Kremkau Late Horizon Jequetpeque

Late Horizon Imperial Landscapes in the
Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Scott Kremkau
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

Requirements for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
2010
UMI Number: 3400597
All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
UMI
Dissertation Publishing
UMI 3400597
Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC.
All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
uest
ProQuest LLC
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
2009
Scott Kremkau
All Rights Reserved
Abstract
Late Horizon Imperial Landscapes in the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru
Scott Kremkau
This dissertation explores the nature of the Inka occupation in the Jequetepeque
Valley, on the North Coast of Peru. Most archaeological and historical research has
viewed the impact of the Inka conquest on the North Coast as relatively limited when
compared with other parts of the Empire. However, a handful of recent studies have
begun to question this view, and have found evidence for a more extensive occupation of
the region. This dissertation builds on these studies by examining a series of sites in the
northern portion of the Jequetepeque, where numerous sites built during the Late Horizon
are located. While these sites do not contain many of the hallmarks of classic Inka
architecture or material culture, an analysis of their locations and functions within the
valley indicate that they likely helped to support the Inka occupation. The author argues
that the Inkas deliberately downplayed their presence in the valley as a way to avoid
radically altering existing social and political organizations in the valley. Instead of
constructing large, intrusive settlements, the Inkas built smaller sites in areas that were
located in areas that held special significance in a socially constituted landscape.
Table of Contents
List of Figures
iv
List of Tables
vii
Acknowledgements
viii
Chapter 1 : Introduction
Inka archaeology on the North Coast of Peru
The Archaeology of the Inka Empire
Conclusion
18
Chapter 2 : The Archaeology of Empires and Landscape
21
The Inka Empire and the North Coast of Peru
28
The Archaeology of Landscape
33
Definitions of Landscape
34
Kinds of Landscapes
39
Andean Landscapes
44
Conclusion
50
Chapter 3 : The Setting and Research Design
52
Chinchasuyu and the Incorporation of the Coast
58
The Cultural History of the North Coast
61
History of Research in the Jequetepeque
72
The Initial Period and Early Horizon
74
The Early Intermediate Period
76
The Middle Horizon
79
Late Intermediate Period
81
Late Horizon
83
Research Design
85
The Chaman Valley Survey Project
88
Survey Methods
92
Site recording
93
Fieldwork and Analysis
95
Site Reconnaissance
96
Architectural Analysis
97
Site Excavation and Data Recovery
99
i
Surface Collections
102
Laboratory Analysis
104
Ceramic Analysis
105
Lithics
106
Faunal and Botanical Remains
107
Chapter 4 : Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Chimu Occupation.... 109
Models of Chimu Sociopolitical Organization
The Chimu Expansion
Ill
112
Chimu Settlement Patterns in the Jequetepeque Valley
117
Settlement Patterns and Movement in the Chaman Valley
126
Conclusion
132
Chapter 5 : The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 1
135
Research Area 1
137
Excavations at Site 46
139
Surface Collection Sites
168
Site 20
168
Site 49
173
Site 70
180
Areal
182
Site 71
187
Sites 67, 68, and 69
189
Domestic and Political Economy
189
Assessing site function
189
The Domestic and Political Economies
196
Conclusions
202
Chapter 6 : The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 2
203
207
Site 29
236
Site 29 South
238
Site 29 North
244
Site 31
250
Other Outposts
255
Conclusion
258
n
Chapter 7 : Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Late Horizon
263
The Inka Occupation of Conquered Provinces
265
Settlement Pattern Changes during the Late Horizon
267
Late Horizon Sites with no Late Horizon Remodeling
267
Sites in the Northern Margin
270
