
offersa cheery"good morning"to everypassengeron his earlymorning
run,a featureabout a lonelyfemalebear,a storyabout youngadultswho
rentfora montha billboardproclaiming
"Happy Anniversary
Mom and
Dad."
Newsmendistinguishbetweenthese two lists by saying that a hard
news storyis "interesting
to human beings" and a soft news storyis
"interesting
becauseit deals withthe lifeof humanbeings" (Mott 1952,
p. 58). Or, theystate thathard newsconcernsinformation
people should
have to be informed
citizensand softnews concernshumanfoiblesand
the "textureof our humanlife" (Mott 1952, p. 58). Finally,theymay
simplysummarize,
hard news concernsimportantmattersand softnews,
interesting
matters.
Each of theseseparateyet similarattemptsto distinguish
betweenhard
news and soft news presentsthe same classificatory
problem.They are
difficult
to use in everydaypractice,becausethe distinctions
overlap.Take
the last attemptto state the difference
betweenthe two lists: frequently,
it is difficult-if
not impossible to decidewhetheran eventis interesting
or important
or is bothinteresting
and important.
Indeed,the same event
may be treatedas eithera hard news or a softnews story.During the
two-year
period,theobservedtelevisionstationpresentedas featurestories
someeventsthatits primarytelevisioncompetition
presentedas hardnews
and vice versa.
Spot News and DevelopingNews
Difficulties
also appear in the newsmen'sdistinctions
betweenspot news
and developingnews.The mostimportant
of thesedifficulties
is that the
newsmenpartiallyabandon the statementthat the categoriesare based
upon the contentor subjectmatterof events-as-news.
Asked to discussspot news,newsmenrepliedthat spot newsis a type
of hardnews.Newsmencitedthe fireas a prototypical
(subclassification)
exampleof spotnews. (Occasionally,informants
added a secondexample,
eithera robbery,murder,accident,tornado,or earthquake.)The subject
matterof all exampleswas conflicts
withnature,technology,
or the penal
code.
of hard news),
Askedabout developingnews (anothersubclassification
between
thenewsmencitedthesame examples.Asked,then,to distinguish
introduceda new element,the
spotnewsand developingnews,informants
at a given
amountof information
that theyhave about an event-as-news
pointin time.When theylearnedof an unexpectedevent,it was classed
114

Making News by Doing Work

"spot news." If it took a while to learn the "facts" associatedwith a
"breakingstory,"it was "developingnews." It remained"developing
news"so longas "facts"werestillemerging
and beinggathered.When I
pressedby pointingto previousstatements
that the subjectof the story
determinedthat story'sclassification,
the newsmeninsistedthat both
statements
werecorrect.In essence,theycountered,
the subjectmatterof
certainkindsof events-as-news
had a tendencyto occurin specificways
(e.g., firesbreakout unexpectedly;
manydemonstrations
are preplanned).
And so, newsmenhappento learnof themin certainways.
ContinuingNews
Asked to definecontinuingnews,informants
revertedto discussingthe
subject matterof an event-as-news.
As the newsmenput it, continuing
newsis a seriesof storieson thesamesubjectbased uponeventsoccurring
over a periodof time.As a prototype,
the newsmencited the legislative
bill. The passageof a bill, theyexplained,is a complicatedprocessoccurringover a periodof time.Althoughnews of the bill's progressthrough
the legislativemaze may varyfromday to day, all storiesabout the bill
deal withthe same content-thebill's provisionsand whethertheywill
be enacted.In this sense,theysaid, the storyabout the legislativebill
continuesas news. (Other examplescited by informants
includedtrials,
politics,economics,diplomacy,and war. Almostall exampleswere confrontations
withinor amongrecognizedinstitutions.)4
Then, once again, the newsmenpartiallymodifiedtheir statements.
Maintainingthat certainkinds of news contenttend to fall under the
rubric"continuing
news,"theyadded thatcertainkindsof content(stories
aboutlegislativebillsand trials,forexample)"simply"tendto occurover
an extendedperiodof time.
From Categoryto Typification
Examinationof the newsmen'sdefinitions
of their categorieshad been
prompted
by the notionthatthe categorieswouldenable the routinization
of work.To be sure,the definitions,
prototypical
examples,and lists of
eventsdecreasethe variabilityof eventsas the raw materialof news.Yet
theyare problematic:the newsmenstate that theircategoriesare based
to apply
upon the subject matterof events-as-news.
But it is difficult
theirdistinctions
betweenhardnewsand softnews.Also, disconsistently
4 One young reporter,classifiableas a "young turk," included a conflictbetween
social movementsand governmentamong his examples. Characterizationof social
movementsis presentlybeing negotiatedbetween youngerand older newsmenand is
frequentlydiscussedin journalismreviews.

