Uncovering Evidence

The forensic sciences in human rights

by Luis Fo n debrider
edited by Liam M ah o ny

A Tactical No teb o ok p u blished by

the Ne w Tactics Project
o f the Center f or Victims o f Torture
Published by
The Center f or Victims o f Torture
Ne w Tactics in Human Rig h ts Project
717 East River Road
M in neap olis, M N 55455 USA
w w w.cvt.org, w w w.ne w tactics.org

Notebook Series Editor

Liam M ah o ny

Copyediting
Stacy Sorenson

Design
Sue Everson
Co ordin a d ora N acio n al d e D erech os H u m a n os a n d t h e Ce n t er f or Victims o f Tort ure w ish t o ack n o w le d g e
t h e f ollo w in g instit u tio ns t h a t provid e d su p p ort f or t h e N e w Tactics in H u m a n Rig h ts La tin A m erica n
re gio n al trainin g w orksh o p, o f w hich t his a n d o t h er t actical n o t e b o o ks are a pro d uct:

· Th e Pa ul & Phyllis Fire m a n Ch arit a ble Fo u n d a tio n

· Th e U nit e d St a t es D e p art m e n t o f St a t e

· Th e U nit e d St a t es Instit u t e o f Pe ace

· Fre e d o m H o use

· D o n ors w h o w ish t o re m ain a n o nym o us

W e are also gre a tly in d e b t e d t o t h e w ork o f n u m ero us in t erns a n d volu n t e ers w h o h ave co n trib u t e d t h eir
tim e a n d exp ertise t o t h e a dva nce m e n t o f t h e project a n d o f h u m a n rig h ts.

Th e N e w Tactics project h as also b e n e fit e d fro m m ore t h a n 2000 h o urs o f w ork fro m in divid u al volu n t e ers
a n d in t erns as w ell as d o n a tio ns o f in-kin d su p p ort. So m e o f t h e instit u tio n al sp o nsors o f t his w ork inclu d e
M acalest er Colle g e, t h e U niversity o f M in n eso t a, t h e Hig h er Ed uca tio n Co nsortiu m f or Urb a n A f f airs, t h e
M in n eso t a Justice Fo u n d a tio n a n d t h e p u blic rela tio ns firm o f Pa dilla Sp e er Be ardsley.

Th e o pinio ns, fin din gs a n d co nclusio ns or reco m m e n d a tio ns expresse d o n t his sit e are t h ose o f t h e N e w
Tactics project a n d d o n o t n ecessarily re flect t h e vie ws o f o ur f u n d ers For a f ull list o f project sp o nsors se e
w w w.ne w tactics.org.

The vie ws expressed in this report do not necessarily re flect those o f the Ne w Tactics in Human Rights
Project. The project does not advocate specific tactics or policies.

© 2004 Center for Victims of Torture

This p u blicatio n may be freely repro d uced in prin t an d in electro nic f orm as lo n g
as t his co pyrig h t n o tice ap pears o n all co pies.
 4 A uthor biography

5
Letter from the Ne w Tactics project manager

6 In trod uctio n

8 El Salvador: The El M ozote M assacre

9 G e n eral co nsid era tio ns

12
Ho w the w ork is planned

12 Ho w can NG Os apply the f orensic sciences?

15 Challenges f or the NG O

16
Recommendations f or o f ficial tribunals
or truth commissions

16 Creating local teams and training

local f orensic experts

17 Co nclusio n

18 Usef ul resources

19 Q uestionnaire f or burial sites

The Center f or Victims o f Torture

Ne w Tactics in Human Rig h ts Project
717 East River Road
M inneapolis, M N 55455 USA
w w w.cvt.org, w w w.ne w tactics.org
 Argentine Forensic Anthropology
Team
Most of the ideas presented in this paper are based in the
collective reflections of the members of the Argentine Fo-
rensic Anthropology Team (Equipo argentino de antropologia
forense, EAAF). EAAF is a nongovernmental, nonprofit, sci-
entific organization dedicated to applying forensic anthro-
pology to the investigation of human rights violations.
Forensic anthropology involves using methods and tech-
niques from archaeology, physical anthropology and medi-
cine to solve legal cases. EAAF uses these methods to exhume
and identify the remains of victims of human rights viola-
tions and determine their cause of death. EAAF members
work as expert witnesses and consultants for judiciary sys-
tems, human rights organizations and intergovernmental
bodies such as the United Nations.

EAAF was founded in Argentina in 1984, in the first months

of the new democratic government. During the previous
eight years of military dictatorship (1976–1983), at least
10,000 people were “disappeared” by the state. EAAF was
founded as an attempt to help heal Argentine society and,
specifically, to help the relatives of the victims. The results
of EAAF investigations in Argentina were used for the con-
viction and punishment of high officials responsible for the
repression.

Luis Fondebrider Since l986, EAAF members have increasingly traveled abroad
Luis Fondebrider is a forensic anthropologist, found- to conduct actual case investigations, give lectures and semi-
ing member and current president of the Argentine nars and share their expertise with human rights monitors,
Forensic Anthropology Team. Since 1984, EAAF has especially those interested in applying forensic techniques
been carrying out the scientific documentation of to human rights documentation. EAAF works to form simi-
human rights violations. As an EAAF member, lar teams of experts in other countries. To date, team mem-
Fondebrider has worked in around 25 countries, in- bers have worked in the Philippines, Chile, Bolivia, Brazil,
vestigating specific cases and training local NGOs Uruguay, Peru, Venezuela, Paraguay, Colombia, El Salva-
and professionals. He has participated in UN mis- dor, Guatemala, Haiti, Panama, Honduras, Iraqi Kurdistan,
sions in several countries and has worked for numer- Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Ivory Cost, East Timor, Indone-
ous local judiciaries, for truth commissions in El sia, Romania, French Polynesia, Ethiopia, Angola, the Demo-
Salvador, Haiti and South Africa and for interna- cratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire), Zimbabwe and
tional tribunals such as the International Criminal South Africa.
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.
Organizations that have used EAAF’s services include: In-
ternational Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia;
Special Secretary Team for the Democratic Republic of
Contact Information Congo; UN Truth Commission for El Salvador; South Afri-
EAAF can Truth and Reconciliation Commission; Truth and Jus-
Equipo Argentino de Antropologia Forense tice Commission for Haiti; Special Commission for
Av. Rivadavia 2443 Segundo Piso, Disappeared of Brazil; Special Prosecutor Office of Ethio-
Oficinas 3 y 4 pia; Corazon Aquino’s Commission for the Philippines; Spe-
(C1034ACD) Buenos Aires cial Commission for the Search of Che Guevara’s Remains;
Argentina American Association for the Advancement of Science;
Tel. +54 11 4951 8547 Human Rights Watch; Physicians for Human Rights; Am-
Fax +54 11 4954 6646 nesty International; Latin American Federation of Disap-
eaaf@velocom.com.ar peared People.
www.eaaf.org
Office in New York EAAF is currently made up of eleven people specializing in
10 Jay Street, #504 medicine, archaeology, physical and social anthropology,
Brooklyn, NY 11201 USA computers, and law. Current members are: Patricia Bernardi,
Tel. +1 718 237 2028 Daniel Bustamante, Mercedes Doretti, Luis Fondebrider,
Fax +1 718 237 2154 Anahi Ginarte, Rafael Mazzella, Dario Olmo, Silvana Turner,
eaaf2ny@aol.com Carlos Somigliana, Sofía Egaña and Miguel Nieva.
September 2004

Dear Friend,

Welcome to the New Tactics in Human Rights Tactical Notebook Series! In each notebook a human
rights practitioner describes an innovative tactic used successfully in advancing human rights. The
authors are part of the broad and diverse human rights movement, including nongovernment and
government perspectives, educators, law enforcement personnel, truth and reconciliation processes,
and women’s rights and mental health advocates. They have both adapted and pioneered tactics that
have contributed to human rights in their home countries. In addition, they have used tactics that,
when adapted, can be applied in other countries and situations to address a variety of issues.

Each notebook contains detailed information on how the author and his or her organization achieved
what they did. We want to inspire other human rights practitioners to think tactically—and to
broaden the realm of tactics considered to effectively advance human rights.

Forensic science has been a powerful tool in the scientific documentation of human rights violations
around the world, and especially in Latin America. The Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team has
been in the forefront of efforts to train human rights NGOs to use forensic tools to advance their
investigations, to provide more support for victims and to strengthen the credibility of their work
against impunity. EAAF uses independent investigations to mobilize and persuade both local and
international audiences. The information obtained can also provide useful evidence for future
prosecutions. This notebook addresses how human rights organizations can make optimal use of
forensic science to advance their work for justice and against impunity.

The entire series of Tactical Notebooks is available online at www.newtactics.org. Additional

notebooks will continue to be added over time. On our web site you will also find other tools,
including a searchable database of tactics, a discussion forum for human rights practitioners and
information about our workshops and symposium. To subscribe to the New Tactics newsletter,
please send an e-mail to newtactics@cvt.org.

The New Tactics in Human Rights Project is an international initiative led by a diverse group of
organizations and practitioners from around the world. The project is coordinated by the Center for
Victims of Torture and grew out of our experiences as a creator of new tactics and as a treatment
center that also advocates for the protection of human rights from a unique position—one of healing
and reclaiming civic leadership.

We hope that you will find these notebooks informational and thought-provoking.