Sites Marking Inka Territory
281
The Late Horizon Occupation of Farfan
286
Other Late Horizon Sites
291
Conclusions
294
Chapter 8 : Inka Imperial Strategies in the Jequetepeque Valley
299
The Nature of Late Horizon Changes in the Jequetepeque
301
Major Transformations in the Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon
303
Inka Landscapes: Land, Water, and Imperial Control
305
Local Power and Identity
312
Conclusions: Landscape and Empires
317
Imperialization and Local Elites
319
Material Empires
322
Final Thoughts
323
Bibliography
325
in
List of Figures
Figure 1.1. The North Coast of Peru and important archaeological sites
3
Figure 1. 2 Map of the middle Chaman Valley, showing the study areas
4
Figure 1. 3 Map of South America showing the Inka Empire and its four subdivisions or
suyu
10
Figure 3. 1 Map of the lower Jequetepeque and Chaman Valleys
53
Figure 3. 2 Map of the lower Chaman Valley
56
Figure 3. 3 Important Initial Period and Early Horizon sites, and other sites mentioned in
the text, near the Jequetepeque Valley
57
Figure 3. 4 The Major Andean Chronological Periods
63
Figure 3. 5 Map showing the location of the Pampa de Paijan
64
Figure 3. 6. Map of the North Coast showing important Initial Period Sites
65
Figure 3. 7. Map of the North Coast showing important Early Horizon sites
67
Figure 3. 8 Early Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
73
Figure 3. 9 Early Intermediate Period sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
75
Figure 3. 10 Middle Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
78
Figure 3.11 Late Intermediate sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
82
Figure 3. 12 Late Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
84
Figure 3.13 Map of the middle of the Chaman Valley, showing the bounds of the CVSP
and the Research Areas examined in this project
89
Figure 4. 1 Map of the Jequetepeque Valley showing LIP sites mentioned in the text. 118
Figure 4. 2 Site 16, the likely location of a palace of a local lord in the Chaman Valley.
124
Figure 4. 3 Map of the Middle Chaman Valley showing Prehispanic roads in the valley.
127
Figure 4. 4 Map of the Jequetepeque Valley, showing the Up-Valley sites in the upper
Chaman
128
Figure 4. 5 Least Cost Paths from the Chaman Drainage to the Cajamarca area
130
Figure 5. 1 Map of Research Area 1
138
Figure 5. 2 Map of Site 46
142
Figure 5. 3 Site 46 Area 1
143
Figure 5. 4 Feature 21 from Site 46 Area 1
145
Figure 5. 5 Ceramic types in Site 46 Area 1
146
150
Figure 5. 7 Feature 7, Site 46 Area 2
155
Figure 5. 8 Site 46, Area 3
156
158
Figure 5. 10 Site 46, Area 5 Room 2
159
Figure 5.11 Site 46 Feature 23 (a hearth) in the foreground with a large grinding slick
behind it
160
IV
Figure 5. 12 Frequency of Ceramic Types from Feature 13, Site 46 Area 5

161
Figure 5. 13 Site 46 Areas 7 and 8
163
Figure 5. 14 Site 46 Areas 14-17
166
Figure 5. 15 Site 20
169
Figure 5. 16 Site 20 Vessel Type Frequency
171
174
Figure 5. 18 Vessel type frequency at Site 49
175
Figure 5. 19 Site 70 architectural area
181
Figure 5. 20 Site 70 showing the extent of the ceramic surface scatter
183
Figure 5.21 Late Horizon ceramic fragments from Site 70. A) Aryballiod jar neck; B)
Polychrome provincial Inka vessel; C) Chimu-Inka Stirrup-Spout vessel
185
Figure 5. 22 Ceramic type frequencies from Site 70
186
188
Figure 5. 24 Metal weaving tools from Site 46 Area 1. A) Spindle whorl; B and C)
hook and needle
191
Figure 5. 25 Ceramics from Research Area 1. A) Cantaro with simply paletteada
design; B) Olla with mold-made design; and C) Cantaro with simple cream slip around
the neck
199
Figure 5. 26 Figure 5. 26 Large tinaja with circular impressions around the rim, similar
to tinajas found at Farfan (see Mackey 2004 Figure 15B)
199
Figure 5. 27 Guanabana seeds and maize cobs from Site 46, Area 5
201
Figure 6. 1 Research Area 2
204
Figure 6. 2 Site 32
208
Figure 6. 3 Vessel Type Frequency from Site 32, all areas
213
Figure 6. 4 Ceramic vessel from Site 32 featuring crude slipped decoration
214
Figure 6. 5 Reduce-fired Late Horizon fine-ware ceramics from Site 32; A) highly
