Muslim Christian Relations As Seein Ibn Khaldoun

Muslims and Christians in Spain as Seen by Ibn Khaldoun
Author(s): Rbert Simon

Source: Mediterranean Studies, Vol. 1, Iberia & the Mediterranean (1989), pp. 19, 21-32
Published by: Penn State University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41166782
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MuslimsandChristians
in Spain
as SeenbyIhnKhaldoun
RobertSimon
OrientalResearchInstitute,
Budapest
JL HE MAIN ENEMY OF
Mediaeval ChristianEurope was Islam, especially afterthe
occupation of Sicily and VisigothicSpain, and after the
raids upon SouthernFrance.The toposof the image of the
new enemy was soon to take shape. It was based, of
course, on hearsay and distorted accounts of Byzantine
writerswho were hostiletowardsIslam.1
As a peculiar paradox of history,these clichs not
mirroringthe historicalrealitywere not modified significantly even by the seven Crusades lasting for about two
centuries. Islam itselfwas considered,even by the Byzan-
1 For the Islamic

image of the Mediaeval Europe see N. Daniel, Islam
and the West,theMaking of an Image (Edinburgh, 1960); Idem, The Arabs and
Mediaeval Europe (Longman-Librairie du Liban, 1975); R.W. Southern,
WesternViews of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass., 1962); its
German version: Das Islambild des Mittelalters(Stuttgart, 1981) quotations
are from this; W. Montgomery Watt, The Influenceof Islam on Medieval
Europe (Edinburgh, 1972). A clear characterization of the Christian controversy of the Middle Ages against Islam and its Prophet is excellently
summarized in G. Pfanmiiller's Handbuch der Islam-Literatur(Berlin, 1923).
From the later special literature see particularly M.-Th. d'Alverny, Deux
traductionslatines du Coran au Moyen Age in Archivesd'histoiredoctrinaleet
littrairedu Moyen Age, XVI (1947-8), pp. 69-131; J. Kritzeck, Peter the Venerable and Islam (Princeton, 1964).
21
22
IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN
tine Fathersof the Church,2as a degeneratedsect of Christianity. On this basis Islam was accused of the following
things3:
a. Islam is a falsehood and deliberatedeformation
of the truth;
b. Islam is the religionof violence and the sword,
and it aims throughits jihd forcefulconversionof
Christians;
c. Islam is the religionof sensual pleasures;
d. at the beginningMuhammad was consideredas
founderof a hereticsect,but later,when Islam was
interpretedas paganism, he was regarded as the
Antichrist
himself. (It is worthnotingthatin Mediaeval Englishthe word Mahound served to denominate the Devil, the false god.) The sum-totalof all
this wickednessis embodiedin the Qur'n.
This was summed up by the FlorentineDominican
fatherRicoldus de Monte Crucis (d. 1320) in the 14thcen-
tury in his Propugnaculafideiadversus mendaciaet deliramento,
Saracenorum
Alcorani. His work proved to be more effectual because it was translatedinto Germanby Lutherhim-
self, Verlegung des Alcoran Bruder Richardi Prediger Ordens
in 1542. According
anno 1300, and publishedin Wittenberg,
to Ricoldusde Monte Crucis:
a. All the refutedheretictheses regardingGod,
Christ,and the Trinityare embodiedin the Qur'an;
b. it does not contain miracula confirmingits
authenticity;
c. it lacks all objectiveand logical order;
d. it is full of contradictions,
especially regarding
the natureof God and Christand the Bible;
2 For the
problemof Byzantineanti-Islamicpolemics C.H. Becker's
"ChristlichePolemik und islamische Dogmenbildung" Zeitschrift
fr
26 (1912),pp. 175-195is still relevant. It is to be emphasized
Assyriologie
that these polemicswere based on actual factsratherthe later European
debates.
3 Cf. Watt, cit.,
op.
pp. 73-77.
in Spain
Simon: Muslimsand Christians
23
e. it does not contain anythingof rational and