115

AmericanJournalof Sociology
cussingspot news,developingnews,and continuing
news,the informants
extraneouselement:the subjectmatterof certain
introduceda seemingly
tendsto happenin certainkindsof ways.And so,
kindsof events-as-news
newsmen"just happen"to be alertedto the need to processthemin differentways.
happensis important
The newsmen'sinsistencethatthe way something
of the relevance
systemsuggestsa reconsideration
to theirclassificatory
of work.The need fora reanalysisis
to the organization
of classifications
supportedby attemptsto discuss events that become news (Boorstin
1964; Molotchand Lester 1971) and by researchon disasters(Bucher
1957). For, like the newsmen,thisresearchinsiststhat the way an event
accountsof it. For example,discussinga plane crash,
happensinfluences
Bucher (1957) arguesthat,faced witha disaster,personstry to locate
the pointin the processthat "caused" the accidentso theymay prevent
futureaccidentsfromhappeningin the same manner.Bucher's findings
used
suggestthat the way in whichan eventhappens,the classifications
to describethe event,and the work done to preventa recurrenceare
related.They prompttheproposalthatnewsmendo not categorizeeventsbetweenkindsof subjectmatter.5Rather,they
as-newsby distinguishing
accordingto the way these happen and according
typifyevents-as-news
to the requirements
of the organizationalstructurewithinwhichnews
storiesare constructed.
is
The theoreticaldistinctionbetween"category"and "typification"
"Cateperspective.6
impliesa phenomenological
crucial,for"typification"
of objectsaccordingto one or morerelevant
gory"refersto classification
by what anthrofrequently
ruledsalientby the classifiers,
characteristics
pologiststerma "formalanalysis." (For a discussionof categoriesand
formalanalysis,see Tyler [1969, pp. 2, 194-342].) The use of "category"
and a sortingof those
frominformants
connotesa requestfordefinitions
definitions
along dimensionsspecifiedby the researcher."Typification"
are centralto
in whichthe relevantcharacteristics
refersto classification
5 Strictlyspeaking,thisstatementis not accurate,fornewsmenalso use a parallel set of
classificationsseeminglybased upon content, such as "education news," "political
news," etc.
6 The phenomenologicalperspectiveis not alien to sociological thought. In recent
years, researchers(Zimmerman 1970; Cicourel 1968; Emerson 1969; Emerson and
Messinger 1971; Sudnow 1965) have discussed the relationshipof typificationto
practical tasks in people-processingorganizations.Examining the productionof typificationshas enabled labelingtheoriststo highlightthe moral and occupationalassumptions underpinningthe treatmentof deviants: It has enabled them to locate the
practical considerationsthat police, judges, doctors,and social workersrely upon to
label offendersand clients (for an extended discussion,see Emerson and Messinger
[1972] and Freidson [19711). As Schutz pointed out (1962), typificationshelp to
routinizethe world in which we live. They epitomizethe routinegroundsof everyday
life; theyenable us to make limitedpredictions(projections) and thus to plan and to
act.

116

Making News by Doing Work

in
the solutionof practicaltasksor problemsat hand and are constituted
and groundedin everydayactivity.The use of "typification"
connotesan
in their everydaycontext;
attemptto place informants'
classifications
typifications
are embeddedin and take theirmeaningfromthe settingsin
whichtheyare used and the occasionsthat prompttheiruse.7 (Anthropologistsuse "componential
analysis"to discovermeaningin context[see
Tyler 1969,pp. 255-88, 396-432].)
TYPIFICATIONS

OF NEWS

Because typifications
are embeddedin practicaltasks in everydaylife,
hownewsmendecreasethevariability
theyprovidea keyto understanding
of eventsas the raw materialof news. This sectionargues that news
routinizethe processingof seemingly8
organizations
unexpectedeventsby
thatreflect
themalongdimensions
typifying
practicaltasksassociatedwith
theirwork.These tasks are relatedto both organizational
structureand
in table 1, newsmen's
themannerin whichan eventoccurs.As summarized
TABLE 1
PRACTICAL
ISSUES IN TYPIFYINGNEWS*

Typification

Soft news ..............

Hard news .............
Spot news ............
Developing news ......
Continuingnews ......

How Is
an Event
Scheduled?

Nonscheduled
Unscheduledand
prescheduled
Unscheduled
Unscheduled
Prescheduled

Does
Is
Technology
Dissemination
Affect
Urgent?
Perception
?

Are Future
Predictions
Facilitated?

No

No

Yes

Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes

Sometimes
No
Yes
No

Sometimes
No
No
Yes

* As WMcKinney
and Bourque note (1972, p. 232), typifications
are flexibleand undergocontinual
transformation.
Technically,then,as notedby Lindsay Churchill(personalcommunication),
recording
in this mannertransforms
typifications
them into componentsof a typology.

distinctions
betweenhardnewsand softnewsreflectquestionsof scheduling; the newsmen'sdistinctions
betweenspot news and developingnews
pertainto the allocationof resourcesand vary in theirapplicationac7 Schutz's (1962) use of the term "typification"is slightlydifferent
from that used
here. In some contexts,Schutz uses the term "category" to apply to social science
constructs.At other times,he refersto categoriesas a subtype of typificationwhose
application depends upon the specificityof the phenomenonbeing typed. Another
attemptto grapple with some of these issues may be found in McKinney (1970).

Inasmuch as unexpectedevents can be recognizedas such, they must themselvesbe

typifiedin some way. If they can be recognizedand accordinglytypified,they are
not "completely"unexpected.So, one must speak of "seemingly"unexpectedevents.
8

