Assignment

On
Political Drift of Bangladesh from 1972-1977

Course No: 307

Submitted to
Professor Dr. Raqiba Yasmin
Department of Politics and
Public Administration
Islamic University
Kushtia.

Submitted By,
Tarek Hossain
Roll No :1208020
Session: 2012-2013
Dept. of Politics & public
Administration
Islamic university
Kushtia
0

Contents

Introduction . 1
Constitution . 1
Party building .. 2
Mujibbad . 3
Growth of opposition to the Awami League Regime . 4
1973 elections at the National and Local levels ..... 5
The Local Bodies Elections, 19763 .... 7
Split in the AL and Political Crisis . 7
Frustrated Armed youth: A Challenged to the Awami League Regime ..8
Socialism in Bangladesh and the Mujib regime .. 8
Factionalism in the army: A threat to the Government ... 9
Corruption .. 10
The Second Revolution and the erosion of Democratic process .11
Emergence of Ziaur Rahman .. 12
Measures taken to attain legitimacy ... 13
Political party: An instrument of recruiting support for the Regime..... 14
References... 16

Introduction:
From the beginning of the Pakistan, many unsolved problems
presented there. The main problem was constitution. Beside these state
languages, distribution of government power between East and West
Pakistan was not seen. All the government high position was grabbed by
the West Pakistan political leaders.
East Pakistan got rid from these problems after liberation war of 1971.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the leader of Bangladesh took the government
power. He made a constitution within a year. And March 7, 1973 the first
general election in independent Bangladesh was held. Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman amended constitution few time. In a military intervention Sheikh
Mujib was killed with his whole family except Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh
Rehana.
After that event Ziaur Rahman took the power and tried to gain the mass
people support. For that Ziaur Rahman took many development programs
for the welfare of rural people.
Constitution:
One of the greatest achievements of the awami League regime in
its first twelve months in power was the successful completion of the task
of constitution. In his first conference in Dhaka, Mujib promised the
people an early constitutions.1
On March 23, the constitution assembly ordered was promulgated. On
April 10, the constitution Assembly net for two days and created a thirdfour members special committee headed by law minister Dr. Kamal
Hossain and entrusted with the task of drafting a constitution. One of the
reasons for this urgency was that the regime wanted to avoid the tragic
experience of the Pakistan period when a delay in constitution making led
to the loss of legitimacy of the Muslim League regime.2
The constitution was drafted within six months and it was passed by the
constituent assembly where the Awami League had an overwhelming
majority in record time. The constituent assembly met on October 12 and
it passed the constitution bill on November 4. The constitution became

effective on December 16- exactly a year after the liberation war of

Bangladesh.
The constitution faced little criticism in the constituent assembly since
there were only one opposition party members.3 The opposition outside
the Assembly was also mild as compared to the experience of the
Pakistan period. The major criticism center around four points: First, the
constitutional provisions regarding parliamentary supremacy and
discipline were criticized for aiming to create a unique system of
dictatorship by the prime minister,4 second, the extensive emergency
powers permitted in the constitution and the limitations put on the
fundamental rights by the emergency provisions led to the charge that the
document was intended for the perpetual emergency5 third, the
provision of indirect election for the ten women members of parliament
was criticized by the womens lobby as a regressive step; and finally, the
Socialist provision of constitution failed to satisfy the socialists who
thought that making socialism a part of the directive principles
enforceable in a court of law would not led to the establishment of
socialism in Bangladesh. One leading Bengali intellectual referred to the
constitution as a fundamental measure against socialism, democracy,
nationalism and secularism.6
The national Awami party, communist party, the national Awami party
(Bhashani) , the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal was come to a point that a bad
constitution was better that none at all.
Party building:
Sheikh Mijibur Rahman and Awami league had long been sensitive
to the need of strengthening the party organization. Even during the
liberation war, the Awami league government in exile was attention to the
partys interests. The Awami league tried to have total control over the
liberation war and movement. It formed a government-in-exile composed
only of Awami League and rejected the please of other parties specially of
the Mozaffar and bhashani factions of the National Awami party- to form
a national coalition. T the later stage of liberation movement, when
factional opposition to the Awami league became evident, the Awami
League created a special forced The Mujib Bahini composed of
youthful supporters of the party. This group, which was reportedly 60,000
3