moral;
f. it is abundantin falsitiesand tales.4
This Christiananti-Islamismwas concentratednot so
much in Qur'an-refutation
as much as in the caricatural
olk-vitaeof Muhammad.5 These were firstformulatedin
the twelfthcenturyand they persisteduntil the nineteenth
century. In them the Prophetis depicted as a lustfulimpostor who intendsto introducesexual libertinismfor the
annihilationof Christendom.
This false image was based partlyon a subjectivebelief
and partlyon an objectivedifferencemanifestin historical
evolution. The formerwas an outcome of the geographic
notionof mediaeval men. The earth in the Westerninterpretationof the twelfthcenturywas still considered as
consistingof Asia, Africa,and Europe, out of which Asia
was whollyMuslim,Africawas partlyMuslim,and Europe
was only partly Christian. Hence it was supposed that
two-thirdsof the world was Muslim. This belief and the
actual knowledge of the militarypotentialof the Muslims
was responsible for taking the Islamic world as the par
excellence
enemyof Christianity.6
Of course, it was the objectiveside, that is, the difference in historicaldevelopmentin the Middle Ages, which
was more importantand more decisive. The social structure, the system of institutions,the lawfulnessof power,
the hegemonyregulatingsocial practiceand mentalitydiffered greatlybetween the Muslim countriesand Western
4
Pfanmiiller,
op. cit.,pp. 139, 143-4.
5 See
is also given in
Southern,op. cit.,pp. 25-7 (a usefulbibliography
the above work,pp. 76-7,Notes 26-7).
6 This was first
questionedby the appearanceof the Mongols whose
attackwas directedagainst the Muslims,too. It is known that Western
Europe under the firstshock conceived the Mongols as Christiansand
thoughtof their countryas PrsterJohn's. To verifythe case, Pope
InnocentIV sent the Italian FranciscanFriarPiano Carpini in 1246 to the
MongolianCourt. The FlemishFranciscanFriar,WiilhelmRuysbroek,had
a similarcommissionfromLouis IX in 1254. Cf. Southern,op. cit.,pp. 3740.
24
Europe. The Mediaeval West was a strictagrariansociety

based on birth. Its mentalityand value-system was
marked by hierarchicstratification
and the overwhelming
role of the priesthoodcondemningworldly pleasures and
praisingcelibacy. The Muslim East, in the same time,was
characterizedby a highlydeveloped urbanismand a flourishinginternaland externaltrade. In accordancewith this,
the average Muslim exhibited openmindedness, secular
thinking,and enjoymentof life. To this one may add the
peculiaritiesof Islam, namely the lack of an organized
priesthoodand the hegemonicrole of the Islamic community instead of the hierarchicpower structurerelevantin
Europe.
The difference
between the two historicaldevelopments
have necessarilycreated on the European side a jealousy
mixed with hate, and on the Muslim side benevolentindifferencetowards the Christians. This unequal relationship
was aptly formulatedby MontgomeryWatt: "In general,
the feelingsof WesternEuropeans over against Islam were
not unlike those of an underprivilegedclass in a great
state."7
This underprivilegedstatus, togetherwith the valuesystemof Christianity,
gave birthto the Ecclesiamilitansin
the timesof the Crusades and Andalusian reconquista. The
of this Ecclesiamilitansof Islam was permeatinterpretation
ed with envy and hate and was obviouslylittleinfluenced
by facts. One may add to this that Islam, withoutbeing
consciousof it, itselfcontributedto this image and the selfconsciousnessof WesternEurope, because the image did
not exist untilthe confrontation
of the two realities. While
the enemy,"the other,"is labelled with Stereotypieclichs,
we are, in fact,merelycharacterizing
ourselves.
This is particularlytrue for the nascent identity-feeling
of the mediaeval Spanish and Portuguesemind. However,
in this respectwe have to face a numberof popular and
historicalmyths. It is known thataccordingto the Spanish
national tradition,the anti-Islamicreconquista
of Spain had
been launched shortlyafterthe Arab conquest in 711-715
by those Visigothic nobles who had escaped into the
7
Watt, op. cit., p. 82.
Simon: Muslims and Christiansin Spain
25
mountainsof NorthernSpain. This is, of course, only a