117

AmericanJournalof Sociology
cordingto the technologybeing used; and the typification
"continuing
news" is based upon problemsin predicting
the courseof events-as-news.
Hard News: The Flow of News Workand Scheduling
As previouslynoted,"quickeningurgency"is the "essenceof news." Because it is timelyand urgent,hard news "demands"speed,especiallyin
gathering
"facts"and meetingdeadlines.Both Breed (1955) and I (1972)
have describedtheseprocesses.We stressedthat the need forspeed is so
overarching
that it influences
characteristics
of news stories.If newsmen
do notworkquickly,thehardnewsstorywillbe obsoletebeforeit can be
in today's newscastor in the newspapersold tomorrow.9
distributed
As
Park wrote (Park and Burgess 1967, p. 19), old news is "mere information."
In contrast,softnewsstoriesdo not need to be "timely."The Sunday
newspaper
is paddedwithfeaturestoriesabout eventsthatoccurredearlier
in the week. Because they are concernedwith "timeliness,"newsmen
make finedistinctions.
They explain that some kinds of content(hard
newsstories)becomeobsoletemorequicklythanothers(softnewsitems).
This distinction
is based upon the distribution
of nonscheduled,
prescheduled, and unscheduledeventsas hard news and as softnews.
A nonscheduled
event-as-news
is an eventwhosedate of dissemination
as news is determined
by the newsmen.A prescheduledevent-as-news
is
an eventannouncedfora futuredate by its convenors;newsof the event
is to be disseminated
the day it occursor the day after.An unscheduled
event-as-news
is an eventthat occursunexpectedly;news of it is to be
disseminated
thatday or the day after.The typeof schedulingcharacteristicof an event-as-news
affectsthe organization
of work.
Most hard news storiesconcernprescheduledevents (a debate on a
legislativebill) or unscheduledevents (a fire). Newsmendo not decide
whenstoriesabout prescheduledand unscheduledevents-as-news
are to
be disseminated.
Newsmendo decidewhen to gather"facts" and to disseminateaccountsand explanationsof nonscheduledhard news stories.
Nonscheduledhard news storiestend to involveinvestigative
reporting.
The publicationof the PentagonPapers by the New York Times is an
exampleof a nonscheduled
hardnewsstory,forthe Timesheld the papers
threemonthsbeforeit publishedextracts,digests,and analysesof them.
Processingnonscheduled
stories,the newsorganization
controlsthe timing
and flowof work.
9 Some events-as-stories,
especiallyspot news, appear on newscastsbefore they reach
the morning newspapers. However, I frequently observed television newswriters
churningout a script while reading a newspaper.Morning newspapersalso serve as
sources of ideas for eveningnewscasts.

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Making News by Doing Work

Membersof the newsenterprise
almostalways controlthe timingand
flowof workrequiredto processsoftnewsstories.Few softnews stories
concernunscheduledevents,as indicatedby the previouslist of feature
stories.Anotherexampleis "The Man in the News" series run by the
New York Times. Like the obituariesof famousmen and women,the
"facts" can be gathered,writtenup, and editedin anticipationof future
dissemination.
Prescheduled
softnewsalso includessuchannual"February
stories"as an item appropriateto Washington'sbirthday,anotherfor
Lincoln'sbirthday,and a thirdforValentine'sDay. A reportermay be
assignedto thesestoriesdays in advance,and the specificinformation
to
be includedin thestorymaybe gathered,written,
and editeddays before
its eventualdissemination.
Of course,thereare exceptionsto these rules.But news organizations
handlethoseexceptionsin a mannerthatconservesmanpowerand retains
controlof the flowof news work.For instance,"facts" to be used in a
featurestoryabout the atmosphere
at an important
trialcannotbe gathin
ered advance.Nor can featureinformation
about an unscheduledevent,
such as a fire,be gatheredin advance. However,the impact of these
events-as-feature
storiesupon the allocationof manpoweris minimal.In
the firstcase, a reporter
may be assignedto writethe "featureangle" of
the trialseveraldays in advanceand his namestrickenfromthe rosterof
reportersavailable to cover the fast-breaking
news of the day. In the
second case, the same persongenerallyreportson both the hard-news
"fire"and its soft-newsangle, so that the news organizationconserves
manpower.
In general,thedistinction
betweenhardnewsand softnewsas typificationsreflectsa practicaltask in news organizations:schedulingworkin
relationto boththe way an event-as-story
happensand the way in which
a storyis to be processedand disseminated.
Spot News: AllocatingResourcesand Dealing withTechnology10
Governingthe flowof news work,like the organizationof most work,
involvesmorethanscheduling.It also involvesthe allocationof resources
Some might argue that other organizationalvariables, such as size, interorganizational relationships,and market structureinfluencethe allocation of resources as
much as or more than technologydoes. To be sure, marketsare of some relevance.
medium. But, as indicated elsewhere (TuchTelevision is primarilyan entertainment
man 1969), technologyappears to determinethe size of the general-newsorganization,
the work needed to processa story,and the relationshipbetween a news organization
agency.For instance,althoughboth the newsand a more centralizednews-processing
paper and the television station subscribe to Associated Press reports, only the
electronicmedium has the capability of disseminatinginformationat the same time
as a more central news-processingagency,in its case, the network with which it is
affiliated.
Similarly,one need not have filmof an event,such as a plane crash,to interrupt programmingand announce this "newsworthyevent."
10