Sincerely,

Kate Kelsch
New Tactics Project Manager
Introduction
O ver t h e last fif t e e n ye ars, t h e scie n tific investig a-
tio n a n d d ocume n t a tio n o f h uma n rig h ts viola tio ns
h as b eco m e a valu a ble t o ol in t h e se arch f or tru t h
and justice in societies emerging from periods of po-
litical, e t h nic a n d religio us viole nce. Fore nsic exp er-
tise h as serve d h u m a n rig h ts investig a tio ns le d by
official justice systems of states, historical truth-seek-
in g processes, in t ern a tio n al trib u n als a n d co m mis-
sions and human rights NG Os.
A f ore nsic scie n tist ca n a nsw er so me q u estio ns w it h
a certain degree of precision:
♦ W as t h e p erso n t ort ure d?
♦ W h a t w as t h e ca use o f d ea t h?
♦ W as the death accidental or intentional?
♦ Ca n t h e u n e art h e d b o dies b e p ositively id e n ti-
fied?
Such a nsw ers o f f er victims’ f a milies a n d t h e ju dicial
process co nvincin g pro o f o f w h a t h a p p e n e d. In a n
o bjective, co ncre t e w ay, scie n tific a n alysis co m ple-
ments the testimony of a witness, a photograph or a
d ocu me n t rela t e d t o a n incid e n t. This kin d o f scie n-
tific evid e nce m ay prove t o b e f u n d a m e n t al f or a
rulin g o n w h e t h er a n accuse d p erso n is in n oce n t or
guilty. In cases o f rape, f or example, it can be crucial
t o discover traces o f se m e n t h a t ca n b e co m p are d
with the genetic pattern o f the accused person.
In rece n t ye ars, t h e a p plica tio n o f t h e f ore nsic sci-
ences has had a significant impact in countries w here
abuses w ere committed by the government or agen-
cies co n n ect e d t o it, b e it f or p olitical or o t h er re a-
so ns. O f ficial versio ns o f eve n ts, o f t e n f alse, ca n b e
contrasted with physical evidence and their analysis.
This allo ws a trib u nal t o establish, f or example, t hat
a gro u p o f p e o ple w as execu t e d, a n d in f act did n o t
die in an armed encounter.
In t his t actical n o t e b o o k w e sh o w h o w f a milies o f
victims, their communities and the organizations that
they form—human rights NG Os—can use the foren-
sic sciences in their struggle for truth and justice and
preve n t t h e im p u nity t h a t t h ose resp o nsible f or h u-
man rights abuses often enjoy.
THE HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT
Fro m t h e e arly 1960s t o t h e prese n t, t h o usa n ds o f
people around the w orld have been arrested and tor-
tured. O thers have been kidnapped and never again
seen by their families. Thousands of bodies have ap-
p e are d, a n d co n tin u e t o a p p e ar, w it h sig ns o f g u n-
shot w ounds, machete w ounds, mutilation and other
terrible forms of death. In hundreds of villages, espe-
cially in re m o t e are as, t h ere are cla n d estin e m ass
graves containing the bodies of disappeared persons.
O ver t h e ye ars, so m e graves h ave b e e n exh u m e d,
b u t t he vast majority are still u n discovered. In co u n-
tries lik e G u a t e m ala, Rw a n d a, t h e D e m ocra tic Re-
6
p u blic o f Co n g o a n d Cam b o dia, t o n ame o nly a f e w
n o t orio us cases, t h e d e a d a n d disa p p e are d n u m b er
in the hundreds of thousands.
Though most cases of human rights abuse are politi-
cal in n a t ure, e t h nic a n d religio us co n flicts d e e p e n
t h e level o f co m plexity. Perh a ps t h e m ost tro u blin g
asp ect o f t h ese cases is t h e involve m e n t o f g overn-
men ts an d o f organizatio ns f ormed or pro tected by
st a t es t h a t carry o u t p olicies o f kid n a p pin g, t ort ure
and executions. W hile a w hole range of armed insur-
g e n t gro u ps a n d m ove m e n ts h ave also co m mit t e d
these crimes—the Sendero Luminoso in Peru, for ex-
ample—the responsibility of a government is dif fer-
ent, since it is the state w hich represents legality and
is t h e re p osit ory o f t h e “ le gitima t e ” use o f f orce.
Th e e f f ects o f viole n t social processes are ca t a-
stro p hic, n o t o nly f or victims’ f a milies, b u t also f or
society as a w hole. The rupture of the juridical order,
the destruction of institutions and the curtailment of
fre e d o m o f expressio n are t h e m ost w ell-k n o w n as-
p ects o f t h ese processes. For t h e f a milies o f disa p-
p e a r e d p e r s o n s , h o w e v e r, t h e s u f f e r i n g i s
co m p o u n d e d. Fro m t h e b e gin nin g, t h e u ncert ain ty
about w hether a loved one is dead or alive is agoniz-
in g. W h e n a disa p p e ara nce is t h e result o f p olitical
viole nce, isola tio n is a d d e d t o t his d o u b t. A f t er a n
earthquake or a plane crash, for instance, the search
for bodies is usually led by the state. In normal times,
f a milies t urn t o st a t e a g e ncies f or in f orm a tio n a n d
are offered support and psychological counseling. As
socie ty m o biliz es o n t h eir b e h alf, t h e tra g e dies o f
families are included in a collective experience of loss.
Bu t w h ere t h e st a t e itself is resp o nsible f or t h e dis-
appearance, families suffer much greater uncertainty,
isolation, anguish and sometimes even public ridicule.
Further, families face the very real prospect that those
responsible for the disappearance—usually state se-
curity forces—will hide the detained person and may
eve n a t t e m p t t o elimin a t e all traces o f t h e b o dy a f-
t er d e a t h.
USING SCIENCE TO INVESTIGATE THE PAST
As viole n t p erio ds co m e t o a n e n d, a u t h orities are
replaced by ne w officials and victims’ families call for
investigations of disappearances and deaths and for
trials of the responsible parties. Truth commissions—
eit h er n a tio n al or in t ern a tio n al—t e n d t o p ursu e a
historical line of inquiry, w hile tribunals are oriented
to w ards the judicial system. It may also be necessary
to establish a reparations program. Regardless of the
mechanism used, the forensic sciences can play a key
role during each step in the search for the truth about
the dead and disappeared.
Fore nsic scie n tists fro m a n u m b er o f co u n tries, f or
example, recovered the bodies o f Bosnians killed by
Serbs in t h e Bosnia n villa g e o f Sre bre nica in 1995.
Th eir care f ul exh u m a tio n a n d a n alysis o f t h e recov-
ere d re m ains result e d in scie n-
tific evid e nce t h a t su p p ort e d
w it n esses’ t estim o ny t o a m as-
sacre o f 8,000 p e o ple.

Similarly, the Guatemalan Com-

missio n f or Hist orical Clarifica-
tion (C o m i s i o n de
Esclarecimie n t o Hist orico) or-
d ere d t h e exh u m a tio ns o f sev-
e r a l m ass g r aves i n t h e la t e
1990s. D espit e ye ars o f in timi-
d a tio n in w hich victims a n d lo-
cal residents could not even say
o u t lo u d t hat b o dies w ere b ur-
i e d n e a r b y, a n d d esp i t e a t-
t e m p ts t o t a m p e r w i t h t h e
grave sit es, t h ese results pro-
vi d e d cl e a r e vi d e nce o f t h e
a t r oci t i es co m m i t t e d b y t h e
Guatemalan army in the 1980s.

WHAT ARE THE FORENSIC

SCIENCES?
A real-life forensic investigation
The archeological exhumation of a mass grave in El Salvador. Photo courtesy of EAAF.
is n o t as sim ple as so m e t hin g
you might see on the Discovery
Ch a n n el or a TV d e t ective sh o w. A sin gle h air or a Historically, medicine has been the scientific discipline
b ulle t rarely resolves a case, b u t inst e a d is incorp o- par excellence in medical-legal investigations. The tra-
ra t e d in t o a w id er m ultidisciplin ary investig a tio n in ditional disciplines of the forensic sciences include:
w hich exp erts fro m m a ny pro f essio ns h elp t h e pro- ♦ forensic pathology
cess o f justice. Th eir w ork is g e are d t o providin g a ♦ forensic odontology
le g al b o dy—a prosecu t or, f or exa m ple—w it h ele- ♦ toxicology
m e n ts t h a t serve t o su p p ort or re f u t e t estim o ny or ♦ forensic genetics
d ocu m e n ts—a le t t er le f t b e hin d by a victim, f or ex- ♦ forensic psychology
ample. In most cases, this scientific information comes
from the analysis o f physical evidence, w hether bio- Disciplines relatively ne w to the legal context include:
logical (a cadaver, skeletal remains, a bloodstain, sa- ♦ archaeolo gy an d an t hro p olo gy—w hich involve
liva o n a n e nvelo p e) or n o n biolo gical (projectiles, the recovery and analysis of skeletal remains and
syn t h e tic fib ers a n d o t h er o bjects releva n t t o a n in- associated evidence;
vestigation). ♦ forensic taphonomy—the study of changes in the
b o dy f ollo w in g d e a t h a n d its in t eractio ns w it h
Physical evidence can be very important to the legal the environment, including flora and fauna (en-
process. In contrast to witness testimony, physical evi- tomology), w hich can indicate ho w long a person
dence is more difficult to manipulate for the benefit has been buried in a location; and
o f a ny p arty t o a disp u t e. Th e co nclusio ns m ust b e ♦ forensic engineering—the analysis of buildings,
m e asura ble a n d b ase d o n a series o f d e m o nstra ble w hich ca n est a blish t h e ca uses o f a fire or a n
steps accepted by the scientific community. Such sci- explosion, including “criminalistics” w ho analyze
entific methods provide a greater degree of certainty objects, fluids and documents related to a crime
t han t hat o f a perso nal testimo ny. scene.