myth. The firstSpanish kingdom,Asturia neitherparticularly Catholic nor it had been subjectedto the Visigoths,
and so the case in Asturia was different.The mountaindwellers were engaged only in their politicallymotivated
independence-movement. The belief, that the Spanish
centurieshad its
reconquista
emergingin the tenth-twelfth
in a supcharacter
fanatic
and
uncompromising
original
of
the
form
of
the
Crusades
beginnings,is
posed Spanish
untenable. In contrastwith this,the historicrealityshows,
apart from an intermezzoin the ninth century,that the
anti-Islamiccharacterof the Spanish Ecclesiamilitonshas got
its final shape and ideological frameworkonly in the sixteenthcentury. This is manifestin the bookburningsand
forcedconversionof Muslims around the beginningof the
sixteenthcentury,in the more and more aggressive antiMuslim jurisprudence,and in the expulsionof the Moriscos
in 1609-14.8
The intermezzomentionedabove (in fact a movement
of a few persons aspiring martyrdom)was not so much
directedagainst Islam as much as it aimed to scourge the
of theircoreligionistsand criticize
religioushalf-heartedness
theirattachmentto the Muslim cultureand way of living.
It is worth quoting Paulus Alvarus lamentingabout the
life-styleof his coreligionistswho turned their back on
Christiancultureand happily adopted the attractiveAndalusian-Muslimhabits:
Our Christianyoung men, with their elegant airs
and fluent speech, are showy in their dress and
carriage,and are famed for the learningof the gentiles; intoxicatedwith Arab eloquence they greedily
handle, eagerly devour and zealously discuss the
books of the Chaldeans [i.e. Muhammadans],and
8 For this 8th
century "intermezzo" see Edward P. Colbert, The Martyrs
of Cordoba 850-859: a Study of the Sources (Washington, 1962); James Waltz,
"The Significance of the Voluntary Martyrs of Ninth-century Cordoba"
Muslim World, IX (1970) pp. 143-59, 226-36; Southern op. cit., pp. 20-24.
For the Anti-Islamic policy of the victorious reconquistasee W. Montgomery Watt, and P. Cachia, A Historyof Islamic Spain (Edinburgh, 1967) pp.
150-4.
26
make them known by praising them with every