polished plate; andB) decorated bowl
215
Figure 6. 6 Ceramic fragment from Site 32. This fragment is not a typical North Coast
ceramic style
216
Figure 6. 7 Fragments of intentionally broken cantaros from Site 32
217
218
Figure 6. 9 Vessel type frequency from Site 32, Area 1 and Surface Collection 1
219
Figure 6. 10 Ceramics from Site 32 Area 1 that are similar to ceramics found in Late
Horizon contexts from Farfan. A) jug-handle jar; B) Cantaro with neck decoration; C)
Olla with open-caranated rim
220
Figure 6. 11 Site 32, Areas 2 and 3
222
Figure 6. 12 Monkey applique on Chimu-Inka ceramic fragment from Site 32 Area 4.224
Figure 6. 13 Left, Scutalus snail shells on the surface of Site 32, Area 7. The central
rocky outcrop in the center of the photo. Right, Scutalus snail shells from Site 32
227
Figure 6. 14 Unusual ceramic from Surface Collection 3, Site 32. The neck form is a
unique specimen not found at any other site examined in this study
231
Figure 6. 15 Vessel type frequencies from surface collections at Site 32
232
Figure 6. 16 Three unique ceramic fragments from Site 32. Top, Kaolin paste vessel
neck with highly polished red paint; middle, jar with wing-like applique; bottom face
neck jar
233
237
Figure 6. 18 Ceramic from Site 29, Area 7 that is identical to ceramics from burial
contexts atFarfan
246
Figure 6. 19 Chimu-Inka ceramic from Site 29, Area 7
248
251
Figure 6. 21 Vessel type frequency at Site 31
253
Figure 6. 22 View of the entrance to the quebrada from the "Guard House" at Site 31.
Site 30 is in the quebrada in the foreground and Cerro Sapo (see Chapter 7) is in the
distance
254
Figure 6. 23 Part of the platform at Site 28
255
256
Figure 6. 25 Photos showing the four principal sites of Research Area 2 and adjacent
waterfalls. A) Site 32; B) Site 31; C) Site 29 North and; D) Site 29 South
261
Figure 7. 1 Sites in the Middle Chaman built during the Late Horizon
264
Figure 7. 2 The Jequetepeque Valley, highlighting Cabur
268
Figure 7. 3 Map of the Middle Chaman
271
Figure 7. 4 Site 14
272
Figure 7. 5 East wall of Site 14, showing loaf-shaped adobes
274
Figure 7. 6 Agricultural area west of Site 14
276
Figure 7. 7 Airphoto showing the extent of the Prehispanic agricultural fields
277
Figure 7. 8 Small stone structure in Prehispanic agricultural area near Site 14
278
Figure 7. 9 Main compound at Cerro Colorado
279
283
Figure 7.11 Large boulder with Late Horizon ceramics, located in the lower Chaman
Valley
284
Figure 7. 12 Profile of the large boulder in the lower Chaman Valley. Notice the
similarities between the profiles of the boulder and the hills in the background
285
Figure 7. 13 Farfan (after Mackey 2006, Figure 11.5)
287
Figure 7. 14 Up-Valley Site 1, located in the upper portion of the Chaman Drainage.. 292
VI
List of Tables
Table 5. 1. Botanical and faunal remains from Site 46, Feature 20
Table 5. 2. Faunal and Botanical Taxa present in Area 1, Site 46
Table 5. 3. Botanical and Faunal remains from Site 46, Area 2
147
149
153
Table 6. 1 Counts of faunal and botanical taxa at Site 32
211
VII
Acknowledgments
This dissertation is the result of several field seasons in the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru,
and depended on the assistance and generosity of countless individuals and the financial
support of generous institutions and agencies. Fieldwork for the Chaman Valley Survey
Project (CVSP) was funded by the Stigler Grant from the Department of Anthropology
and the Tinker Travel Grant from the Institute of Latin American and Iberian Studies
from Columbia University. The bulk of the fieldwork conducted for the Chimu
Communities Archaeological Project (CCAP) was funded by the National Science
Foundation, with help from the Program Director for Archaeology, John Yellen and four
anonymous reviewers.
I am indebted to a number of individuals who, without their help, this project
would not have been possible. I wish to thank Luis Jaime Castillo and the students of the
San Jose de Moro archaeological project for their many years of support and friendship.