119

AmericanJournalof Sociology
and the controlof work throughprediction.To cope with these tasks,
amongspot news,developingnews, and continuing
newsmendistinguish
news.
Spot newseventsare unscheduled;theyappear suddenlyand mustbe
by informants
indiprocessedquickly.The examplesof spot newsoffered
For inevent-as-news.
cate that spot news is the specifically
unforeseen
stance,althoughthe newsmenmay anticipatethe probabilityof a fire,
predictwhereand when a firewill start.This
theycannotspecifically
some eventsaffectsthe
inabilityto make a specificpredictionconcerning
firestartsclose to deadline,informaflowof newswork.If a three-alarm
tion mustbe gatheredand editedmorequicklythan usual to meet that
deadline.If a majorfirestarts50 milesfromthecityroom,transportation
problemsinfluencethe timeneededto gatherand to process"facts" and
the allocationof resourcesto coverthe fire.
so influences
in the typification
Some eventsthatnewsmennominateformembership
"spot news" are of such importancethat newsmentryto createa stable
to anticipatethem.(For a discussionof the newsman's
social arrangement
see Tuchman [1969].) This takes place even if the
view of importance,
thattheeventwilloccuris minute.For instance,the citydesk
probability
aroundtheclockin case a spot newsevent
of mostmajordailiesis staffed
shouldoccur.The New York TimesLondon Bureau processesand relays
regionsof the world because the
internationalstories fromfar-flung
Londontimezone enablesbureaumembersto get a jump on the schedules
in theNew York timezone (Adler 1971). The president
ofpeopleworking
should
of the UnitedStatesis covered24 hoursa day in case something
such as
happen to him. Continuallycreatingstable social arrangements
theseto cope withspotnewsrequiresbothextendedallocationof resources
(assigninga staffmemberto sit at thecitydesk all night)and immediate
reallocationof resources(pullinga reporteroffanotherstoryif and as
necessary).
As one mightexpect fromfindingsthat the organizationof work is
(Hage and Aiken1969; Perrow1967; Thompby its technology
influenced
son 1967), the allocationof resourcesin the newspapernewsroomwas
fromthe allocationof resourcesin the televisionnewsroom.At
different
the newspaper,at least threeof the 20-personstaffof generalreporters
Usually,
and rewrite
menwerein thecityroomfrom8 A.M. untilmidnight.
by
to
them
copy
phoned
rewrote
by
telephone,
minor
stories
covered
they
scatteredin smalltownsaroundthestate,and wroteobitucorrespondents
aries.To someextent,thisworkis essential:the itemsproducedfillsmall
holesin thenewspaperand are supposedto be of interestto somereaders.
To some extent,it is busyworkto alleviatethe boredomof sittingand
unforeseen
eventto happen.If needed,though,
waitingfora specifically
was availableto coverspotnews.
thisreservepersonnel
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Making News by Doing Work

The televisionstationhad fewreservereporters
and no reservecameramen,exceptfrom4 P.M. to 6 P.M. and from9:30 P.M. until11:00 P.M. At
thesetimes,reporters
and cameramen,
bringingtheirfilmto be processed,
had generallyreturnedfromtheirassignments.
They wouldwait eitherto
covera spotnewsstoryor to go offshift.Shoulda specifically
unforeseen
eventoccurat any othertimeof day, thestationhad to (1) pay overtime,
(2) pull a reporterand a cameramanfroma less importantstorythey
werealreadycovering,(3) pull a cameramanfroma "silentfilmstory"he
was coveringby himself,(4) hirea free-lance
cameraman,(5) pull a staff
announcerfromhis routineduties,such as readingstationidentification,
or (6) assigna newswriter
to act as reporter
aftergainingpermission
from
the appropriateunions. The alternative(s) chosen dependedupon the
specificsituation.
Two pointsconcerning
thesearrangements
are of particularpertinence.
First,newsmenstressthatcreatingand recreating
stablesituationsto cope
withspotnewsis a continual,ongoingprocess.As theydiscussit, it seems
morelike a battle.Second,the natureof thosecreatedsituationsdepends
upon the technology
used by the medium.
DevelopingNews: Technologyand the Perceptionof Events
Practicalproblemsof dealing with a technologyare so importantthat
theyevenaffectthe newsman'sperceptionof a spot newsstory,especially
whetherhe will apply the typification
"developingnews" to an event-asstory.In the case of developingnews,technology
providesa lens through
whichevents-as-news
are perceived.
Developingnews concerns"emergentsituations"(for a discussionof
emergentsituations,see Bucher [1957]), as indicatedby the following
prototypical
example.A plane crashes.Althoughthiseventis unexpected,
thereare,nonetheless,
limitations
upon the"facts"it can possiblycontain.
The newsmenwouldnot expectto runa storystatingthat thosereported
dead have come to life. Nor would they expect to run a reportof an
denialthata crashoccurred.The "facts"of the newsstoryare: a
official
planecrashedat 2:00 P.M., in Ellen Park,whenan enginecaughtfireand
anotherwentdead, damagingtwohouses,killingeightpeopleand injuring
Since the plane crash
an additional15 persons.All else is amplification.
werenot presentto record"facts"
was specifically
unexpected,reporters
and as more information
"accurately.""Facts" must be reconstructed,
becomesknown,the "facts"willbe more"accurate."Althoughthe actual
eventremainsthesame,theaccountof the eventchanges,or as thenewsmenput it, "the storydevelops."Ongoingchangesof thissortare called
"developingnews.""
"1Although newsmenonly single out this type of news as being subject to ongoing