to 70,000 strong was expected to lend support to the post liberation

period.
Following liberation, the Awami league again formed a party government
and from the beginning put priority on party building task. Within a
month after Mujib release in mid-February, the Awami league working
committee met in Dhaka and decided to separate the party organization
from the parliamentary party. This meant that ministers were barred from
holding any party office.8
But the factional fights within the Awami league compelled Mujib to
continue as party president. Consequently, in early April, the Awami
league council reversed its earlier decision and officially requested
Sheikh Mujib to continue in his office as well as to nominate the other
office bearer of the party.
Mujib choose to compromise candidate Zillur Rahman as the new general
secretary of the party. The organizational side of the party was left to the
young members especially to the two former student leaders- Tofail
Ahmed and Abdur Razzaq.
In reorganizing and revitalizing the party, the Awami league was
emphasizing two factors, i.e, the strengthening of the youth fronts and the
use of patronage. The Awami league used in the past and is still using its
student and labor front- for recruiting support for the former Mujib
bahini. In November started a new youth front called The Awami Juno
League and headed by Sheikh Mujib nephew, Moni.
Mujibbad:
Simply stated, Mujibbad stands for the four principles of the
nationalism, democracy, socialism and secularism which mujib claim to
be his ideals. The term Mujibbad was first coined by the Awami leagues
student League and it came to prominence in May when the students
League was split into two factions one supporting Mujibbad and the
others supporting scientific socialism. Form the student league the slogan
of Mujibbad was picked up the young leaders of the Awami league and
later by the party hierarchy. Mujibbad is proclaimed as the new ism
which seeks to correct the deficiencies of capitalism and communism.
The Bangladesh constitution incorporates the term to symbolize the
guiding principles of the states and it is like that the establishment of
4

Mujibbad will be one of the key election themes of the Awami league in
1973.
Already voluminous publications are coming out to explain Mujibbad.
This attempt to develop an ideology based on a personality cult. However
has hurt Mujibs image. By identifying the new political structure too
closely with his personality Mujib is held responsible for all the
deficiencies of the new system. Even the personal falling of te Awami
leagues are blame on Mujib and Mujibbad. Additionally this attend to
build a personality cult is reminiscent of the Ayub era hence is look upon
my as fascisistant.
Growth of opposition to the Awami League Regime:
After liberation, when the Awami league formed the government in
Bangladesh, it faced virtually no political opposition. The right wing
parties which had collaborated with the Pakistan Army during the
liberation war were banned. The left wing parties, which had supported
the liberation movement, allowed to function as indeed the communist
party opened its office in Dhaka with mass publicity. But these leftist
parties factionalized and weak. Sheikh Mujib leadership was
unquestioned, he was the Bango Bandhu (friend of Bengal) the Bango
pita (father of the Bengali nation). The opposition parties are developed
quickly, from the far left and the far right which of the regime
branded as naxalites and Rajakars. It was decided to root out both these
categories of opposition by force. Rokkhi bahini was formed in March by
the regime for the purpose of internal security. In March major Jalil, one
of the leaders of the Mukti bahini, was arrested for criticizing the role of
the Indian Army in Bangladesh. From May on the popular discontent
again the Awami league become more valuable and visible. The non
availability of essential goods, the corruption and nepotism of the Awami
league change of Indian influence in Bangladesh, in early 1972 it
appeared that the national Awami party which was pursuing a policy of
being responsible and respectable opposition would inherit.
The victory of its Student Union in the University election in May tended
to confirm this believes. But as discontent again the Awami league
maintained the nation Awami party failed to exploit popular feelings. By