To achieve t his cert ain ty, t h e exp ert w it n ess m ust
have integrity and independence. He or she must be
fre e o f a ny pressure t o dra w a p articular co nclusio n
a n d n o t b e d e p e n d e n t o n eit h er p arty t o a disp u t e.
Such independence is particularly important because
often the official forensic experts are part of the very
sa m e st a t e syst e m t h a t co m mit t e d t h e viola tio n.
THE ROLE OF ANTHROPOLOGISTS
IN HUMAN RIGHTS INVESTIGATIONS1
Fore nsic a n t hro p olo gists h ave playe d a n im p ort a n t
role in h u m a n rig h ts investig a tio ns d urin g t h e last
t w o d eca d es. Prior t o t h e ju n t a trials in A rg e n tin a,
human rights investigations generally relied only on
w it n ess t estim o ny a n d d ocu m e n t ary evid e nce. Th e
introduction of scientific evidence has provided a ne w
dime nsio n. Since t h e n, ju dicial b o dies ra n gin g from

Uncovering Evidence 7
n a tio n al co urts t o t h e UN W ar Crime Trib u n als h ave
recognized and accepted forensic scientific evidence
as a valuable tool in the pursuit of human rights and
justice.
Although many forensic sciences (e.g., pathology, od-
ontology, genetics) contribute to these investigations,
forensic anthropology generally plays a central role.
F o r e nsic a n t h r o p o l o g y a p p li es t h e p h ysica l
anthropologist’s kno wledge of human variability to
medicolegal problems. Beyond this specialized focus,
m ost f ore nsic a n t hro p olo gists h ave h a d aca d e mic
training as w ell as some field w ork in archaeology and
cultural anthropology. Victims of such abuses are of-
ten buried anonymously in common, and often clan-
d estin e, graves. A gro u n din g in arch a e olo gy is t h us
useful in finding and excavating graves that may con-
tain the commingled bones of many victims. Further,
trainin g in cult ural a n t hro p olo gy provid es so m e in-
sight and sensitivity in dealing with families and com-
munities oppressed by the violence. This is especially
valu a ble w h e n t h ose a f f ect e d b elo n g t o n o n-W est-
ern societies.
THE USE OF SCIENCE
IN AN ONGOING CONFLICT SITUATION
In addition to helping establish the truth about past
conflicts and abuses, forensic sciences are used in the
daily course of criminal justice investigations. For ex-
ample, if a priso ner in jail in Turkey asserts t hat he is
b ein g t ort ure d, a f ore nsic d oct or ca n p hysically ex-
amine him to establish the truth. In current con flicts
in Colombia or the Middle East, forensic anthropolo-
gists analyze remains to identify victims or, w hen the
bodies are in bad condition, to establish the cause of
d e a t h, w hich ca n b e crucial w h e n t h ere are alle g a-
tio ns o f extraju dicial execu tio ns. Fore nsic exp erts
co uld also visit graves sit es—f or exa m ple, in D arf ur,
Su d a n—t o a t t e m p t t o est a blish siz e o f t h e graves
and determine ho w many people are buried there.
In t h e case o f a n o n g oin g co n flict, a h u m a n rig h ts
NG O proposing to initiate forensic investigations may
f ace m ore dif ficult p olitical re alities. D e p e n din g o n
the con flict and the potentially controversial role o f
the state, it may be difficult to obtain official permis-
sio n f or such investig a tio ns. D e p e n din g o n t h e n a-
t ure o f t he perpe tra t ors a n d t heir level o f imp u nity,
initiating such investigations can also involve substan-
tial security risks.
Example 1:
El Salvador: The El Mozote Massacre2
Fro m D ece m b er 6 t o 16, 1981, t h e Salva d ora n army
conducted “ O peration Rescue, ” in the northeastern
province o f M ora z á n. It h a d t w o o bjectives: first, t o
f orce g u errillas o f t h e Frente Farabundo M artí para
la Liberacion Nacional (FMLN) from the area and de-
stroy t h eir cla n d estin e ra dio st a tio n a n d, seco n d, t o
eliminate FMLN supporters among the civilian popu-
8
la tio n. Sp e arh e a din g t h e o p era tio n w as t h e elit e
A tlaca tl Ba t t alio n, a U.S.-train e d a n d e q uip p e d
counterinsurgency unit.
According to several witnesses, the guerrillas left the
area a f ter a f e w amb ushes an d enco u n ters w it h t he
army. O n December 9, the army arrived in El M ozote.
Soldiers kille d t h e villa g ers, d estroye d t h eir h o uses,
b urn e d t h eir fields a n d sla u g h t ere d t h eir livest ock.
Th ey t h e n use d t h e villa g e as a b ase fro m w hich t o
launch daytime attacks on five other nearby villages,
in w hich t h ey m assacre d resid e n ts a n d d estroye d
h o m es a n d fields. H avin g b e e n alert e d by t h e El
M o z o t e m assacre, m a ny in h a bit a n ts o f t h ese o u tly-
ing villages managed to escape. Each night survivors
returned under the cover of darkness to inter as many
victims as p ossible in co m m o n graves a t t h e sit es
w here they were found. M ost survivors escaped across
t h e H o n d ura n b ord er t o U nit e d N a tio ns re f u g e e
camps; others joined the FMLN or took refuge in other
regions of El Salvador.
Even though major international press sources, such
as t h e Ne w York Times, re p ort e d o n t h e m assacre,
neither the Salvadoran nor the U.S. governments sup-
ported or allo w ed any investigation. The villages re-
m ain e d larg ely a b a n d o n e d u n til 1989, w h e n m a ny
survivors began to return. El M ozote itself remained
n e a rly d ese r t e d u n t il seve r a l ye a rs l a t e r. Th ese
eve n ts, k n o w n as t h e “ M assacre o f El M o z o t e, ” b e-
came the object of intense debate in both El Salvador
a n d t h e U nit e d St a t es.
Despite the re f usal o f both governments to support
further investigations into the incident, human rights
gro u ps co n tin u e d t o press f or a n investig a tio n. In
1989, a t t h e re q u est o f local org a niz a tio ns fro m
M ora z á n, Tu tela Legal , t h e H u m a n Rig h ts Le g al O f-
fice o f t h e A rch bish o p o f Sa n Salva d or, la u nch e d a n
investig a tio n o f t h e m assacre. This N G O sp e n t sev-
eral m o n t hs in t h e re gio n in t ervie w in g rela tives o f
the victims and witnesses of the incidents. A fter ana-
lyzing all the information, Tutela Legal concluded that
about 800 villagers had been killed and that over 40
percent of the victims w ere children under ten years
o f a g e.
In Oct o b er 1990, Tu t ela Le g al h elp e d several survi-
vors o f t h e m assacre initia t e a le g al suit a g ainst t h e
army. To h elp b uild t h eir case, Tu t ela Le g al pla n n e d
t o co n d uct exh u m a tio ns in t h e El M o z o t e are a a n d
re q u est e d t h e assist a nce o f E A A F. E A A F m e m b ers
m a d e a prelimin ary trip t o El Salva d or in 1991, b u t
the investigation w as blocked w hen judicial officials
refused to grant permission to exhume. Despite such
difficult political challenges, Tutela Legal w as able to
initiate an investigation and prepare the “ field ” f or
the moment in w hich the political situation changed.
INVESTIGATIONS AFTER THE CIVIL WAR
In e arly 1992, sh ortly a f t er t h e Salva d ora n g overn-
m e n t a n d t h e g u errilla army h a d sig n e d a p e ace
agreement, Tutela Legal again invited EA AF to assist
w it h its investig a tio n. A n E A A F t e a m re t urn e d t o El
Salva d or a n d sp e n t t hre e m o n t hs m a kin g pre p ara-
tions and conducting preliminary investigations. With
the help of survivors w e w ere able to locate some of
t h e graves, g ain so me id ea o f t h e n u m b er o f b o dies
in e ach, a n d pre p are lists o f p ossible victims. As a
p art o f t his prelimin ary investig a tio n, w e also co m-
ple t e d t h e “ pre-m ort e m f orm ” w it h p hysical in f or-
m a tio n o n t h e victims, se arch e d in local p a p ers f or
in f orm a tio n a b o u t t h e incid e n t a n d trie d t o cross-
reference all the information and develop a hypoth-
esis a b o u t w h o co uld b e b urie d in e ach grave. W e
encountered many bureaucratic obstacles used as de-
layin g t actics by vario us o f ficials o p p ose d t o t h e in-
vestig a tio n. A f t er t h ese w ere overco m e, w e w ere
fin ally n a m e d as o f ficial exp ert w it n esses in t h e El
M o z o t e case. H o w ever, t h e Su pre m e Co urt a n d t h e
local judge overseeing the case again denied permis-
sio n t o st art exh u m a tio ns, a n d t h e E A A F t e a m re-
t urn e d t o A rg e n tin a. Fin ally, in t h e f all o f 1992, t h e
U nit e d N a tio ns Tru t h Co m missio n f or El Salva d or
opened the way for exhumations and appointed EA AF
members as technical consultants. W e w ere directed
to conduct the excavation of Site 1 in the hamlet of El
M o z o t e. A t t h e sa m e tim e Tu t ela Le g al re m ain e d a
key part in the investigation, not only because of their
early involvement but also because the local popula-
tion trusted them—but not the local justice.
Th e sit e co nsist e d o f t h e ruins o f a sm all (4.3 x 6.4
meter) one-room adobe building, el convento , w hich
h a d st o o d n ext t o t h e villa g e ch urch. Its w alls h a d
colla pse d in w ard, le avin g a m e t er-hig h m o u n d o f
debris that included its charred roof timbers. Removal
o f t his reveale d, lyin g o n t h e flo or, t h e co mmin gle d
sk ele t o ns o f 141 in divid u als, 134 o f w h o m w ere u n-
d er t h e a g e o f t w elve. Th e a d ults co nsist e d o f six
w omen and one elderly man. Fetal bones w ere found
w it hin t h e p elvic b asin o f o n e o f t h e w o me n. A lo n g
w it h re m n a n ts o f clo t hin g w ere d olls, m arbles, t oy
cars, religio us m e d als a n d crosses, a n d a f e w sm all
coins.
A t o tal o f 245 spen t cartrid ge cases w ere recovered.
M ost were found in the southwest corner of the room,
in dica tin g t h a t t h e sh o o t ers w ere most likely st a n d-
ing close to this area. The cartridges w ere submitted
to U.S. archaeologist and ballistics expert Dr. Douglas
Sco t t; w it h t h e exce p tio n o f o n e, all o f t h e m w ere
fired from 5.56 N ATO caliber firearms. Dr. Scott found
that the cartridges appeared to have been fired from
U.S.-ma n u f act ure d M-16 a u t o ma tic rifles. A ll o f t h e
cartrid g e cases b ore h e a d st a m ps o f t h e La k e City
A rms Pla n t loca t e d n e ar In d e p e n d e nce, M isso uri, a
U.S. A rmy provid er. Firin g pin im pressio ns a n d ejec-
tio n m arks in dica t e d t h a t a t le ast t w e n ty-f o ur fire-
arms w ere re prese n t e d a m o n g t h e recovere d car-
trid g e cases (Sco t t 1993). Vario us so urces claim t h a t
the A tlacatl Battalion w as the only Salvadoran army
unit to use this type of rifle at the time of the massa-
cre.
Tw o h u n dre d sixty-t hre e b ulle t fra g m e n ts w ere re-
covered from within the building. M ost w ere concen-
tra t e d in t h e n ort h e ast sid e o f t h e ro o m, o p p osit e
t h e corn er w h ere t h e cartrid g es w ere f o u n d. M ost
w ere embedded in the bones of the victims or in close
rela tio nship t o t h em. In nin e cases, b ulle ts h a d p e n-
e tra t e d t h e flo or directly u n d er g u nsh o t w o u n ds o f
t he skull or t h orax, sh o w in g t hat t hese victims w ere
lying on the floor and the shooter w as standing over
them. (Fondebrider et al. 1993). W hile some children
m ay h ave b e e n sh o t o u tsid e a n d t h eir b o dies la t er
d u m p e d in t h e b uildin g, t h e recovere d b allistic evi-
dence sh o ws t hat t he n umber o f ro u n ds fired inside
w as su f ficient to account f or all o f the deaths (Sno w
e t al. 1993).
A f ter exhumation, the skeletons w ere removed to a
morgue in San Salvador f or more detailed examina-
tion. The team w as joined by Dr. Sno w and t w o other
A m erica n f ore nsic exp erts, f ore nsic p a t h olo gist Dr.
Ro b ert Kirsch n er a n d f ore nsic ra diolo gist Dr. Jo h n
Fitzpatrick. W hile gender is dif ficult to determine in
im m a t ure sk ele t o ns, t h e t e a m use d t h e f e w clu es
available along with associated clothing and personal
ef fects to conclude that about 55 percent of the 134
child skeletons w ere female. Osteological and dental
age determination showed that these children ranged
in age from birth to about t w elve years, with a mean
of 6.8 years, and all of the victims, including the seven
with crushing injuries, had exposure to fire (Sno w et
al. 1993).
The findings at Site 1 w ere among the principal bases
f or t h e U N Tru t h Co m missio n’s co nclusio n t h a t t h e
Salva d ora n army h a d co m mit t e d a m assacre in El
M o z o t e a n d five n e arby villa g es, resultin g in t h e
d e a t hs o f a t le ast 500 p erso ns a n d pro b a bly m a ny
m ore. Th e re p ort also inclu d e d t h e n a m es o f hig h-
ra n kin g o f ficers in t h e arm e d f orces o f El Salva d or
w h o w ere resp o nsible f or t h e o p era tio n. Th e fin d-
ings of the commission prompted the Clinton A dmin-
i s t r a t i o n t o p u b l i cl y r e c t i f y t h e U . S. S t a t e
Department’s former position that the massacre had
never occurred. In El Salvador, the A tlacatl Battalion,
w hich had committed the massacre, w as officially dis-
b a n d e d, t h o u g h its m e m b ers w ere place d in o t h er
army units.
General considerations
As t h e El M o z o t e exa m ple sh o ws, t h e investig a tio n
o f a case o f h u m a n rig h ts viola tio ns is m uch m ore
co m plex t h a n a n ordin ary crimin al case. In El Salva-
d or, it w as t h e st a t e t h a t kille d h u n dre d o f p erso ns
Uncovering Evidence 9
a n d t h e n trie d t o block t h e investig a tio n. Th e ch al-
lenges are thus both technical and political.
Diverse experiences in other contexts have taught us
that the f ollo wing issues must be considered bef ore
starting a forensic investigation:
1) THE EXHUMATION OF GRAVES IS NOT JUST
A TECHNICAL OPERATION
Be f ore se n din g in a f ore nsic t e a m, t h e a u t h orities
and NG Os involved must consider the potential psy-
chological, judicial, political, economic and humani-
t a ri a n co nse q u e nces o f exh u m i n g a n d p ossi b ly
id e n tifyin g h u ma n remains. Th e results o f a n NG O ’s
pro bin g t o d e t ermin e w h e t h er so m e o n e w as ex-
ecuted by the police or died in a confrontation could
lead to severe judicial and political consequences for
t h e g overn m e n t—a n o u tco m e f or w hich t h e N G O
must be prepared.
A n NG O must also plan for the po w erful psychologi-
cal impact that exhumation has on victims’ relatives.
In G u a t e m ala, f or exa m ple, t h e exp erts o n psych o-
logical support collaborate with forensic anthropolo-
gists before, during and after the exhumation.
2) UNDERSTANDING
THE LOCAL CONTEXT IS CRUCIAL
Fore nsic scie n tists m ust co nsid er a n d resp ect t h e lo-
cal context, including the ethnic, religious and politi-
cal rela tio ns in t h e a f f ect e d co m m u nities a n d t h e
dynamics o f t he specific co n flict. In a co u n try w here
most of the population is M uslim, for instance, there
are specific restrictions about the treatment of a dead
b o dy, a n d a pro p ose d a u t o psy co uld b e reject e d.
These issues must be studied in advance and in close
commu nica tio n a n d colla b ora tio n w it h t h e p o p ula-
tion and its religious leaders.
3) FAMILIES ARE CENTRAL TO THE PROCESS
Th e f a milies a n d co m m u nities o f t h e victims are a
ce n tral a n d f u n d a m e n t al p art o f a ny investig a tio n,
be f ore, d urin g an d a f ter t he act ual f orensic w ork. It
is important to keep them informed of the true pos-
sibilities of success in the investigation and not create
f alse exp ect a tio ns. In places diverse as G u a t e m ala,
Colo m bia, Peru, A rg e n tin a, t h e Philip pin es, t h e
f orm er Yu g oslavia, Et hio pia, Zim b a b w e, Cyprus or
Kurdistan, w here the most af fected populations are
indigenous people and peasants living far a w ay from
the big cities, the experience of forensic scientists has
sh o w n t h a t t h e process o f exh u m a tio n is a f u n d a-
mental step for the community and the families, not
only in terms of their search for truth and justice, but
also as a cultural and religious turning point.
In m ost cases t h e co m m u nity a n d t h e f a milies h elp
the investigators with logistical matters and security,
and provide fundamental pre-mortem information.
So m e tim es t h e f a milies travel lo n g dist a nces t o b e
10
present during the exhumations. Unless investigators
t a k e t h e tim e t o t alk w it h f a milies, im p ort a n t d a t a
m ay b e lost f orever.
People from all different cultural, ethnic and religious
contexts have lived through the experience of having
a loved one kidnapped and never seen again. A rela-
tive m ay h ave sim ply le f t t h e h o use a n d n ever re-
t urn e d. Th ey t h e n p ass ye ars or eve n d eca d es w it h
no information about w hat happened. It can become
a critical psychological and emotional necessity to see
h o w t h e b o dy is exh u m e d fro m a cla n d estin e grave
a n d t o f ollo w t h e results o f t h e investig a tio n. Fami-
lies w ant to kno w w hat happened, w hen, w here and
w hy. It is t h e first co ncre t e in f orm a tio n t h ey h ave
received about the plight of their loved ones.
4) THE LEGAL CONTEXT
MUST BE CLEARLY DEFINED
Th e use o f f ore nsic scie nce in t h e d ocu me n t a tio n o f
h u m a n rig h ts viola tio ns h as cre a t e d n e w sit u a tio ns
a n d q u estio ns t h a t are b eyo n d t h e exp erie nces o f
m ost p e o ple. Give n t his u n exa min e d t errit ory, it is
esse n tial t o h ave a cle ar se nse o f t h e kin d o f case a t
stake. W e need to understand w hether the objective
is to build a judicial case or w hether it is preferable to
sim ply re trieve t h e re m ains f or h u m a nit aria n re a-
so ns, f or t h e f a milies a n d co m m u nities. Sh ort-t erm
interests should not, ho w ever, negate the possibility
o f reaching long-term goals. W hile there may be no
curren t prospect o f a ju dicial case, t he investigatio n
should plan for the possibility of a case in the future.
In many of the places w here these investigations take
place, t here is a p o w er vacu um. Far a w ay from capi-
t al cities t h e st a t e’s prese nce m ay b e diff use, a n d
legislation on procedures f or exhuming and analyz-
in g h u m a n re m ains m ay n o t exist. W h o h as cust o dy
over t h e gravesit e? W h ere sh o uld t h e re m ains b e
st ore d? W h o h as a u t h ority t o a n alyz e t h e m? Such
q u estio ns m ust b e a d dresse d by t h e N G O a n d t h e
f orensic experts be f ore t he process begins.
Professional assumptions regarded as standard in the
United States and Europe often cannot be made. For
example, if the excavation o f a grave will take more
than one day, the site should normally remain under
police custody w hen investigators are not present. It
ca n b e dif ficult t o co m ply w it h t his re q uire m e n t if
t he site is t o u g h t o access. It mig h t even be t o o dan-
gerous for a police officer to stay overnight. Such di-
lemmas are common w hen the UN is not involved.
O f ten a compromise is reached. Some standards are
m e t w hile o t h ers are n o t, a n d t his h as costs. If t h e
investigation is meant to provide legal evidence, pro-
ce d ural errors—lik e g a ps in t h e ch ain o f cust o dy—
ca n m a k e it h ard er t o arg u e f or t h e le g al validity o f
t h e evid e nce. If m e m b ers o f a n N G O re trieve so m e
evid e nce—a b ulle t, f or exa m ple—fro m t h e crim e
scene because they are w orried that it will
b e hid d e n by t h e p olice, t his im p ort a n t
piece o f evid e nce ca n n o t la t er b e in tro-
d uce d in t h e o f ficial investig a tio n. Simi-
larly, if a grave is o p e n e d w it h o u t a n
o f ficial a u t h oriz a tio n, t h e results m ay
later be declared invalid.