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
Most spot news storiesare developingnews. Since both presentintertend to use the termsinterrelatedworkdemands,the newspapermen
Televisionnewsmenuse theterm"developingnews"in a more
changeably.
somestoriesas spotnewsthatnewspapermanner:theyidentify
restricted
menterm"developingnews."This variationoccursbecauseof thediffering
associatedwiththe two media.'2The processof coveringthe
technologies
practical
death of Martin Luther King-an event that raised different
problemsforthe two local media-illustratesthis variation."3
King'sinjuryand subsequentdeathwerelabeled
At thelocal newspaper,
A
"developingnews." continualflowof updatedcopy needededitingand
"demanded"constantrevisionof theplannedformat.The executiveeditor
learnedof the attemptedassassinationand plotteda formatforthe front
page. King's conditionwas reportedas "grave" by the wireservices,and
includingstoriesabout othertopicsabove
the editordrewanotherformat,
thefoldon page one. A wireservicebulletinreportedKing to be dead; all
otherstorieswererelegatedbelowthe fold.Everystoryon page 1 needed
size of type,and lead paragraphsof some
a new headlineof a different
storieshad to be resetinto smallertype.Inside pages werealso affected.
The televisionnetworkwithwhichtheobservedlocal stationis affiliated
it inter.
reportedon King's conditionas a developingstory.Periodically,
ruptedprogramsto presentbulletins.But, thiswas a spot newsstoryfor
Obviously,theformatof the 11 P.M.
station'spersonnel.
thelocal television
newscastwas modifiedearly in the evening.Because of the network's
bulletins,thestoryabout King (whateverit mighthave turnedout to be)
had to be the program'slead. At the newspaper,the productionmanager
bemoanedthe need to resetthe frontpage threetimes,
and compositors
in the story.All production
a majordevelopment
each resetaccompanying
in producstaffworkedovertime.At the televisionstation,readjustments
the network
tion plans meantless work,not more.By prearrangement,
preemptedthe firstfewminutesof the late eveningnewscastto tell the
the same fiveminutessomemonthsearlier
story,just as it had preempted
to reportthedeathof threeastronauts.
change,phenomenologicaltheorieswould insistthat this processis ongoingfor all kinds
of news at all times.Sufficeit to say that developingnews providesa particularlyclear
example of indexicality(for an explicationof indexicality,see Garfinkel[19671 and
Wilson [1970]).
Epstein (personal communication) notes an additional problem that
12Howard
developing news poses for newspapers,the point at which to "break" a story for
successiveeditions.For instance,should one hold the mail edition for fifteenminutes
to includethe start of a speech or should one hold the start of the speech for inclusion
in the later home-deliveryedition. Television competitionmakes this decision more
difficultand somewhat "meaningless,"for whatever the newspaper editors decide to
do, the televisionnewscastmay carrythe speech first.
13 I observed coverage of King's death at the newspaper.Activitiesat the television
station are reconstructedfromthe televisionnewsmen'ssubsequent accounts.

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Making News by Doing Work

The degreeto whichresourcesmust be reallocatedto meet practical
exigenciesand the way reallocationis accomplisheddependsupon both
the eventbeingprocessedand the mediumprocessingit. The technology
used by a specificmediumdoes morethan"merely"influence
the ways in
whichresourcesare allocated.It influencesthe typification
of event-asnewsor how thatnewsstoryis perceivedand classified.
Continuing
News: Controlling
WorkthroughPrediction
Spot news and developingnews are constitutedin work arrangements
intendedto cope withthe amountof information
specifically
predictable
beforean eventoccurs.This information
is slightor nonexistent,
because
the eventsare unscheduled.In contrast,continuingnews facilitatesthe
controlof work,for continuingnews eventsare generallyprescheduled.
Prescheduling
is implicitin the newsmen'sdefinition
of continuingnews
as a "seriesof storieson the same subject based upon eventsoccurring
overa periodof time."'14This definition
impliesthe existenceof prescheduled change.For instance,the accountof the progressof a legislativebill
throughCongressis an accountof a seriesof eventsfollowing
one another
in a continualtemporalsequence.An eventoccurring
at any specificpoint
in the sequencebears consequencesforanticipatedevents.
Because theyare prescheduled,
continuingnews storieshelp newsmen
and newsorganizations
to regulatetheirownactivities;theyfreenewsmen
to deal withthe exigenciesof the specifically
Take that legisunforeseen.
lativebill. It is to be channeledthroughthe House, the Senate,and the
To coverthisseriesof events-as-news,
executiveoffice.
the newsmanmust
be familiarwith the legislativeprocess.Such familiarity
may even be
viewedas part of his "professional
stockof knowledgeat hand" (a term
discussedby Schutz [1962,vol. 2, pp. 29 ff.]).He knowstheideas ofpertinentcommittee
members,
as well as the distribution
of powerwithinthe
House committee,
theSenatecommittee,
and theSenateas a whole.In addition,he also knowstheprogressbeingmadeby otherlegislativebills.With
thiscumulativestockof knowledgeat hand,he may not onlypredictthe
bill'seventualdisposition,
thespecificroutethrough
thelegislative
including
process (this bill will be boggeddown in the House Ways and Means
Committee),but also, he can weighthe need to coverthisbill on any one
day againstthe need to coveranotherbill forwhichhe had comparable
information.
The newsman's"expert"or "professional"
stockof knowledge
at handpermitshim,othernewsmen,
and his newsorganization
to control
workactivities.
This matterof controlis a key themein the studyof work,forthere
An issue beyond the scope of this paper arises: how do newsmendecide that two
events are about the "same topic"?