the end of the year its policy B team caution metooism had earned it,
the nick name of the B team of the Awami league.
The initiative lost by the NAP (M) was taken up by the National Awami
party (Bhashani), a faction of the Awami leagues own studentsd league
and the Sramik league, which later formed a new party in October called
the Jatiya Samajantrik Dal (JSD). At the begin Bhashani supported Mujib
and his government. He took advantage of the first- rising anti Indian
feeling by calling for establishment of grater Bengal and Islamic
socialism.
In November, Bhashani formed an electional alliance with a number of
other small parties and factions including Ataur Rahoman National
league. Bhashani has announced his decision to contest the next election
and his aliens can be expected to draw some right wing parties support.
The party is composed of the dissident and radical factions of the Awami
leagues own students and labor fronts. The JDS also attracted Major Jalil
to its fold. It has not yet formed a party platform and still has to make up
its mind over whether or not to contest the next election. Both the
program and the organizational setup of the party and a decision of the
election are expected to be announced after the partys contention in late
December. But the party has managed to recruit the support of a vast
number of youth as is evidenced by their victory in different college
elections. This emphasis on youth and nationalism not doubt indicates
certain authoritarian tendencies and the JSD makes it clear that
democracy is not on its priority list. This National Awami party (M) and
the communist party are directed for too enthusiastically supporting the
Awami league.8
1973 elections at the National and Local levels:
With a view to overcoming the challenges put forward by the
opposition leader Mujib government declared a schedule for election at
national and local levels. On March 7, 1973 the first general election in
independent Bangladesh was held. In this election fourteen parties and
1078 candidates contested for 300 seats. In this election the AL won a
massive victory winning 292 seats out of the 300 in the JS. Other
opposition parties, NAP-(Bhashani), Muzaffar faction (NAP-M), Jatiya
League (JL) and Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) won one seat each and the
6

independent parties won five seats. The registered voter were 3,38,97,777
in 289 constituencies. Out of these in 289 constituencies 3,93,24,683
votes were polled and total 1,88,51,808 valid votes were polled
representing 55.62 percent of the total registered votes. In the election the
overall turnout of voters was 58 percent of the total registered voters but
this did not show wider participation of the people.9
Although in the general election the AL won an overcoming victory, it
was not a fair election. There were allegations of vote rigging in the
election.
Table 7: results of the first parliamentary General Election 1973
Name of the party
No. of seats No. of Percentage of
contested
Seats
votes Secured
Won
Awami League
300
292
73.17
National
Awami
party 223
1
4.29
(Mujaffar)
Jatiya samajtantrik Dal
236
1
4.30
Jatiya League
Not known 1
5.42
National
Awami
party 169
0
6.48
(Bhashani)
Independents and others
150
5
6.34
Total
1078
300
100.00
Sources: the Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka, 8-10, 1973

A survey was conducted by the present researcher over eight groups of

people and the number of the respondents was 400. Out of them 263 said
that, The Awami League followed an electional strategy of over killing
the opposition.10 Its policy of putting maximum pressure to win every
parliamentary seats virtually wiped out the opposition parties from the
parliament. Over the submission of nomination papers there was conflict
between the Awami League and other opposition parties. Ataur rahman
Khan of JL demanded the holding of free and fair poll in a fearless
atmosephere.11

The Local Bodies Elections, 19763:

During the Awami League regime condition at the rural areas
deteriorated. Decisions in local council were often conditioned by
personal and political considerations. And in the sphere of local
government , the Awami League could not build up an effective, coherent
and autonomous local institution.12
However, The Bangladesh election commission on October 31, 1973
announced the schedule for election to the union Parishad to be held from
December 19 to 30, 1973. On December 31, 1973 elections to Paurashava
were held. In the union parishad election a total number 1,57,488
candidates contested. Out of this number a total of 129 chairman, 134
vice chairman and 165 members were elected unopposed.
The Local bodies elections were apparently on a non party basis. In this
elections none of the opposition parties did show any interest participate.
Split in the AL and Political Crisis:
The Awami League was not a coherent organization. Factionalism
within the Awami League had its growth since its formation but after its
coming to power, personal and factional politics had a full sway over its
internal politics.
After the formation of Awami League government, the first and formost
controversies started among the Awami League leaders over the issue of
introducing socialism in the Republic.13
But the Awami League public commitment to socialism was a tactical
move to broaden its support base and strengthen the autonomy
movement. There was no consensus among the Awami League leaders on
this issue. The expediency of the situation rather forced the Awami
League to undertake socialist policies and programs. However the Awami
League government formed the 1972 constitution with socialist bias. The
constitution declared socialism ( along with nationalism, democracy, and
secularism) as one of the state policies. But they had no ideological
commitment to socialism. Their private habits and behavior were quite
contrary to their commitments. Many of Awami League leaders used the
slogan of socialism as a tactic to mobilize public opinion.14

Frustrated Armed youth: A Challenged to the Awami League

Regime:
A real challenged to the Awami League regime was however, from
the vast number of frustrated armed youth who were radicalized by the
training during the liberation war but had no precise ideological
commitment. The alienation of the youth may yet spell disaster for the
Awami Leagues system.15
Bangladesh liberation movement was carried out in the name of the
Awami League which had won the 1970s poll and got 167 out of 169
seats allotted to the then East Pakistan.
Though the Awami Leagues name was used to tent the leadership of the
liberation movement legitimacy, the party mostly provided the movement
with front leadership by establishment a government in exile and
managing the external relations and publicity for the liberation
movement.
The leadership of actual fighting remained in the hands of the various
freedom fighters. The Awami League leadership came under fire from the
mukti-Bahini which claimed that the former was a do nothing group
living in luxury in Calcutta. In the post liberation period there were
doubts as to the capability of the Awami League governments to exercise
control and established authority over the whole of Bangladesh. The
various factions of the Mukti-Bahini numbering between 100,000 and
200.000 armed men posed a threat to the fledging Awami League
regime.16
Socialism in Bangladesh and the Mujib regime:
The constitution of Bangladesh socialism was adopted as one f the
fundamental state principles and it was clearly stated that the objective of
the government was to establish an exploitation free socialist society. It
was further stated that the Awami League government aimed at
establishing a society in which rule of law, fundamental human rights,
freedom and dignity of man would be restored.17
The constitution guaranteed the rights to property, it visualized three form
of ownership; (a) state ownership of the key sectors of the economy
through an efficient and dynamic nationalized public sector; (b)
Ownership by co-operative within such limits as would be prescribed by
9

law; and private ownership by individual within limits as would be

determined by law. More emphasis had been given on state and cooperative ownership of property in order to establish socialist system of
economy.
To achieve the twin objective i.e. socialist system of economy and private
ownership of property the constitution conceded several fundamental
rights (from Article 26-27 of the constitution) but those were taken away
at the same time by making provisions for acquisition, nationalization of
property with or without compensations. The independence of Judiciary
as envisaged in the constitution and the restrictions against that in article
116 also posed a threat to achieving a socialist economic order. After
independence the Awami League leaders were more influenced by tactical
reason than ideological commitment in establishing socialism. To those
who controlled the state socialism meant no more than nationalization of
major industries, some land reforms and a few other half-heated
measures.
What is more important, in spite of adopting socialism as one of its
guiding principles, the Awami League continued to depend on its old
power base i.e. on the surplus farmers in the rural areas, and the lawyers,
businessmen and professionals in the urban areas.18
It became clear that Mujib did not want to alienate his support base. The
planner were told by the prime minister that he was determined to build a
socialist economy but that some pragmatism must be exercised since he
did not want to alienate his entime middle class support. Therefore the
policy of nationalization of large industries and banks and insurance
companies and the policy of land reforms could benefit neither the upper
class nor the landless and small peasants and worker, rather these
measures served to promote the interests of the middle strata that had
emerged dominated in the political system.19
Factionalism in the army: A threat to the Government:
During the Mujib regime the armed forces were also divided
between those who fought in the liberation war and those who were later
repatriated from Pakistan. Many repatriated army officers were given
insignificant positions. By creating resentment and alienating the armed
forces the Awami League government took the risk of losing the support
10