flourishof rhetoric,knowingnothingof the beauty
of the Church's literature,and looking down with
contempton the streams of the Church that flow
forth from Paradise; alas! the Christians are so
ignorantof theirown law, the Latins pay so little
attentionto theirown language, that in the whole
Christianflockthereis hardly one man in a thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a
friend'shealth intelligibly,while you may find a
countlessrabbleof all kinds of themwho can learnedly roll out the grandiloquentperiods of the Chaldean tongue. They can even make poems, every
line ending with the same letter,which display high
flightsof beauty and more skill in handling metre
than the gentilesthemselvespossess.9
This is one side of the Muslim-Christian
relationship.
The other side is best reflectedby the greatest Muslim
politicalthinker,himselfa practicingpoliticianin the fourteenthcentury,Ibn Khaldoun. In a chapter of his great
work al-Muqaddima,Ibn Khaldoun aptly and objectively
describesthe opposite behaviour: "This goes so far,that a
nationdominatedby another,neighboringnationwill show
a great deal of assimilationand imitation. At this time,
this is the case in Spain. The Spaniards are found to
assimilatethemselvesto the Galician nationsin theirdress,
theiremblems,and most of theircustoms and conditions.
This goes so far that theydraw pictureson the walls and
[have them] in buildings and houses. The intelligentobserverwill draw fromthis the conclusionthat it is a sign
of domination[by others].1110The final phase of this pro9 P.
Alvarus, Indiculus Luminosus,Patrologia Latina CXXI, pp. 555-6;
English translation:T.W. Arnold, The Preachingof Isiam (London, 1935), pp.
137-8.
10 The Arabic text is cited from E.
Quatremre's edition: Prolegomne
d'Ebn-Khaldoun. Notices et Extraitsdes manuscritsde la BibliothqueImpriale,
XVI-XVIII, (Paris, 1958), I, 267 (abbreviation: Q). The English translation
refferredto is F. Rosenthal's Ibn Khaldn, The Mugaddimah: An Introduction to History,(London, 1958), v. I, p. 300 (abbreviation: Ros.).
27
cess has been best and most clearlyexpounded in an anecdote from 1532: when a scholar from the Low Countries
inquired from a distinguishedSpaniard about the Arabic
language, the latter answered: "What concern have you
with this barbaric language, Arabic? It is sufficientto
know Latin and Greek. In my youth I was as foolishas
you and took Hebrew and Arabic; but I have long since
given up these two last and devote myself entirelyto
Greek. Let me advise you to do the same."11
Following the Arabic conquest of the Peninsula for a
few centuriesthe situationwas quite different. Without
much exaggerationwe may say that in this period Muslim
Spain (Christians,Muslims and Jews alike) lived in a
peaceful harmonynever seen beforeor after. Between the
eighth and eleventh centuries people following different
religions were free to mix among themselves. They
produced an originaland flourishingcommon culture,and
oftenwe find in one familyadherentsof both Christianity
and Islam. Although this common culture was basically
Muslim in character,it was not religiouslydetermined. It
was ratheran urban culture inclined to serve a so called
"gracious living." For this reason the Iberian reconquista
itselfcould have not been religiouslydetermined,ratherit
was politicallymotivated. The political determinationof
the gradually increasingreconquistachanged its character
with the emergenceof the cult of St. Jamesof Compostella,
throughwhich it became religiouslyarticulated. This led
to a pejorativejudgementof the Saracens. The same phenomenonwas responsibleforthe change in the Andalusian
Muslim attitude towards the Galicians, that is Christian
treatedthemonly politically.
Spaniards,since theyformerly
Now, in responseto Spanish militantreligiosity,
theystarted to take the jihd seriously. However, this has never
been so severe as the anti-Islamicattitudeof the Christians.
The much greateropenness and toleranceof Classical Islam
and the urban characterof Muslim civilization had not
induced a false or distortedimage of Christianity.They
provided shelter and an acknowledged status for the
Christiancommunities. This was the case even during the
11
Quoted by M. Watt, Influenceof Islam, p. 80.
28
Crusades: Ibn Khaldoun himselfrefersto it thrice,although

incidentally.12
The best example of this openmindednessand impartiality is Ibn Khaldoun himself,whose unprejudiced attitude towards the Andalusian Christianitycan be best
judged in the lightof his provenance:he was a descendant
of a familyliving for centuriesin Andalusia. Ratherparadoxically,this Andalusian originof his was the guarantee
for standingabove all the particularinterestsand powergroups. Accordingto F. Rosenthalit was Ibn Khaldoun's
"basic loyalty"to the common Andalusian culture" which
gave him a remarkabledetachmentwith respect to the
historicalevents that took place before his eyes. In a
sense, it enabled him to view them an impartialobserver,
even when he was deeply involvedpersonally."13
Ibn Khaldoun,in his surprisingly
impersonaland objective Autobiography
gives an exceptionallylong and personal
account of the Andalusian origin of his familyand of his
Andalusian masters.14The familysettleddown in Andalusia soon after the Muslim conquest. First they lived in
Qarmna and latermoved over to Sevilla. Even the name
Khaldoun bears the impact of Andalusian usage in language.15 The familysoon became influential. Time and
time again they played decisive roles in the life of the
town16and actively participatedin the reconquista.17The
12
263).
Q II, 36-40 (Ros. 42^6); Q II, 91 (Ros. II, 101); Q II, 226-7 (Ros. II,
13
Rosenthal, op. cit., "TranslatorsIntroduction,"v. I, p. XXXVI.
14Ibn
Haldn, at-Taerifbi-Ibn Haldn wa-rMati-hlgarff1zoasarg*,d. by
Muh. Twt at-Tangi (al-Qhira 1951), pp. 4-55. (abbreviation: Ta'rif).
15The ancestral name Hlid was
augmented with the Spanish suffix
-on (cf. for example hombre-hombron;
perre-perron). Further Arabic examples are Hafsn, Zaydn, Badrn, etc.
16 One of his
ancestors, Kurayb ibn^Khaldoun at the end of the 9th
century,gained mastery over Sevilla (Ta'rif,p. 7).
29
familyhad to leave Andalusia and settle in Tunis when