Carlos Wester de la Torre, and Jaquelyn and Katiusha Bernuy served as my codirectors
for the five field seasons of the survey and excavation portions of this project, and offered
both excellent advice and warm friendship. I am grateful for the assistance of Luis
Ibarrola, Jose Yepez , Julio Alvarez, Carlos Hernandez and Carlos Olivera for their great
help in all aspects of the field and lab work. Dr. Carol Mackey and the people of the
Farfan archaeological project provided much appreciated support and guidance.
Particular gratitude goes out to Drs. Terence D'Altroy, Nan Rothschild, Severin Fowles
and Ellen Morris for their years of support, guidance and friendship during my years at
Columbia.
via
To my parents and my wife, for all of their support
IX
Chapter 1: Introduction
Throughout history, much of humanity has lived at one time or another under the
thumb of empires. From the Mediterranean, to Asia, and into the New World, empires
have risen and fallen many times. The reach of these empires, even the earliest, which
flourished millennia ago, could be staggering, and they often included a wide variety of
ethnic and social groups. Not surprisingly, empires have been the subject of numerous
sociological, anthropological, and archaeological studies, each of which has focused on a
number of different attributes (Adams 1979; Alcock, et al. 2001; Bauer and Dearborn
1995; Berdan, et al. 1996; Blanton 1996; Blanton and Feinman 1984; Cherry 1993;
Conrad and Demarest 1988; D'Altroy 1992; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Doyle 1986;
Hassig 1988; Luttwak 1976; Mann 1986; Morrison 1994; Polanyi, et al. 1957; Schreiber
1992; Sinopoli 1994; Smith and Berdan 1992; Smith and Montiel 2001; Smith and
Schreiber 2005, 2006; Wallerstein 1974; Wolf 1982). One line of inquiry pursued by
researchers has to do with how empires incorporated conquered groups into their
domains. Research has shown that empires employed a variety of strategies in dealing
with subject societies, depending on the goals of the empire, and the makeup of the
conquered groups (D'Altroy 1992; Gifford 2003; Hassig 1988; Mien 1993; Luttwak
1976; Morrison and Lycett 1994; Schreiber 1987; Sinopoli and Morrison 1995; Stanish
1997; Tschauner 2006). If archaeologists are to appreciate the dynamics of the growth
and consolidation of empires, it is crucial to understand both the breadth of these possible
strategies and the material correlates related to their implementation.
The goal of this dissertation is to add to our knowledge of how ancient empires
incorporated and ruled the diverse societies they conquered. It seeks to understand how
imperial polities could effectively
govern subject societies without drastically
reorganizing the existing social landscape. It focuses on how the human cognition of
landscapes, and the manipulation of those landscapes, can be used as a process of
imperialism. The study focuses on the conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley on the North
Coast of Peru by the Inka Empire in the 15th century AD (Figure 1.1). The Inka conquest
and imperial incorporation of the Jequetepeque was a complicated process. In contrast to
many other provinces of the empire, where large imperial constructions went hand-inhand with major demographic reorganization, in the Jequetepeque Valley, these imperial
processes were played out in more subtle but still important ways. They tied together
imperial manipulations of both social and physical landscapes and more traditional
avenues of imperialism.
This study examines two groups of archaeological sites built during the Inka
occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley. The 16 sites found within the two groups are
located along the hillsides and quebradas of the Chaman drainage, a dry river valley at
the northern periphery of the Jequetepeque Valley (Figure 1.2). Although the sites do not
feature many of the hallmarks of Inka architecture that one might expect at imperial
constructions, they were nevertheless important to the Inka occupation of the valley. It
was the specific locations of these sites that made them significant: the sites lie in places
that are strategic for both their physical and symbolic properties. The Inka occupation of
the valley in this sense was an occupation ofplace as well as space.
Figure 1.1. The North Coast of Peru and important archaeological sites.