In so m e co n t exts, such as Zim b a b w e t o-

day, it is impossible to have a judicial pro-
cess. Th ose resp o nsible f or t h e killin gs in
M atebeleland are still in po w er. With such
an apparently hopeless political challenge,
t h ere m ay a p p e ar t o b e less n e e d t o f ol-
Families of the disappeared in Guatemala praying in front of boxes containing remains exhumed
lo w correct procedure carefully. But in the
from a clandestine grave. Photo courtesy of EAAF.
future that political situation may change,
and if all legal requirements for an inves-
tigation are follo w ed carefully, there will
be usable evidence against the perpetra-
t ors in t h e f u t ure.

5) SECURITY MUST BE CAREFULLY

EVALUATED
In this w ork, security is very important, not
o nly f or t h e w it n esses a n d rela tives b u t
also f or the investigators and grave sites.
Since p erp e tra t ors m ay still resid e n e ar
t h e sit e o f a n investig a tio n, o u tsid e re-
se arch ers w h o arrive a t t h e sit e a n d are
seen talking with witnesses of a massacre
may b e p u t tin g t h eir o w n lives a t risk. As
a result, a n N G O m ust b e very care f ul in
approaching witnesses.
A member of the forensic team interviewing relatives in Iraqi Kurdistan. Photo courtesy of
In G u a t e m ala d urin g 2003, f or inst a nce, EAAF.
t h e G u a t e m ala n Fore nsic A n t hro p olo gy
Fo u n datio n w as su bjected t o repeated t hreats, pro- In co nclusio n, h u m a n rig h ts viola tio ns are n o t ordi-
vo kin g urg e n t alerts in t h eir d e f e nse aro u n d t h e nary crimes, but extraordinary, massive and systemic
w orld. Such threats sometimes forced them to inter- violations, in w hich the state is often the main perpe-
rupt their investigations. In Colombia, several inves- tra t or. In m a ny t hird w orld co u n tries a n d fle d glin g
tig a t ors fro m t h e Fiscalía Ge n eral d e la Nació n h ave democracies, political and executive po w ers can con-
b e e n kille d d urin g t h e w ork o n t h e sit e o f a m assa- strain the functioning of the judiciary, impeding the
cre. w ay t h a t justice is investig a t e d a n d a d minist ere d.
Thus there is alw ays a risk that f orensic analyses car-
6) SPECIALISTS SHOULD BE INDEPENDENT ried out by local professionals may be compromised.
In every case, b u t esp ecially in t h ose w h ere st a t e
a g e n ts are im plica t e d in t h e crim es, it is esse n tial t o Further, in transitional situations, the search for truth
w ork w it h f ore nsic sp ecialists w h o are in d e p e n d e n t a b o u t t h e p ast h as socie t al im plica tio ns t h a t g o b e-
of the state. This guarantees the transparency of the yond official justice. Post-conflict societies have a deep
process a n d b uilds co n fid e nce a m o n g f a milies. This n e e d t o est a blish a n e w rela tio nship o f co n fid e nce
independence has t w o aspects. First, there should be bet w een the state and its citizens, and investigations
n o f orm al a f filia tio n w it h t h e st a t e. Seco n d, t h e ac- o f p ast “ tru t hs” are a crucial ele m e n t in t his. Th e
tual w ork of the investigation must be independent f amilies o f victims t e n d n o t t o trust f u nctio n aries o f
o f p olitical or o t h er pressure t h a t co uld result in bi- the same state that abducted their loved ones, even
ase d results. For exa m ple, w h e n a priso n er is f o u n d if a ne w re gime is in p o w er. The sta te itself ca n be n-
hanged in his cell in a jail, the official state doctor will efit from the use of independent investigators, sho w-
usually perf orm the autopsy. W hile his w ork may be ing sensitivity to the past and a need to slo wly rebuild
professionally sound, it will not be credible to the fam- this confidence.
ily b eca use h e is a f filia t e d w it h t h e o f ficial syst e m,
and they will ask that a second autopsy be performed
by so me o n e fro m o u tsid e t h e st a t e.