FerdinandIII, king of Leon and Castilia in November1248
occupied Sevilla. Ibn Khaldoun remarksthatthe emigrants
fromAndalusia (who by the way formedthe elite troopsin
North-Africanpower struggles18)introduced their higher
cultureinto North-Africa
and produced in the Berberland
a flourishing
culture.19
The praise of Andalusian culture becomes still more
personal when Ibn Khaldoun is writingabout his masters
originatingfromAndalusia. One of these was Abu cAbd
Allah Muh. b. Ibrahimal-Abil who was an excellentrepresentativeof Andalusian-Maghrebin
Averroism.20
Ibn Khaldoun, in several passages of his al-Muqaddima,
is dealing with the particularhistoricalproblems of an
Andalusia inhabitedby both Muslims and Christians. It
would be worthwhileto analyze these passages one by one
because they throw light onto importantphenomena such
as the lack of group-solidarity
Casabiya)of the Andalusian
Muslims living scattered in minorityamong Christians.
This factwas responsiblefortheirlabilityin timesof political crises.21Similarly,his emphasis of geographic factors
well beforeMontesquieu is also one of his strengths. On
this basis he does not differentiate
Muslim and Christians
for
their
and
food-habits.22Also,
merely
physical,cultural,
for instance,he gives valuable hints regardingthe change
of the language during the period of peaceful coexistence
17Some of the
familymemberswere involvedas high rankingofficers
on the side of Ibn cAbbad and Ysuf b. Tsufinin the battleat Zallqa
(1086) againstAlfonsoVI (Jcfrif,
p. 8).
18
Eg. Tatif,p. 34.
19See II, 224 /Ros. II, 290/; I, 312 /Ros. 1,251/.
Q
Q
20
Ttfrf,
pp. 21-2, 33-8. About this outstandingscholar see Nassif
Nassar, "Le matred'Ibn Khaldoun:Al-bilT,StudiaIslamica20 (1964),pp.
OM.
21See Q I, 298-9(Ros. I, 334-6);further I, 49 (Ros. I, 61-2);Q I, 278Q
281 (Ros. I, 313-6).
22Q.I, 149 (Ros. I, 168).
30
of Muslims and Galicians, interpretingthese changes as

and remarksthat the common language has
deteriorations,
lost its Arabic character.23Ibn Khaldoun was the firstin
history,much beforeAdam Smithand Ricardo,to analyzeon the basis of his own labour-value-theory-the
phenomenon that the Muslims during the reconquistawere driven
back to agriculturallyimproductiveterritorieswhere the
productioncost had greatly increased, hence "Spain has
become an especiallyexpensiveregion. . . ."24
Instead of going too deep into these questions I shall
ratherreferto two passages which prove that Ibn Khaldoun in his ingenious theoryof civilizationdoes not differentiatebetween Muslim and Non-Muslim. For similar
reasons I am going to referto a very importantepisode of
his life.
Let us firsttake the passages where he states that
fromthe
productionand survival of cultureis indifferent
of
view
of
and
ethnic
point
religion
provenance. In one
such passages he says that an urban civilizationflourishes
only then when the state-forming
dynasties have a long
and continuouspast. This conditionwas present on the
Iberian peninsula: "The customs of sedentaryculture also
became firmlyrooted in Spain, which, for thousands of
years,was ruled continuouslyby the great Gothicdynasty,
later succeeded by the Umayyad realm. Both dynasties
were great. Therefore,the customs of sedentary culture
continuedand became firmlyestablishedin (Spain).1125
In anotherpassage this assumptionis used for explaining the maturityof craftsmanship.Accordingto him the
craftscan be highlydeveloped only if an urban civilization
has a long past. He adds that the craftsmanship
of Andalusia is the most developed in the Mediterraneanregion:
"This is only because, as we have mentionedbefore,sedentary culture had become deeply rooted in Spain through
the stabilitygiven it by the Umayyad dynasty,the preced23
Q II, 307 /Ros. Ill, 352/; furtherQ III, 319 /Ros. Ill, 365/.
24
Q II, 242 (Ros. II, 278-9).
25
Q II, 252 (Ros. II, 288).
31
ing Gothicdynasty,and the reyesde taifassuccessorsto (the