Throughout the Andes, and particularly for the Inkas, natural features were often
points of great ritual importance. In many instances, those features contained little, if
any, clear evidence of human use, such as structures or carved decorations (Van de
Gutche 1999: 149). Rather, it was their location within a socially constituted landscape
that made them important; the control over and manipulation of these features was a
central aspect of Inka expansion (Bauer 1998; Cobo 1997; Farrington 1992; McEwan and
Van de Guchte 1992; Niles 1992, 1999; Sherbondy 1992; Urton 1988, 1989; Van de
Guchte 1984, 1999; Zuidema 1964). The purpose of the sites examined in this study was
Csro CoKxosBf
lihAreaiZi
Legend
Town or City
LIP or Late Horizon Site
Panamerican Highway
River
" Canal
H I Research Areas 1 and 2
5 Kilometers
Research Area
Figure 1. 2 Map of the middle Chaman Valley, showing the study areas.
not only to help in the direct administration of a conquered province; the sites were also
built as a way to physically redraw the both the political and social maps of the valley as
a way to materialize the Inkas' new claim to the region.
Inka archaeology on the North Coast of Peru

Archaeological research on the North Coast of Peru dates back over a century, but
the nature of the Inka presence in the region has not been thoroughly investigated. The
large population of the North Coast and the complex web of social, political, and
economic ties that bound coastal societies together prevented the Inkas from simply
reorganizing the region to suit their needs. Instead, the Inkas relied heavily on local
nobles to oversee many of the day to day aspects of the occupation. This set of practices
has made it difficult to detect the extent of the Inka occupation.
Overall, Inka
architecture is extremely rare throughout the North Coast, and this dearth of Inka material
culture has been taken by many as a sign of relatively little direct imperial administration
in the region (D'Altroy 2002; Hyslop 1990; Rowe 1948). Historical sources, as well,
have suggested that the Inkas left local nobles in power, and ruled from centers in the
highlands (Cabeo Valboa 1951; Calancha 1638; Cieza de Leon 1984; Netherly 1977,
1988, 1990; Ramirez 1990).
However, as Catherine Julien (1993) has pointed out, the lack of Inka material
culture should not automatically be taken to mean a lack of an Inka presence. Recent
work has begun to challenge the traditional model of little direct Inka control.
In
particular, Frances Hayashida's (1995; 1999; 2003) work at the site of La Vina in the La
Leche Valley and Carol Mackey's (2003; 2006) work at Farfan in the Jequetepeque have
demonstrated that the character of the Inka presence on the North Coast was different
from what has generally been described. The view of this dissertation is that the Inka
Empire had an important impact on the people of the North Coast, even if the material
evidence is not great. As will be discussed throughout this work, I suggest that the Inkas
were interested in the Jequetepeque for the vast agricultural land it possessed. However,
because of the complexity of existing social organizations, the Inkas had to employ
strategies of imperialization that have made the extent of their presence difficult to detect
archaeologically.
The discrepancy between the Inka occupation and the lack of Inka material
culture must be seen in the wider context of imperial goals and strategies. For example,
Farfan, the principle administrative center for both the Chimu and the Inka in the
Jequetepeque, grew considerably during the Inka occupation, and there was a substantial
increase in both administrative structures and the population of local nobles living at the
site (see Chapter 7). This expansion also featured many important Inka elements, such as
the addition of a large plaza with a central ushnu, a classic Inka trait, and a greater
emphasis on large scale feasting activities conducted at the site. Mackey sees these
changes as an indication of a strong Inka presence in the valley coupled with close ties
between the Inkas and local lords, who had largely been excluded from valley-wide
positions of power during the preceding Chimu rule. Looking at the Jequetepeque Valley
as a whole, there appears to have been a building boom during the Late Horizon,
particularly within the Chaman drainage, in the northern part of the valley where several
new sites, both large and small, were built. These sites are associated with a number of
activities, including agricultural production and the control over the movement of people
and goods. This dissertation examines two important groups of these sites, but also
examines the valley-wide settlement patterns of the Late Horizon and builds on Mackey's
observations of a more significant Inka presence in the Jequetepeque Valley.
The Archaeology of the Inka Empire

The Inkas were one of the great ancient empires, ruling a land that stretched from
Ecuador and Colombia in the north to Chile and Argentina in the south (Figure 1.3). At
its height, the empire incorporated as many as 12 million inhabitants belonging to a
diverse assemblage of subject societies. At most, the Inkas were an ethnic group of a few
tens of thousands, and yet they were able to extend their domain over millions in slightly
more than 100 years.