Uncovering Evidence 11
How the work is planned
A ny forensic investigation must be composed of the
follo wing three steps:
a) Preliminary investigation. This includes interviews
with witnesses, relatives of the victims, local au-
t h orities a n d p erp e tra t ors; collectin g a n d a n a-
lyzin g a ny availa ble d ocu m e n ts rela t e d t o t h e
eve n ts u n d er investig a tio n (ce m e t ery records,
police files, ne wspapers); and setting up a data-
base f or the in f ormation in order to cross-check
t h e d a t a a n d est a blish hyp o t h eses a b o u t t h e
case.
b) Archaeological investigation. This involves survey-
ing possible grave sites, intervie wing primary wit-
n esses o f t h e b urials a n d, fin ally, exh u min g t h e
bodies and any other associated evidence.
c) Laboratory analysis. This involves anthropologi-
cal st u dy o f t h e re m ains in ord er t o est a blish
cause of death and, w hen possible, to positively
identify the victim.
In practice, t h e st a g es ca n n o t al w ays b e carrie d o u t
in this sequence, and they sometimes overlap. In the
case o f b o dies f o u n d in cla n d estin e graves, f or ex-
a m ple, t h e seco n d st a g e is carrie d o u t first, a n d t h e
field w ork starts once a w orking hypothesis has been
established. In other cases, the body is found immedi-
ately after death, and the forensic investigation gets
u n d er w ay a f t er it h as b e e n recovere d, a t t h e sa m e
tim e as la b ora t ory a n alyses are carrie d o u t.
Th e t hre e st a g es are closely rela t e d, a n d in spit e o f
t h e f act t h a t t h ey are co n d uct e d by sp ecialists fro m
dif f ere n t fields, t h e a p pro ach t o t h e investig a tio n
m ust b e m u l t i d isci p li n a ry. U n f o r t u n a t e ly, t h is
multidisciplinary relationship is not alw ays f ully rec-
ognized. O n one hand, medical experts are expected
t o p erf orm a varie ty o f t asks o u tsid e t h eir sp h ere o f
exp ertise, b u t o n t h e o t h er, le g al a u t h orities, m e di-
cal experts an d p olice f orces o f ten f ail t o discuss t he
general analysis o f t he case.
Fore nsic rese arch ers, n o m a t t er w h a t t h eir field,
serve as t ech nical assist a n ts t o t h e le g al a u t h orities,
w h o order t he investigative measures t hey co nsider
releva n t. U n f ort u n a t ely, if t h e le g al a u t h orities are
u na w are o f w hat researchers can learn from a b o dy
or a blo o dst ain a t t h e sit e w h ere t h e b o dy w as dis-
covere d, t h ey w ill n o t b e a ble t o accura t ely ju d g e
w het her t he expert rep ort su bmit ted is complete.
How can NGOs apply
the forensic sciences?
Human rights defenders and members of NG Os don’t
all need to become forensic scientists, but they should
le arn h o w t o t a k e a dva n t a g e o f t h e services o f a
forensic expert. In addition, in situations w here NG Os
are promoting or collaborating with a forensic inves-
tig a tio n, t h ere are crucial t asks b e f ore, d urin g a n d
after the investigation that the NG O can carry out. If
12
w e look at the NG O’s role in a holistic w ay, it involves
several stages, including:
a) diagnosing the need for and setting the param-
eters o f a potential f orensic investigation
b) building relationships with local authorities and
communities
c) finding allies w ho could assist with the project
d) assistin g w it h t h e collectio n o f d a t a b e f ore a n d
during the investigation
e) creatin g a multidisciplinary team o f pro f essio n-
als t o assist in t h e w ork
f) h elpin g t o co ordin a t e or su p p ort a n in t e gra t e d
investigatio n w it hin t he co n text o f broader h u-
man rights objectives
g) disseminating the results of the investigation
Le t’s exa min e e ach o f t h ese t asks.
A) INITIAL DIAGNOSIS
In a situation w here the state, for political reasons, is
n o t alre a dy investig a tin g a p ast crim e, or m ay itself
be the perpetrator, it will often be the human rights
NG Os taking the first steps. NG Os may be w orking to
call public attention to past abuses, to combat impu-
nity through prosecutions, or to promote legislation
t o preve n t t h e re p e titio n o f such crim es. Th ey m ay
develop programs on human rights education so that
citizens don’t lose their sense of history, or represent
victims se e kin g t h e tru t h a b o u t in divid u al cases. In
any such situation, an NG O may decide that scientific
evidence might further its objectives.
The first step is to carry out a diagnosis of the case—
to analyze the political, judicial and religious context
to determine w hether a forensic investigation is fea-
sible a n d a p pro pria t e. This w ill involve m a ny q u es-
tions, for example:
♦ Is there a transitional or legal process that might
use such evidence?
♦ W h a t are t h e re q uireme n ts o f t h e p e n al co d e?
♦ Is t h ere a prosecu t or w h o w o uld reco g niz e t his
kind of evidence?
♦ Are there structural or political barriers to using
such scie n tific d a t a? For inst a nce, fro m t h e reli-
gio us p ersp ective, in so m e co u n tries t h ere are
very sp ecific rules f or d e alin g w it h b o dies a n d
autopsies are not allo w ed.
♦ Is there a local forensic profession or system? For
exa m ple, in so m e A frica n co u n tries w h ere t h e
development of the forensic system is very poor,
t h e N G O mig h t n e e d t o a p pro ach m e m b ers o f
t h e hig h est trib u n al t o try t o p ersu a d e t h e m o f
the importance o f f orensic w ork.
♦ A re t h ere a ny security risks? W ill f orm er p erp e-
tra t ors re t alia t e a g ainst such ca m p aig ns? A re
t h ere allies w h o ca n h elp pro t ect a g ainst such
risks?
♦ A re t h e f a milies a n d co m m u nities su p p ortin g
such a n investig a tio n? It is esse n tial t o evalu a t e
t h e exp ect a tio ns o f t h e f a milies a n d m e m b ers
 of the community about this kind of w ork and to
understand their desires, doubts and troubles.
B) BUILDING LOCAL RELATIONSHIPS WITH
AUTHORITIES AND COMMUNITIES
A forensic investigation involves both the communi-
ties o f t h e victims a n d a u t h orities fro m t h e st a t e.
N G Os are o f t e n t h e crucial lin k b e t w e e n t h ese t w o
key groups. Human rights NG Os need to understand
the w ays of the community and develop relationships
o f trust w it h t h e victims a n d t h eir co m m u nities. In
Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo,
for example, before approaching the relatives of the
victims it w as necessary to meet with village chiefs to
explain t h e investig a tio n a n d t o ask f or a u t h oriz a-
tio n t o t alk w it h t h e rela tives. Similarly, in La tin
A m erica ch urch le a d ers—fro m n a tio n al bish o ps t o
local priests—have been imp ortan t in promo tio n o f
investigations and building necessary relationships.
W hile t h ere m ay b e gre a t distrust in a co m m u nity
to w ard any “ official” collaboration, a forensic inves-
tigation often has its greatest impact as an “ official”
investigation, promoting institutional and structural
change. NG Os can help bridge this gap in confidence,
e d uca t e victim co m m u nities a b o u t t h e processes o f
change and promote debate about their relationships
w it h t h e st a t e.
The NG O can simultaneo usly play a role vis-à-vis t he
st a t e. O n t h e o n e h a n d t h e N G Os are p ushin g t h e
st a t e t o f ulfill its resp o nsibility a n d t h us colla b ora t-
in g in a le g al process. A t t h e sa m e tim e, t h e N G Os
pressure t h e st a t e t o b e acco u n t a ble f or its actio ns
and in so doing stand up for its victims.
C) FINDING ALLIES
Projects o f t his kin d h ave m a ny p o t e n tial allies.
Th o u g h f ar fro m exh a ustive, t h e f ollo w in g list o u t-
lin es t h e kin ds o f p e o ple a n d instit u tio ns w h o ca n
help.
Ju d g es, prosecu t ors a n d la wyers: Le g al a u t h orities
decide w hether or not an investigation can proceed,
a n d w it h t h e rig h t allies, it ca n b e p ossible t o m ove
f or w ard w it h investig a tio ns t h a t w ill b e im p ort a n t
and precedent-setting, even in situations that are po-
litically ch alle n gin g. Every le g al co m m u nity, eve n
those with the w orst elements of injustice and impu-
nity, will have some ethical professionals w ho are in-
terested in justice and willing to o f fer some support
to the noble objectives of human rights. A judge w ho
is w illin g t o h elp ca n h ave a gre a t im p act w h e n it
comes to securing permissions. A friendly la wyer can
offer crucial advice about the future use of evidence.
Forensic and criminalistic doctors: M edical profession-
als carry out the forensic tasks. O n the one hand there
are in d e p e n d e n t in t ern a tio n al gro u ps lik e E A A F. In
addition, ho w ever, many countries are home to pro-
f essionals with the necessary independence. Finally,
in cases such as in Guatemala and Peru, it might be a
priority of the human rights movement to develop a
local NG O with professional expertise in this field. 3
Religio us an d commu nity leaders: Religio us le a d ers
are usu ally in close co n t act w it h t h e n e e ds o f t h eir
commu nities a n d ca n q uickly mo biliz e memb ers. A t
t h e sa m e tim e, religio us a u t h orities o f t e n h ave a n
in flu e nce w it h g overn m e n t al a u t h orities t h a t secu-
lar organizations lack. If there are security risks asso-
ciated with such campaigns, for instance, it has often
been church NG Os led by bishops or other church au-
t h orities w h o have been able t o pro pel such investi-
g a tio ns f or w ard. O n a local level, religio us le a d ers
are k ey t o u n d erst a n din g a n d resp ectin g t h e local
cult ure—a n issu e o f sp ecial im p ort a nce w h e n d e al-
ing with the question of death and the treatment of
dead bodies.
Political parties: Forensic investigations are often part
o f political transitions that w ork to contribute to an
en d t o imp u nity. Since transitio ns o f ten req uire f ur-
ther reform and ne w legislation, an integrated cam-
p aig n ca n b e n e fit fro m p olitical allies w it h skills in
these areas. In addition, politicians are often in a po-
sitio n t o m a k e d ecisio ns (g o o d or b a d) a b o u t a n in-
vestigation.
Educational system : Ed ucat ors are crucial in t he f or-
mation of public opinion and in deciding ho w recent
history will be taught. Since these investigations will
f orm a f u n d a m e n t al piece o f socie ty’s visio n o f t h e
tru t h o f its p ast, it m a k es se nse f or h u m a n rig h ts
N G Os t o in t e gra t e t h eir investig a tio ns w it h h u m a n
rights education.
Foreign embassies: Diplomats exert international po-
litical pressure o n reluct a n t g overn m e n ts a n d m ay
provide needed expertise and additional funds.
Local and international NG Os can support the plan of
action for the investigation.
The United Nations and regional organs can partici-
pate in the implementation of investigation plans or
eve n carry t h em o u t.
Each of these actors and institutions can be either an
ally or an opponent for a human rights organization
t h a t pro m o t es a f ore nsic investig a tio n. For t his re a-
so n, it is imp ortan t t o w ork w it h t hem at each stage
o f t he process. Strategies f or b uildin g such alliances
w ill dif f er d e p e n din g o n w h e t h er t h e N G O alre a dy
h as co n t acts in t h ese sect ors. N G Os ca n stre n g t h e n
t hese allia nces by a p proachin g pro f essio nal orga ni-
z a tio ns a n d o f f erin g w orksh o ps a b o u t t h e project
geared to w ards certain pro fessions.
Uncovering Evidence 13
In 1992, w h e n w e visit e d El Salva d or t o investig a t e
t h e case o f El M o z o t e, w e me t w it h mem b ers o f t h e
su pre m e co urt t o a d dress t h e n ecessity o f a n in d e-
p e n d e n t investig a tio n. W e me t w it h t h e direct or o f