of the armed forces.20 It was evident that the formative phase of

Bangladesh army was marked by serious differences and indiscipline.
Instead of eliminating the inherent differences and indiscipline
contributed to their aggravation by its utter negligence to develop the
army on a sound footing and by the creation paramilitary called Jatiya
Rakhi Bahini (JRB).The JRB order was promulgated on march 7, 1972
giving a retrospective effect from the day of February 1772. This JRB
was under the direct control of the prime minister. It used to discharge its
functions without any regard to rules and code of conduct and is was
mainly used by the Awami League to let its opposition to be in constant
fear. The creation of JRB was strongly opposed by colonel Taher and
sonn it became an eyesore to the army.21 there were number of causes
when army operation were called of after smuggled goods were
discovered in the houses of party leaders. Two majors who were involved
in the planning of the August coup were having conflict with Awami
League leaders.
Corruption:
The Awami League government did nationalize 86 percent of the
industries and had its control over 90 percent of the countrys foreign
trade, but the distribution of locally produced and imported goods were
carried out by licensed dealers. And most of the owner of these license
were the Awami League workers who became new traders at a very high
rate and this caused a sharp rise in market prices. 22 out of total 29,000
import permits holders registered upto April 1973, 15,000 were fake
importers according to the Minister for commerce. Therefore as a result
of massive corruption the cost of living went up and there was great
scarcity of essential commodities. The governments response to the issue
proved inadequate.23
As an initiative action to stop corruption the government issued some
warnings and minor police actions were directed against such
malpractices. However, as many on 19 MCAs were expelled from the
Awami League in 1972 on charges of corruption and anti-people
activities. Hundreds of people were arrested throughout 1973 on
corruption charges. But there is no evidence that those people were very
tried. The government also launched a purification campaign within the
11

administration to climate corruption.24 For instance, once, Mujib made a

sudden visit to the Adamjee Jute Mill. There he suspended the general
manager and four others top officials on corruption charges.25 in a word
of Tajuddin the finance minister, when police arrests thieves, dacoits ,
then comes the telephone call from members of the cabinet of high
quarters for their release.
The Second Revolution and the erosion of Democratic process:
From 1974 Mujib was under serious reissue form his top party
members to put an end to the parliamentary system and introduce a
presidential form of government. Finally, Mujib imposed his will on the
party against the advice of most of the senior members of the Awami
League and his cabinet.26
On January 25, 1975 the constitution was amended to provide for a
presidential form of government and Mujib dubbed the amendment as
second revolution. The amendment introduced a one party authoritarian
rule. He announced crusade against corruption and national disunity for
the emancipation of the people from injustice.27
To justify the new move Mujib said that the presidential system was
necessity to root out corruption from the country and climate the foreign
agents and underground terrorist. The peoples rights to appeal to the
supreme court for the enforcement of fundamental rights were taken
away. Mujib affected the formation of the new national party, The
BKSAL (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) and announced the
party constitution on June 6, 1975. Mujib nominated the members of the
BKSALs executive committee, the general secretary and member of the
executive committee of the five wings of BKSAL were nominated by
Sheikh Mujib.
Jatiya chatra league (national students league) the most potent of the five
wings of BKSAL was headed by Sheikh Shahidul Islam.Mujib dubbed
the second resolution as democracy for the sarboharas (have not) but
facts could not prove that Mujib in his own initiative amended the
constitution on January 25, 1975. The constitution was amended to
provide for a presidential form of government. According to the
constitutional amendment, Mujib would the president of the country for
five years from the date of the amendment. The constitutional amendment
12