14

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
is alwaystoo muchworkto be done. In newswork,no matterhow many
may be assignedto a legislature
reporters
fromany one newsorganization
or to workat a specificbeat or bureau,newsmen(and newsorganizations)
are inundatedwithmoreworkthan theycan do. There are so manybills
hearings,so manyminuteyetpotenbeingintroduced,
so manycommittee
of power.In a sense,
in the distribution
tiallyimportantreadjustments
by choosingto coverseveral
thenewsmenmakemoreworkforthemselves
storiesin a cursorymannerratherthan coveringone storyintensively.
forthe newsmanwantsto turnin
Certainly,such a practiceis tempting,
much
moreeasilyby skimming
as
copyas possibleand thisis accomplished
thesurfaceof manystoriesthanby diggingdowna potential"blindalley"
The latteralternative
to provideintensivecoverageof one event-as-news.
is made evenless appealingby thepossibilitythatthe newsdesk will dishappens to storiesabout
as frequently
miss the storyas "illegitimate,"
and
the newsdesk,the beat reporters,
social movements.
More important,
inundatedby largerand largerbatches
the newsbureausare increasingly
of news releases.Most of thesecan lay claim to beinga legitimatehard
newsstory.As I have discussedelsewhere(1972), hard newsis "factual"
and newsmenare learyof newsanalysis.As a resultof thisemphasisupon
-"facts,"newsmeninterpret
the increasingpiles of news releasesas more
and morestoriesforthemto cover.
story(whether
Beingable to predictthe futurecoverageof a continuing
it concernsa bill,a trial,or a new economicpolicy) enablesan editor,a
bureauchief,and, ultimately,
a newsmanto decidewhereto go and what
to do on any one crowdedday. Also, the abilityto predicthelps the individualnewsmanto sortout whichreportorial
techniqueto use on various
stories.For instance,drawingupon the collectiveprofessionalstock of
he can decidewhichof today'sassignments
knowledge
sharedby newsmen,
which
requirehis presenceat hearings,whichcan be coveredby telephone,
can be reconstructed
and which
throughinterviews
withkey informants,
"merely"requirehim to stick his head througha door to confirmthat
"everything"
is as anticipated.The abilityto predictenables the news
in
organization generaland a reporterin particularto make choicesand
still accomplishsuch mundanebut routinelynecessarytasks as chatting
withpotentialnewssources.
The continuing
newsstoryis a boon to thenewsman'sabilityto control
and so to dissipatefutureproblems
his ownwork,to anticipatespecifically
eventsintoa routine.The newsman'sand thenewsorganizaby projecting
storiesroutinelyby predictingfuture
tion'sabilityto processcontinuing
outcomesenablesthe news organizationto cope withunexpectedevents.
editorto state,"Joe Smithwill
At theveryleast,it enablesan assignment
not be availableto coverspot newsstoriesa week fromTuesday,because
news typifiesevents
he will be coveringthe X trial."In sum,continuing
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Making News by Doing Work

as rawmaterialsto be specifically
plannedforin advance,and thistypificationis constituted
in practicaltasksat work.
An AdditionalIssue: The Typification
"What-a-Story!"
The discussioninsistently
suggeststhat newsmentypifyevents-as-news
to transform
theproblematic
eventsof theeverydayworldinto raw material whichcan be subjectedto routineprocessingand dissemination.
As
summarized
in table 1, typifications
are constituted
in practicalproblems
posedby events-as-news.
They imposeorderupon eventsas the rawmaterial of newsand thusreducethe variabilityof eventsas the raw material
of news.Also,theprocessof typifying
channelsthe newsmen'sperceptions
of the "everydayworldas phenomenon."'15
That typifications
channelperceptions
raisesanotherissue.As indicated
by recentresearch(Sudnow1965; Cicourel1968; McKinneyand Bourque
1972), peopleand groupstypifyand take forgrantedbackgroundfeatures
in orderto operatein everydaylife. But thosesame backgroundfeatures
can cause problemsspecifically
because theyare takenforgranted.That
is, a systemof typification
can neverbe all inclusive;it continuallyrequiresreadjustment
(Schutz 1962; Wilson1970; McKinneyand Bourque
1972). Typifications
can even be seductive.For instance,facedwiththe
need to predictand to plan, the newsmenmay be seducedinto applying
what everyoneknows,that is, what all newsmencollectivelyagree upon
(see Tuchman1972; Schutz1962,vol. 1, p. 75). Havinga collectivestock
of knowledgeat hand and a systemof typification
partiallybased in the
utilityof known-in-detail
prediction,newsmenmay predictinaccurately.
The Wilson-Heathand Dewey-Trumanelectionsare classic examplesof
such "inaccurateprediction."'16
15 Zimmerman and Pollner (1970) raise similar issues regarding the sociologist's
treatmentof the "everyday world as phenomenon," although Luckmann (1972)
correctlypoints out that, technically,the everydayworld is not a "phenomenon."
16 It is temptingto identify"inaccurate predictions"as mistakes."Mistake" is a lay
term (Hughes 1964). As Bucher and Stelling (1971) argue, this notion is cast aside in
the course of professionalsocialization to be replaced by concepts emphasizingthe
processof doing work. Given evidenceof inaccuratecollectivepredictions,the newsmen
essentiallyargue: we are specialists in knowing, gatheringand processing"general
knowledge" (Kimball 1967). If and when our predictionsare collective, they are
necessarilyaccurate,for they are based upon shared expertise.The newsmencontinue:
since our stock of knowledgeis necessarilycorrect,the situationis in "error."That is,
the situationchanged in a way we could not anticipate.The post hoc explanationof
Heath's "surprise victory" over Wilson, offeredin the daily press, supports this
Scared by
interpretation:confidentof victory,Wilson did not campaign sufficiently.
accounts he was the underdog,Heath made a special effortto win. A similarprocess,
dependentupon knowledge in detail, might also explain Agnes's ability to con. her
doctors (Garfinkel1967, pp. 116-85, 285-88). Given theirstock of knowledgeat hand,
the correctdosages
the doctorsassumed it was impossiblefor a boy to self-administer
of the correct hormones at just the right time to interferewith "normal" sexual
development.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
requiremajor unplannedalteraInaccuratelypredictedevents-as-news
tionsin workprocesses.Like spot news,theyare unscheduledand specifiLike developingnews, they are perceivedthroughthe
cally unforeseen.
lens of a specifictechnology.Like continuingnews, they involveboth
and predictionof an eventas a memberof a chain of events.
postdiction
They challengeknowledgeand routinesthat newsmentake for granted.
Newsmencope withthe problemsof inaccuratelypredictedeventsby
is conThis typification
invokinga special typification-"what-a-story!"
thatare routinely
made to cope with
stitutedin theunusualarrangements
That newsmentypifytheseeventsemphasizesthe cena "what-a-story!"
to theirworkand the degreeto whichtypifications
tralityof typification
in theirwork.
are constituted
is itselfroutineis
the degreeto whichthis typification
Symbolically,
mannerin whichverbal and noncapturedby the almoststereotypical
of "Whata story!" "What"is
verbalgesturesaccompanythepronunciation
emphasized.The speakerprovidesadditionalemphasisby speakingmore
slowlythan usual. The speakeradds yet moreemphasisby noddinghis
head slowly,whilesmilingand rubbinghis hands together.
Hollywoodportraysthe relativelyrare "what-a-story"
Stereotypically,
as theroutineof the"excitingworldof news."The editorin chiefrollsup
his sleevesand writesheadlines;the copyboy getshis "big break" and is
sentto covera majorassignment;someonecries,"Stop the presses!"
are routinely
the extentto whichunusualarrangements
Sociologically,
is illustrated
by the reactionof newsmade to cope witha "what-a-story"
to PresidentJohnson'sspeechof March31, 1968. Learnpaperinformants
the
thathe would not run forreelection,
ing of Johnson'sannouncement
routinesto handle
newsmenimmediatelyinstitutedtaken-for-granted
and referred
to similarsituationsin thepast.
the"what-a-story"
Johnson'sspeech was prescheduled;the newspaper,like other news
media,had an advancecopyof the textthatomitted,of course,Johnson's
As Johnson
thathe wouldnot runforreelection.
"surpriseannouncement"
spoke on televisionof the deescalationof Americanbombing,the men
reactionsof politicalleadersto the
awaitedcompanionstoriesconcerning
so-calledbombinghalt.These wereto be sentby thewireservices.A preliminaryformathad been drawnfor page 1. The lead storyabout the
militarysituation(the "bombinghalt") had been headlinedand edited
and was beingset into type.Page 1 was also to includea politicalstory,
about the 1968 election.Severalotherassessments
notplacedprominently,
of the politicalsituationhad alreadybeen set into type,includingcolumnists' analyses of the 1968 presidentialelectionto be printedon the
editorialpage and thepage oppositethe editorialpage, a politicalcartoon
showingJohnsonspeakingon the telephoneand saying"Yes, Bobby,"and
a small storyspeculatingwhetherRobert Kennedywould join Eugene
126