the local medicolegal institute to present a w ork plan
a n d m e t several tim es w it h t h e ju d g e in ch arg e o f
t h e case. W e visit e d several Euro p e a n e m b assies t o
g arn er su p p ort a n d t o pressure t h e g overn me n t. Si-
multaneously, Tutela Legal, the local NG O w ho called
us, m e t w it h p e o ple a n d instit u tio ns in t h e co u n try
a n d a bro a d, in ord er t o cre a t e a n u m brella o f su p-
port for the investigation.
Occasionally some sectors of a society feel that cases
of disappearance should be left in the past. They fear
an investigation could open w ounds—w ounds that in
fact w ere never closed—or that the disappearance is
important only to the relatives. The alliance-building
process helps to overcome such reluctance to partici-
pate in the investigation.
D) ASSISTING WITH THE COLLECTION OF DATA
BEFORE AND DURING THE INVESTIGATION
Some investigative tasks will require external exper-
tise, b u t o t h ers ca n b e acco m plish e d w it h t h e in t er-
n al reso urces o f t h e N G O . In p articular, activists ca n
carry out the tasks involved in the preliminary inves-
tig a tio n, such as co m pilin g t estim o ny, cre a tin g a
tim elin e o f t h e p erio d w h e n t h e eve n ts t o o k place
and locating surviving relatives.
In t he so u t h o f Zimbab w e h u n dreds o f peo ple w ere
killed in the 1980s by President Robert M ugabe’s gov-
ernment. Over several years, a local NG O w orking in
M atabeleland visited each small village and surveyed
possible grave sites to produce a list of victims. W hile
not forensic experts, these NG Os collected the initial
in f ormation necessary f or a f uture investigation.
Similarly, in t h e Philip pin es, w e h ave w ork e d w it h a
local N G O calle d FIN D (Fa milies o f t h e Victims o f In-
volu n t ary Disa p p e ara nce). Be f ore o ur arrival, t h ey
documented 1,661 cases o f disappearances over the
last 30 ye ars. Th ey visit e d re gio ns w h ere t h e disa p-
pearances happened, such as Camarines Norte, Bicol,
Negros Occidental and M indanao, and marked on a
map the grave sites pointed out by the local popula-
tion. As a result, w hen w e arrived w e had a map with
the distribution of the graves and information about
e ach case. W e colla b ora t e d w it h t h e investig a tive
t e a m o f FIN D t o a n alyz e t h e in f orm a tio n, h elp e d
t h e m d evelo p a n e w d a t a f orm f or collectin g a n d
im provin g t h e in f orm a tio n a n d w ork e d w it h t h e m
o n d evelo pin g n e w f orms f or collectin g a d ditio n al
data.
The data forms are crucial. Forensic investigation in-
volves a great deal of specific information that a lay-
p erso n m ay n o t k n o w t o ask a b o u t. Since f ore nsic
sp ecialists o f t e n w ork t o id e n tify b o dies a n d m a tch
14
them to description of people w ho have disappeared,
forensic anthropologists have designed detailed pre-
m ort e m q u estio n n aires t o h elp in t h e collectio n o f
in f orm a tio n. 4 (A sa m ple f orm is inclu d e d a t t h e e n d
o f this notebook.) These questionnaires not only in-
quire about the events surrounding the person’s death
or disa p p e ara nce, t h ey also g a t h er as m a ny p hysi-
cally descriptive details data about the person as pos-
sible, fro m birt h m arks t o siz es o f clo t hin g t o le f t or
rig h t-han ded ness. Family members are asked t o de-
scrib e t h e sh a p e o f t h e b o n e struct ure, t h eir b e ards
and eye color, and any other details they can remem-
b er. Q u estio ns a b o u t t h e p erso n’s lif estyle—such as
ho w much and w hat the person smoked, w hat he or
sh e did f or a livin g a n d a w o m a n’s t o t al n u m b er o f
pregnancies—can provide additional clues. Data must
scru p ulo usly b e collect e d a b o u t every accid e n t a n d
m e dical eve n t in t h e p erso n’s hist ory, f or eve n cer-
t ain a p p are n tly mild dise ases ca n le ave id e n tifyin g
trails in t h e victim’s b o dy. In f orm a tio n a b o u t b o n e
fractures and their medical treatment can help iden-
tify so m e o n e, a n d d e n t al hist ory is o f vit al im p or-
t a nce. If d e n t al records are n o t availa ble, f a mily
m e m b ers’ d escrip tio ns o f t h e sh a p e o f t h e victim’s
t e e t h, t h e k n o w le d g e o f a cavity, a fract ure d t o o t h,
or more co mplica t e d trea tme n ts all yield use f ul evi-
d e nce. Blo o d sa m ples fro m rela tives are crucial f or
identification, because w hen there is not enough pre-
m ort e m d a t a, t h e g e n e tic a n alysis o f t h e blo o d a n d
the recovered bones can con firm or ref ute a victim’s
identity.
Similarly, there is a need to collect geographical data
fro m w it n esses t o a b urial, as t his ca n h elp id e n tify
t h e loca tio n o f cla n d estin e ce m e t eries a n d h ast e n
the painstakingly careful processes of exhumation.
The data collection process can be a truly joint effort
bet w een the local community or human rights group
and the forensic specialists. W hen forensic specialists
can first train them in exactly w hat to ask, the NG Os
ca n w ork in t h e co m m u nity a n d e f f ectively collect
the data needed.
E) GATHERING TOGETHER A
MULTIDISCIPLINARY TEAM OF PROFESSIONALS
Forensic investigations require the assistance of pro-
f essio n als w it h diverse skills w h o ca n w ork w it h t h e
human rights NG O as consultants, as part of the uni-
versity system or in other capacities. The most impor-
tant pro f essionals f or this type o f investigation are:
♦ computer experts, w ho can assist in creating da-
t a b ases t h a t process a n d correla t e d a t a
♦ la wyers, w ho can take a case to the tribunal and
introduce independent forensic experts
♦ social anthropologists, who can evaluate the char-
acteristics of a community and interview the fami-
lies
♦ f orensic an t hro p olo gists, w h o can carry o u t t he
exh u m a tio n o f a grave a n d try t o id e n tify t h e
recovered remains
♦ f ore nsic d oct ors, w h o ca n est a blish w h e t h er a
b o dy sh o ws sig ns o f t ort ure a n d h o w a p erso n
died
♦ psych olo gists, w h o ca n o f f er co u nselin g t o sur-
viving victims and families
F) INTEGRATING THE INVESTIGATION WITH
BROADER HUMAN RIGHTS OBJECTIVES
A good example of the integration of all these disci-
plines can be seen in the w ork of the Foundation for
Forensic A nthropology of Guatemala (FAFG), an NG O
that has been w orking since 1992 to investigate mass
graves in the country.
Th e N G O C O N A VIG U A (N a tio n al Co u ncil o f G u a t e-
m a l a n W i d o w s) a s k e d F A F G f o r a ss i s t a n c e .
C O N A VIG U A k n e w t h e local p e o ple a n d t h e victims
in t h e co m m u nities a n d h a d d evelo p e d w it h t h e m
the relationships needed for collecting information.
F A FG collect e d t h e d a t a, w hich w as e n t ere d in t o a
d a t a b ase cre a t e d f or F A FG w it h t h e h elp o f co m-
p u t er exp erts. A t t h e sa m e tim e, a la w yer fro m
CO N A VIGU A w ent with villagers to present the case
t o t h e ju d g e a n d ask e d f or a n exh u m a tio n. A psy-
chologist and a social anthropologist coordinated with
CO N A VIGU A to initiate a series of visits to the village
w here the exhumations w ere planned. A fter several
m e e tin gs, a n d w it h t h e a u t h oriz a tio n o f t h e ju d g e,
the forensic anthropologists exhumed the grave, ana-
lyzed the remains and w orked to identify the victims.
As a result of this process, some families learned about
the final resting place of their loved ones and laid to
rest ye ars o f a n g uish. C O N A VIG U A h elp e d its m e m-
bers in need. Finally, CO N AVIGU A and other human
rights NG Os used the in f ormation uncovered by the
investigation to support broader campaigns trying to
co n fro n t d e e p-se a t e d im p u nity in G u a t e m ala a n d
pro m o t e d prosecu tio ns f or p ast viola tio ns a n d re-
f orms t o preve n t t h eir re p e titio n in t h e f u t ure.
G) DISSEMINATING INVESTIGATION RESULTS
The truth serves both the victim and the judicial pro-
cess. Ho w ever, w hen there has been a history o f sys-
tematic human rights abuses, the truth uncovered in
h u m a n rig h ts investig a tio ns sh o uld also serve t h e
bro a d er o bjective o f tra nsf ormin g socie ty. Th e pro-
cess of education for human rights is vital to this pro-
cess.
St a t es h ave fre q u e n tly trie d t o d ele gitimiz e h u m a n
rig h ts gro u ps an d victims by labelin g t hem “su bver-
sive, ” “ p olitical, ” “ biase d ” or eve n “cra zy. ” Th e le-
g i t i m i z i n g i m p a c t o f a sci e n t i f ic a l l y cr e d i b l e
investigation can play a vital role in public education.
Bo t h h u m a n rig h ts gro u ps a n d t h e n a tio n al e d uca-
tio n syst e m ca n b uild t h e results o f such investig a-
tions into their public education, countering the years
o f discrediting publicity that victims have had to en-
dure.
The scientific credibility of the process also allo ws hu-
man rights groups to reach out to people and groups
w h o mig h t previo usly h ave b e e n reluct a n t t o t a k e
human rights issues seriously and to create ne w allies
for the struggle against impunity.
This process o f disse min a tin g in f orm a tio n ca n t a k e
all o f the many avenues that NG Os have at their dis-
p osal. NG Os may ch o ose t o use t he me dia, t o crea te
p u blica tio ns a n d o t h er art f orms aim e d a t diverse
a u die nces a n d t o b uild b e t t er co n t acts w it h o f ficial
and private educational systems. The overriding goal
is t o e nsure t h a t t h ese hist ories b eco m e a p art o f
society’s memory and offer compelling lessons for the
f u t ure.
Challenges for the NGO
Th e successf ul im ple m e n t a tio n o f a pro gra m o f f o-
rensic investigation by a human rights NG O involves
a series of medium- and long-term challenges:
Sa tisfyin g t h e n e e ds o f t h e rela tives o f t h e victims
a n d t h eir co mm u nities. V ery o f t e n t h e n e e ds a n d
exp ect a tio ns o f t h e victims are n o t co m ple t ely u n-
d erst o o d by t h e N G O . For exa m ple, t h e d esire f or
justice is not alw ays the highest priority f or a family.
They may be afraid of the consequences of bringing
t h e p erp e tra t or t o justice. Th e N G O , o n t h e o t h er
h a n d, h as w it h a w id er p ersp ective w it h m ore f ar-
reaching goals and may see this objective as the most
fundamental.
In o t h er cases, a villa g e a f f ect e d by disa p p e ara nces
and killings may be marginalized and su f fering eco-
n o mically. Th e arrival o f a n N G O fro m t h e city m ay
create expectations not only of the exhumations, but
also f or reco nstructio n, jo bs, f o o d a n d eco n o mic
gro w t h. N G Os m ust b e pre p are d f or co n flictin g ex-
pectations.
M aking sure that isolated communities have a voice
and a presence in the national and international con-
text . M ost human rights violations are committed in
isolated communities. A n NG O, big or small, provides
a channel for local communities to express their ideas,
feelings and needs to a wider audience. W hen foren-
sic w ork t a k es place, t h e results as w ell as t h e n e e ds
of the affected communities must be shared in order
t o have a stro n ger impact.
Fu n din g a f ore nsic project . W hile so m e f ore nsic in-
vestig a tio ns are larg e, tim e-co nsu min g e n d e avors
t h a t are su p p ort e d by o f ficial b o dies a n d h ave t h e
f u n ds t o e m ploy m ultiple o u tsid e exp erts, t his ca n
h ardly b e said f or t h e m ajority o f investig a tio ns. In-
deed, it has created the perception among some NGOs
that f orensic investigations are prohibitively expen-
sive. In reality, ho w ever, forensic w ork is not intrinsi-
cally more costly than other investigations. M uch o f
t h e w ork ca n b e d o n e by t h e st a f fs o f t h e org a niz a-
Uncovering Evidence 15