bill was passed in the JS within an hour without any reading or

discussion.
By this amendment Mujib became the president of Bangladesh for a
period of five years. The amendment authorized Mujib to build a national
party. The new amendment to the constitution immured president and
vice president from the Jurisdiction of the court. All political party was
banned on February 24, 1975.
The government became authoritarian by completely abolishing all
democratic rights of people that were incorporated in the 1972
constitution.
The name of the 60 new districts were announced by a presidential
ordinance on June 22, 1975, later a bill was passed in the JS on July 7,
1975 to make basic change in the concept of district administrator. It was
announced that district governors would hold offices during his pleasure
on term and conditions as determined by the president. The predominance
of Awami League with no effective opposition resulted in making the
administrative apparatus relatively inefficient and irresponsive. Nut the
Awami Leagues intolerant attitude alienated the opposition political
parties and it was great threat to the authority of the regime. The fourth
amendment of the constitution closed all channels of political opposition
and thus competitive part system could not develop in Bangladesh during
this period.28
By destroying the democratic institutions, disdaining peoples mandate
for parliamentary system of government arresting the legitimate process
and dismal economic situation led to serious decline in the people support
for the regime and paved the way for the military for a decisive entry into
politics in 1975.
Emergence of Ziaur Rahman:
The people of this land have been living with terror from the
Pakistan period through the genocide of 1971. In a bloody coup Mujib
along with his whole family members excepting two daughters, were
killed on 15 August, 1975. On November 3, 1975 another coup was
engineered byKhaled Musharraf and Mostaq Ahmed (Mustaq) was over
thrown from power. Zia took political power on November 7, 1975
through Sepoy Munity and emerged as the de facto military ruler of
13

Bangladesh. Due to rapid succession of coups and countercoups and the

break up of chain of commands in the army hierarchy people expressed
their doubts about the survival of the Zia regime. But Zia by remaining in
power for five years surprised people at home and abroad. However, after
coming into power he realized the necessity of consolidate and
legitimizing his power as he assured it. He realized the necessity of
consolidate his power by registering the support of the people, he would
no be able to cling to power for long.
Measures taken to attain legitimacy:
Just after taking over power Zia dissolved the parliament on
November 8, 1975 through a presidential proclamation. Though his
proclamations restrictions were imposed on political freedom and he
made commitment to the nation to hold general election before 1977. For
the first few monts of his coming into power, Zia ruled the country as the
deputy chief Martial law Administration without being the formal leader
of the country. But on April 1, 1977 he forced Justice Abu Sadat
Mohammad Sayem by undemocratic means to resign on the ground of ill
health and formally declared himself as the president of the country. But
critics point out that due to a power tussle between Sayem and Zia,
Sayem was forced to resign. Sayem was declined to postpone the
elections promised earlier. He also despised Zias style of dealing with his
opponents in the armed forces and in Public life. Allegedly, Zia took
power from sayem in a coup. However, Zias coming into power through
coups and counter coups represented the militarys bid for power. In spite
of Zias all efforts to satisfy the army personnel the Military remained
factious and was a major threat to him. After Zias coming into power
differences had widened further between him and senior army officers. So
Zia realized that in order to give democratic appearance to his military
rule, he needed peoples support without which he would be overthrown
by the military. Therefore in pursuit of such aspirations for political
legitimacy, Zia postponed the national election to be held in 1977. Instead
of national election, elections to local councils were organized. There
were two important political motives in holding local elections prior to
the general elections; (a) local election would help the regime to
legitimize the rule or what can otherwise be called its unconstitutional
14