Umayyads),and so on. Therefore,sedentaryculture,had
reached in (Spain) a stage that had not been reached in
any otherregion except,reportedly,in the irq, Syria and
Egypt1*
And here we evoke a very importantepisode of Ibn
Khaldoun's life which he related himselfin his Autobiography. For a threateningsituationin North Africahe fled
to the Court of Granada. There Muhammad V. Ibn alAhmar received him with great respect and honour. At
the end of 1364 he was sent by the Muslim ruler to Pedro
el Cruel with the commission to ratifya peace-treaty.
About his embassyhe gives the followingaccount:
And I left(the king) in a.H.765/A.D.1364forgoing to
Pedro el Cruel, son of Alfonso who was in those
years king of Castilia. My commissionwas to ratify
the peace-treatybetween him and the kings of Muslim Spain. I took along preciousgifts:silk clothsand
full-bloodedhorses with heavy golden harness. I
found el Cruel in Sevilla where I visited the vestiges
of my forefathers.The king treatedme with great
reverenceand expressed his joy over my presence.
From the Jew Ibrahim ibn Zarzar, an outstanding
expertin medicineand astronomywho praised me in
his presence the king came to know about my very
noble ancestryin Sevilla. The doctormet me in the
Court of Abu Inn who invitedhim to take care of
his illness. That time (the Jewishdoctor) was living
in the palace of Muhammad ibn al-Ahmar. Afterthe
death of Ibn al-Ahmar'sministerRidwn he went to
el Cruel and settled there. He was enlisted among
the ruler's doctors. And Zarzar praised me before
the king. El Cruel then asked me to stay with him,
and offeredme to give back the heritageof my ancestorsin Sevilla. Those days thatwas in the possession of his grand nobles. I have declined to accept it
in a way he found pleasing.
He repeatedly
I left him.
his
and
it
till
expressed
joy
preserved
* Q II, 310 /Ros. II, 350/.
32
Then he provided me food and saddle-horsefor the

journey.27
This passage speaks for itself: it clearly shows that
around the middle of the fourteenth
centurythe intercourse
between Jews and Muslims and Christianswas common
and natural. Ibn Khaldoun and Pedro el Cruel met in a
time when such contactswere still normal practice,a routine and a hostilitywas not an irreversible
thing.
27Ta'rif, 74-5.
p.

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Muslims and Christians in Spain as Seen by Ibn Khaldoun

Author(s): Rbert Simon

1 For the Islamic

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

tury in his Propugnaculafideiadversus mendaciaet deliramento,

self, Verlegung des Alcoran Bruder Richardi Prediger Ordens

e. it does not contain anythingof rational and

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

Europe. The Mediaeval West was a strictagrariansociety

Watt, op. cit., p. 82.

Simon: Muslims and Christiansin Spain

mountainsof NorthernSpain. This is, of course, only a

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

make them known by praising them with every

Simon: Muslims and Christiansin Spain

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

Crusades: Ibn Khaldoun himselfrefersto it thrice,although

Simon: Muslims and Christiansin Spain

familyhad to leave Andalusia and settle in Tunis when

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

of Muslims and Galicians, interpretingthese changes as

Simon: Muslims and Christiansin Spain

ing Gothicdynasty,and the reyesde taifassuccessorsto (the

IBERIA & THE MEDITERRANEAN

Then he provided me food and saddle-horsefor the

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