tio ns t a kin g o n t h e project. Th e use o f o u tsid e ex-
p erts d o es n o t h ave t o b e m ore costly t h a n t h e sala-
ries o f o t her h uma n rig h ts w orkers.
The basic equipment required for the most technical
asp ect o f t h e investig a tio n—t h e exh u m a tio n o f a
grave and analysis of the remains—is inexpensive and
can be bought in a normal hard w are store. Depend-
ing on the condition of the bodies, further work might
b e d o n e in a local m ort u ary or a h ospit al. Th e k ey is
t o h ave a f ore nsic sp ecialist t o g uid e t h e e f f orts. In
Et hio pia, f or example, w e investigated several mass
graves, primarily usin g hammers, plastic bags, sh ov-
els and tro w els. The recovered bodies w ere analyzed
a t t h e m ort u ary o f t h e Re d Lyo n H ospit al in A d dis
A baba.
Genetic analysis is probably the most expensive tool
in t his kin d o f investig a tio n, since t h e t ech n olo gy is
time-consuming and fe w labs have to capacity to do
t h e w ork. EA A F is urgin g g overn me n ts t o make t his
a n alysis m ore availa ble a n d a f f ord a ble f or h u m a n
rights investigations. In general, ho w ever, a forensic
project ca n b e initia t e d w it h a m o d est a m o u n t o f
funds—just as with other initiatives.
Fin ally, so me f ore nsic investig a tio ns really are lo n g-
t erm projects. Th ese projects o f t e n involve multiple
investigations w here there is a great deal of abusive
history to uncover—a national transition, for instance.
In such cases, it is im p ort a n t t o b uild a sust ain a ble
project with ongoing, long-term capacity. W hile this
does require expertise in securing project funds, the
stability of a long-term project can increase the cred-
ibility of the NG O in the eyes of donors, the judiciary,
politicians and, of course, the victims.
Recommendations for official
tribunals or truth commissions5
Th e exp erie nce o f f ore nsic h u m a n rig h ts investig a-
tion has often focused on special tribunals and truth
co m missio ns. M a ny o f t h e sa m e p oin ts m e n tio n e d
a b ove, h o w ever, are also releva n t f or t h ese instit u-
tional short-term processes. Based on our experience
w orking in and advising many of these initiatives, w e
b elieve t h eir e f f ective n ess w o uld b e im prove d by
doing the follo wing:
♦ Improve the relationship bet w een families of vic-
tims a n d f ore nsic t eams.
♦ Support families’ right to truth by (1) giving them
access to investigation sites, (2) in f orming them
in advance of possible outcomes, (3) taking their
concerns into account and (4) providing them with
t h e results.
♦ Seek family approval before exhumations.
♦ Create mechanisms to continue the recovery and
id e n tifica tio n process a f t er t h e m a n d a t e o f a
t e m p orary co m missio n or trib u n al e n ds. M ost
t e m p orary instit u tio n al tim elin es are f ar t o o
sh ort f or exh u m a tio ns o f all t h e victims t o b e
16
completed. But families have the right to locate
and identify those remains.
♦ Improve co n tacts bet w een f orensic experts an d
local judiciaries.
♦ Im prove access t o D N A a n alysis.
♦ Protect possible killing and burial sites.
♦ Preserve crucial evidence and forensic reports for
possible ongoing or future investigations. Human
rig h ts investig a tio ns d o n o t al w ays achieve jus-
tice immediately. With ne w international mecha-
nisms a n d p olitical ch a n g e, old cases ca n b e
bro u g h t b ack t o trial, so vit al evid e nce m ust b e
preserved.
♦ Cre a t e w it n ess a n d in f orm er pro t ectio n pro-
grams.
♦ Provide counseling or psychological support f or
persons w ho testify and f or families and friends
of victims before, during and after exhumations.
♦ Provide counseling or psychological support f or
st a f f m e m b ers w h o receive t estim o nies.
♦ Pro m o t e t h e incorp ora tio n o f in t ern a tio n al f o-
rensic protocols for human rights investigations
into domestic criminal procedures.
♦ M aintain contact with local human rights organi-
zations.
Creating local teams and training
local forensic experts
In co u n tries w h ere m assive h u m a n rig h ts viola tio ns
have occurred and forensic w ork is needed, it is vital
to reinforce existing forensic units and help train ne w
local t e a ms. In m ost o f t h ese co u n tries, t h e w ork o f
identifying victims takes decades. International teams
will usually spend only a limited amount of time dur-
ing each mission, and only for a fe w years. A national
team can dedicate itself f ull-time t o t his w ork.
In ma ny o f t h e co u n tries in w hich w e w ork, f ore nsic
sciences are undeveloped or almost nonexistent, and
in m ost o f t h e m, t h e use o f arch a e olo gical a n d a n-
t hro p olo gical t ech niq u es is u n h e ard o f. Th e use o f
p hysical evid e nce in co urt is g e n erally limit e d, a n d
m ost t estim o ny is oral. Th ere f ore, by rein f orcin g or
creating a national forensic team, there is usually an
improvemen t in criminal proced ures an d in t he rule
of la w.
N a tio n al t e a ms t h a t serve t h e victims’ f a milies a n d
t h eir co m m u nities are m ore e f f ective t h a n in t ern a-
tio n al exp erts. Th ey sp e a k t h e sa m e la n g u a g e, are
fro m t h e sa m e cult ure, h ave live d t hro u g h similar
experiences and often have a strong commitment to
improving the rule of la w in their countries. National
teams w ere successf ully created in 1989 in Chile and
in 1992 in G u a t e m ala. This d e m o nstra t es t h a t eve n
in sm all a n d very p o or co u n tries, it is p ossible t o d e-
velo p t h e exp ertise t o b uild e f f ective t eams.
Conclusion
The scientific documentation o f human rights viola-
tions is a po w erful tool in the fight against impunity
a n d t h e se arch f or tru t h a n d justice. For victims a n d
communities w ho have lost loved ones and received
fe w real answ ers from official sources, the possibility
o f exh u min g a grave a n d fin din g t h e re m ains o f a
child, or discoverin g w h e t h er a f a mily m e m b er w as
tortured w hile in prison, can bring some relief to their
extended anguish. A t the same time it is a important
step to w ards bringing the perpetrators to justice.
There is no time limit on the search for loved ones. In
A rg e n tin a, 28 ye ars a f t er t h e killin gs, t h e rela tives
and even the younger generations keep looking f or
the graves. In Indonesia, elderly relatives still remem-
ber and ask to find the bodies of those killed in 1965.
In Spain, the relatives of those killed during the 1930s
civil w ar and ensuing Franco dictatorship are no w ex-
huming graves, more than 65 years after the killings.
Science should not be an isolated field of kno wledge,
k n o w n o nly by “ exp erts” or prosecu t ors. Ra t h er, it
must serve the victims and provide our global society
w it h t h e re al st ories o f t h ose w h o die d n e e dlessly.
NG Os can use science to pursue their broader mission
of promoting and protecting human rights, maximiz-
in g t h e q u ality o f t h eir investig a tio ns a n d brin gin g
solace to victims, relatives and communities.
A f t er w orkin g in m ore t h a n 32 co u n tries w e h ave
se e n t h a t, in spit e o f a m n esties or p olitical calls f or
reco ncilia tio n, w h a t t h e rela tives a n d co m m u nities
w ant is truth, reparation and justice, and to this end
science can play a central role in achieving that.
NOTES
1
Mercedes Doretti and Clyde C. Snow. “Forensic Anthropol-
ogy and Human Rights: The Argentine Experience,” in Hard
Evidence: Case Studies in Forensic Anthropolog y by Dawnie Wolfe
Steadman (ed.), Prentice Hall.
2
Doretti and Snow.
3
For example, Fundación de Antropología Forense de Guate-
mala (fafg@fafg.org).
4
For the full questionnnaire, write to eaaf@velocom.com.ar.
5
Mercedes Doretti and Luis Fondebrider. “Perspectives and
Recommendations from the Field: Forensic Anthropology and
Human Rights in Argentine.” Presented at the 56th Annual
meeting of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences, Dallas,
2004.
Uncovering Evidence 17
Useful Resources
APPLICATIONS OF FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY
Doretti, Mercedes and Luis Fondebrider. “Perspectives and
Recommendations from the Field: Forensic Anthropology
and Human Rights in Argentina.” Presented at the 56th
Annual meeting of the American Academy of Forensic
Sciences. Dallas, 2004.
Doretti, Mercedes, Luis Fondebrider, Patricia Bernardi, and
Anahi Ginarte. “Kotebe Ar-chaeological Report.” Special
Prosecution Office of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
CONADEP, The National Commission on Dis-appeared People.
Nunca Más. London: Faber and Faber, 1986.
Scott, Douglas. “Firearm Identification of the El Mozote Ex-
ecution Site.” New York: United Nations Truth Commis-
sion for El Salvador, 1993.
Simpson, J., and J. Bennett. The Disappeared and the Mothers
of the Plaza. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985.
Snow, Clyde C., and M. J. Bihurriet. “The epidemiology of
homicide: Ningún Nombre burials in the Province of
Buenos Aires from 1970 to 1984.” Human Rights and
Statistics: Getting the Record Straight. Ed. T. B. Jabine
and R. P. Claude. Philadelphia: Univer-sity of Pennsylva-
nia Press, 1992.
BOOKS
James, S. J. Forensic Science, an introduction to Scientifique
and Investigative Techniques. Ed. J.J. Norrdby. CRC
Press, 2003.
Rieff, D. Crimes of War: What the Public Should Know. Ed.
Gutman, R. W.W. Norton, 1999.
Stover, E. and Peress, G. The Graves: Srebrenica & Vukovar.
Zurich: Scalo, 1998.
ARTICLES IN BOOKS
Doretti, M. and C.C. Snow. “Forensic Anthropology and Hu-
man Rights: The Argentine Experience.” Hard Evidence:
Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology. Ed. D.W.
Steadman. Prentice Hall, 2003.
Doretti, M. and L. Fondebrider. “Science and human rights -
Truth, justice, reparation and reconciliation: A long way
in Third World countries.” Archaeologies of the Contem-
porary Past. Eds. V. Buchli and L. Gavin. London:
Routledge, 2001.
Haglund, W. D. “Recent mass graves: An introduction.” Fo-
rensic Taphonomy Advances. Eds. W. D. Haglund and M.
Sorg. CPR Press, 2001. 243-262.
18
JOURNAL ARTICLES
Kirshner, R.H. and Hannibal, K. E. “The Application of the
Forensic Sciences to Human Rights Investigations.” In
Medicine and Law 13 (1994): 451-460.
Snow, C. et al. “The investigation of the human remains of the
‘disappeared’ in Argentina.” American Journal of Medi-
cine and Pathology 5(4) (December 1984): 297-9.
Stover, E. and R. Shigekane. “The missing in the aftermath of
war: When do the needs of victims’ families and interna-
tional war crimes tribunals clash?” Magazine of the ICRC,
84 (December 2002).
CONFERENCES
Caddy, B. “Training and Education of the forensic professional
for the new millennium,” II Regional Course on Forensic
Physics. Bariloche, Argentina, 2001.
Steadman, D. W. and W. D. Haglund. “The anthropologist/
archaeologist in international human rights investigations.”
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American
Academy of Forensic Sciences, Seattle, Washington. Feb-
ruary 19, 2001.
UNITED NATIONS DOCUMENTS
M anual for the Prevention of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Sum-
mary Executions, ST/CSDHA/12 – 1991.
Guidelines for the Conduct of United Nations Inquiries into
Allegations of Massacres, DPI/1710, 1995.
RESOURCES ON THE INTERNET
American Academy of Forensic Sciences
www.aafs.org
ICRC Project: The Missing
www.themissing.icrc.org
Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team
www.eaaf.org
Physicians for Human Rights
www.phrusa.org
Human remains: Forensic sciences & ethics
A workshop on the application of forensic skills to the
detection and documentation of human rights violations
(Durban, South Africa, July 3-5, 1998)
www.web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/index/ACT750121999
Questionnaire for Burial Sites
Use on e form for each grave
Date: Place:

Name of the person taking the information:

Name of the witness:

Address of the witness:

Important questions to address before filling the form

Did the witness participate in the burial?

Did the witness see the moment at which the body was buried?

Did the witness see the grave after the body was buried?

Did someone tell the witness that there was a person buried in the grave?

1) Name of the city/village and state in which the burial site is located, and date of the inhumation:

2) Location of the burial site (i.e. at the local cemetery, at a factory, on barren land or close to a military base, etc.):

3) Do we have the exact or approximated location of the burial site? Please describe the location as precisely as possible and
draw a map or sketch of the burial site. Include GPS position if possible. Try to identify “reference objects” (an old tree, a wall,
etc.)

4) Do we have eyewitnesses of the burial of the bodies? If yes, describe in detail how it was done: who brought the bodies; how
was the grave dug; did the eyewitnesses participate in the burial; are the witnesses related to the victims, and if yes in what
way (relatives, neighbors, friends, members of the same political party, union, church, etc.).

5) Type of grave: individual or multiple (more than one):

6) Dimensions of the burial site (approx.):

7) Depth of the grave (approx.):

8) Were the victims killed at the same place or close to the burial site, or in a different place with their bodies later dumped
into the grave.

9) Features of the terrain: dry, wet, covered with water, grass, bushes, trees, rain season, etc.:

10) Information about the victims

a) Number of victims (specify whether it is the exact or an approximated number)

b) List of the names of the victims, and please specify if:

You are sure of the names, or if there is a suspicion of the names of the victims, or if you don’t know the names but
you know they belonged to a particular political, social, religious, etc. organization.

c) Are the relatives of the victims available? Please indicate the names of the victims’ relatives who can be contacted
for pre-mortem information

11) Alleged cause of death:

12) Reason why this burial site was selected to be exhumed (legal purposes, quality of the information, etc.):

Observations:

Uncovering Evidence 19
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go to w w w.newtactics.org.
O nline yo u w ill also fin d a searchable database o f tactics an d
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The Center f or Victims o f Torture

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