motives/actions. And (b) Zia wanted to be assured of his political power

and support base. The local elections were seen as the major instrument
to legitimize the regime and as a means to establish a grassroots support
base. However, there was legal bass on political activities and parties.
This was also to serve the political purposes of the regime. It was aimed
at weakening whatever fragile support base the mainstream opposition
parties had I rural areas; and to ensure that the majority of (national)
councilors became supporters of the parties and programs of the military
bureaucratic regime.
Zia, therefore wanted to create a new power structure at the local
level through the establishment of Gram Sarkar (Village Government) at
the lowest level an by initiating union-level development. And in
November 1976 Zia issued a new local government ordinance, 1976. It
was followed by the constitutional amendment that the state shall
encourage local government institutions composed of the representative
of the areas concerned and in such institutions special representation shall
be given as far as possible to peasants, workers and women. The office of
the vice chairman was abolished. The union Parishad was to be composed
of the twelve members including two women and a chairman. All
executive powers were vested with the chairman and the tenure of office
of the parishad was for five years.
Political party: An instrument of recruiting support for the Regime:
Zia was not able to demonstrate a strong support base and was in a
dilemma whether he would return to the barracks or become full time
professional politicians.
His power became shaky in the army due to several coup attempts during
1977. However, Zia became successful in crashing the rebellion against
him. This indicated Zias cautious position in the army. Therefore, the
need became obvious for a party organization which would be
instrumental in attracting and holding support of the people. The party
would act as an instrument in recruiting support. But Zia was still
confused regarding whether to join an existing political party or form te
party of his own. But the abortive coup of 1977 made him more political.
According February 1978 Jatiyotabadi Gonotantrik dal (JAGODAL) was
formed with Zias full support and blessing formally Zia did not join the
15

JAGODAL, but the party having then members of the presidents council
of ministers was obviously a mouthpiece of the regime. Different political
parties and group formed two separate fronts- The Jatiyotabadi front (JF)
and Gonotantriks oikya Jote (GOJ). Zias main opposition was M.A.G
Osmani who was jthe nominee of GOJ, during the liberation war. Osmani
had been the commander in chief of Bangladesh and later became a
cabinet member of the Mujib government.

16

Reference:
1. Rounaq Jahan, Bangladesh Politics Problems and issues,
(Dhaka:University press Ltd.,1988), p. 69
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid,p. 70
4. A constitution for perpetual Emergency, Holiday, Dhaka,
Sunday, 22th October, 1972
5. Ibid.
6. Rounaq Jahan, opcit., p. 70
7. The mater of constitution The Bangladesh observer, Dhaka, 11th
November, 1972.
8. Rounaq Jahan, op. cit., p.p. 71-75
9. Rashida Khanam, Nature of Legitimacy and the crisis of
Bangladesh Politics 1972-1990, (Dhaka: AH development
Publishing house, 2008), p. 78
10.Sayed Serajul Islam, Bangladesh state and Economic Strategy,
(Dhaka: The University Press Ltd., 188), p. 85
11.Rashida Khanam, op. cit., p. 79
12.Johora Khanam, The Awami League in the political development
of Bangladesh. 1972-1975, (Dhaka: The University press Ltd.,
1989), p. 58
13.Ibid, p. 208
14.Rehman Sonhan and Mujaffar Ahmed. Public Enterprise in
intermediate regime, (Dhaka: The Bangladesh institute of
development studies), p. 166
15.Rounaq Jahan, op. cit., p. 64
16.Rounaq Jahan, op. cit., p. 78
17.Johora Khanam, op. cit., p. 94
18.Sayed Serajul Islam, op. cit., p. 103
19.Johora Khanam, op. cit., p. 21
20.Rounaq Jahan, op. cit., p. 132
21.Moudud Ahmed, Bangladesh Constitutional Quest for
Autonomous, (Dhaka: The University Press Ltd., 1976), p.p 54-55
22.Rashida Khanam, op. cit., p. 94
23.Ibid.
24.Ibid., p. 95
17

25.The daily Ittefaq, November 28, 1973.

26.Rounaq Jahan, op. cit., p. 134
27.Johora Khanam, op. cit., p. 112
28.Rashida Khanam, op. cit., p. 100
29.M. ved, bangladesh under Ziaur Rahman: An analytical survey,
Foreign affairs reports, vol.30, No. 9 (1981), p. 186
30.Nizam Ahmed, Nonpartisanship and Local democracy in Rural
Bangladesh: A Case for revision:, Planning and Administration,
1978, p. 38

18