Making News by Doing Work

McCarthyin challenging
the presidentas a candidateforthe Democratic
nomination.
The newspaperwas in good shape forthe firsteditiondeadline, 11:00 P.M.
And thenit happened:bedlam.A prescheduled
announcement
concerningthecontinuing
"Vietnamproblem"and warranting
a limitedamountof
politicalspeculationturnedintoa majorsurpriseof military,
political,and
diplomaticimportance.
An excitedassistantcityeditorran,shouting,into
the cityroomfrombeforethe televisionset of the newspaper'sentertainmentcritic.His actionwasperhapsmoreunprecedented
thanthepresident's
announcement.17
The telephoneof theassistantmanagingeditorrang.The
managingeditorwas callingto discusscoverageof thespeech.The assistant
managingeditorautomaticallysaid "Hello, Ted," beforehe had even
heardthevoiceon theotherend.18
It wouldbe impossibleto describethe amountof revisionaccomplished
in a remarkably
brieftimeas telephonedreporters,
volunteering
editors,
and moundsof wireservicecopypouredintothenewsroom.
But the commentsof editorsand reporters
are telling.Liftingtheirheads to answer
telephones,bark orders,and clarifythem,the editorsperiodicallyannounced,"What a story!. . . the storyof the century. . . whata night;
whata night. . . whowouldhave believedit . . . there'sbeennothinglike
it since Coolidgesaid, 'I will not run.'"
These remarks
are telling.First,theyrevealtheextentto whichtypification is based upon taken-for-granted
assumptions.For the newspaper's
top politicalreporter,when coveringthe New Hampshireprimary,had
offered
to bet anyonethatJohnsonwouldnot runforreelection.Few had
takenhis bet, and theyhad takenit foronly $1.00, because it wouldbe
like "takingmoneyfroma baby.''19
17The newsmenwere particularlyproud of the quiet that dominated the newsroom.
One editor, who had worked at the New York Times, claimed the news of D-Day
spread throughthe Times' city room in whispers.
18 Neitherthis incident,nor the previous one were witnessed.They were reportedto
newsmenas the evening progressed.Afterfinishingdinner with
me by five different
his family,the managing editor routinelycalled the assistant managing editor each
eveningto check on how the newspaperwas shaping up. He had already called before
Johnsonspoke.
19 This event-as-newsis also discussed in Tuchman (1972), and similar stories concerning the assumptions about Johnson's candidacy made by newsmen based in
Washington,D.C., have circulatedin the mass media. A question asked by Kurt H.
Wolff(personal communication)promptsme to note a more technicalinterpretation
of the "what-a-story."One mightsay that the contentof the "what-a-story"challenges
notionsof the social world so much that it threatens
the newsmen'staken-for-granted
theirabilityto maintainthe "natural attitude." (Schutz [1962, vol. 1, pp. 208-29] provides an extensiveexplicationof the "natural attitude.") The routinesused to process
a "what-a-story"may then be seen as the process throughwhich newsmenwork to
reestablishthe natural attitude.Another approach is also possible. The five typifications previouslydiscussed enable the newsmento process other people's emergencies.

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AmericanJournalof Sociology
Second,the remarksemphasizethe degreeto whichworkroutineswere
routinelyaltered.Johnson'sspeechof March 31 was said to requirereassessingthe militarysituationin Vietnam,reassessingthe diplomatic
situationvis-a-visVietnam,especiallythe possibilityof successfulpeace
talks, and reassessingthe politicalsituationin the United States. The
managingeditorand the assistantmanagingeditorspecifically
alertedthe
copyboysto watchthenewsservicescarefullyforanalysesof thesetopics.
Withoutbeing notified(althoughnotifications
eventuallycame), they
"knewto expect"analysesof thesetopics.In addition,handlingthe story
of the allocarequireda substantiveamountof revisionand readjustment
tionof resources.Significantly,
all the editorstookforgrantedthe nature
of those readjustments.
No discussionwas requiredto decide which
would come back to work.Only mninor
discussionwas
politicalreporters
wouldbe asked to return
requiredto decidewhichof thegeneralreporters
to workfromtheirhomes.
Third, the analogy to Coolidge (the editorwho mentionedCoolidge
thoughttheothersmightbe too youngto remember
him) alertedthestaff
to an unusualroutine.That is, rulesgoverning
the coverageof a "what-astory" were invokedby citinganother"what-a-story."
Indeed, the invocationof Coolidgeinvolvesan implicitcall to reducethe variabilityof
is
eventsas the raw materialof news, for it states,this event-as-news
"like" thatone fromyearsago.
Finally,the degreeto whichan individual"what-a-story"
is typified
and, thus, routine,is indicated by the assistant managingeditor's
reference
to previous"what-a-story(s)."He rejectedan offerto help from
anothereditor,recallingthatthateditorhad beenmoreof a hindrancethan
a help in processing
a previous"what-a-story."
Some monthslater,trying
to decidethesize of typeto be used in a headlineabout RobertKennedy's
death,he thoughtback to Christmasand explained,"What a year! What
a year.
The Tet offensive,
Johnson'sspeech,King's death . . . now
this."20
When faced with a "what a story," newsmen are themselvesplaced in a state of
emergency.That they immediatelyinvoke routinesto handle the "what-a-story"again
stressesthe use of typificationgroundedin routineto accomplish practical tasks. In
this case, the task mightbe simultaneouslyprocessinginformationand workingone's
way out of an organizationalemergency.
treated as a "what-a-story."At the time, news20King's death was retrospectively
men greetedit with head shakingdevoid of glee, and some quietlydiscussedthe racism
of otherstaffmembers.The extentto which a "what-a-story"is subject to routineis
forcefullyindicated by an incident at the televisionstation on the day of Robert
Kennedy'sdeath. Most newsmenwere called into work at 6:00 A.M. Several were not,
so they would still be freshfor the 11:00 P.M. newscast.Coming to work in the midafternoon,one newsman asked an early morningarrival, "Did we gather the usual
reaction?" (emphasis added). Then, he indicated his realization that this question
would seem crass to an outsiderby asking me not to include his question in my field
notes.

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Making News by Doing Work

thatnewsmentypifyevents-asaffirms
"what-a-story"
The typification
newsin ways thatreflectpracticalissuesof newsworkand thatdecrease
the variabilityof eventsas the raw materialprocessedby newsmenand
fornewsof typification,
theimportance
It also affirms
newsorganizations.
to cope withthe "routinelynonroutine."
meninvokea specialtypification
is constituted
newsmenuse, this typification
Like the othertypifications
in practicaltasks-in work.
CONCLUSION

To answerthe questionof how an organizationcan processinformation

about unexpectedevents,I have examinedthe categoriesnewsmenuse to
betweenand amongkinds
Based upondistinctions
describeevents-as-news.
decreasethe
of newscontent,thenewsmen'scategoriesneithersignificantly
of eventsas therawmaterialof news,norexplainthenewsmen's
variability
the same classifications
activities. However, viewed as typifications,
can
of theraw materialof news.News organizations
reducethevariability
and disasters,
unexpectedevents,includingemergencies
processseemingly
by the mannerin whichtheyhappen
because theytypifyevents-as-news
"this mannerof happening"holds for
and in termsof the ramifications
is anchoredin a basic
of work.Each of the typifications
theorganization
issue concerningthe controlof work. Further,the newsorganizational
the everydayworld.They constructand
reconstitute
men's typifications
social realityby establishingthe contextin which social
reconstruct
phenomenaare perceivedand defined.
To some extent,the approachused herehas rootsin past researchon
the workof Lang and Lang (1953, 1968). However,it
news,particularly
forpast researchemphasizesthe notion
providesan essentialmodification,
"distortion."As Shibutani(1966) impliesin his seminalworkon rumor,
the concept"distortion"is alien to the discussionof sociallyconstructed
realities.Each socially constructedrealitynecessarilyhas meaningand
significance(Berger and Luckmann 1967; Schutz 1962). Elsewhere
(1973), I have argued that "distortion"is itselfa sociallyconstructed
of realitythroughredefinition,
reconsideration,
concept.The construction
indiis an ongoingprocess.The newsmen'stypifications
and reaccounting
but rather
cate thatit mightbe valuableto thinkof newsnotas distorting,
as reconstituting
the everydayworld.
the
presentedhere,whencomparedto the Molotch
arguments
Second,
findings,suggesta tantalizingpossibility:
(1957)
and
Bucher
(1970)
not only react to and characterize
and
organizations
groups,
individuals,
whathas happened,but also theymay typifyevents
eventsby typifying
maybe the
theway "things"happen.Of particularimportance
by stressing
way eventsmay be practicallymanaged,altered,or projectedinto the
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AmericanJournalof Sociology
future.Recentworkon deviance(Emersonand Messinger1972) and the
recentattemptsof Molotchand Lester (1972) to analyze public events
suggeststhat such an approachmay cut across areas of sociologicalinfruitful.
quiryand so provetheoretically
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