The rapid expansion of the empire and its impressive
organizational capacity have impressed scholars and laymen alike.
A number of
archaeological studies over the past century have focused on varied aspects of Inka
empire, including the expansion and organization of the empire (Bauer 1992; Conrad
1977; Covey 2000; D'Altroy 2002; D'Altroy, et al. 2000; Dillehay 1977; Hayashida 2003;
Hyslop 1984, 1990; Julien 1988; Mackey 2006; Malpass 1993; Morris 1970, 1982;
Patterson 1991; Pease 1981; Ramirez 1990; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999; Rowe
1946; Wachtel 1982), strategies of imperialization (Burger, et al. 2007; D'Altroy 1992,
2005; Gifford 2003; Hyslop 1993; Julien 1978; Morris 1982; Netherly 1988; Schreiber
1987; Wachtel 1982), economic production (D'Altroy and Bishop 1990; D'Altroy and
Earle 1985; D'Altroy and Hastorf 1984; Donnan 1997; Earle and D'Altroy 1982, 1989;
Hastorf 1993; Hayashida 1995, 1999; La Lone 1982, 1994; La Lone and La Lone 1987;
Murra 1975), architecture (Kendall 1972, 1974, 1985, 1996; Morris 1971; Niles 1992,
1999; Raffino and Nielsen 1993; Valcarcel 1938), and religion (Aveni 1982; Bauer 1998,
2004; Bauer and Barrionuevo Orosco 1998; Bauer and Stanish 2001; Cobo 1997; Conrad
and Demarest 1988; McEwan and van de Guchte 1992; Murra 1960; Pease 1969;
Reinhard 1998b; Rowe 1958, 1970; Sherbondy 1992; Urton 1989; Van de Guchte 1984,
1999; Zuidema 1982, 1992).
As with all empires, archaeologists have been fascinated by the many strategies
the Inkas employed to form, expand, and control their vast territory.
Much of the
discussion on these topics will considered in the following chapter, but a few important
points should be made here. First, this dissertation examines processes of imperialism.
This is an extremely ambiguous term, and a survey of the recent literature on empires
shows that it is used in a variety of ways by archaeologists, focusing on economic issues
(Blanton 1996; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle and D'Altroy 1989; La Lone 1994;
Polanyi 1957; Smith and Berdan 1992; Stanish 1997), political control (Berdan, et al.
1996; Gifford 2003; Keatinge 1982; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981, 1990; Sapp 2002;
Schreiber 1992; Sinopoli and Morrison 1995), militarism (Hassig 1988), and ideological
control (Bauer and Dearborn 1995; Conrad and Demarest 1988; Given 2000). It is used
here to refer to the processes relating to the growth, consolidation, and administration of
imperial activities (Schreiber 1992). This should be distinguished from the concept of
colonialism (Dyson 1985; Gosden 2005; Lyons and Papadopoulos 2002; van Dommelen
1997, 1998; Stein 2005), which involves the settlement of a group of people (colonists)
from their native land to a foreign territory (the colony). In many cases, colonialism is
directly related to imperial activities, but here it is viewed as a subset of a wider array of
possible strategies of imperialism. The present research does not focus on colonialism, as
there were no known major resettlements of Inka or other foreign populations within the
valley, although some historical sources indicate that mitmaqkuna, or colonies of Inka
subjects from other parts of the empire, were located in the North Coast (Espinoza
Soriano 1967; Ramirez 1990).
Colonialism was only one of many ways the Inkas and other empires controlled
their domains. The strategies employed by empires to rule their subjects are necessarily
related to the kinds of power that empires wield. Thus the second point I wish to expand
on here regards the kinds of power ancient empires had, and how they were used. Power
refers to the ability of one group to exert control over another or to influence change
within a system (Miller and Tilley 1984; Paynter and McGuire 1991). To understand
how that control or influence is brought about, it is helpful to consider Mann's (1986)
four main sources of social power: economic, political, ideological, and military. While
it is impossible to discuss these categories as separate entities, it is useful to consider the
basic elements of each of these categories of power. In the current study, the primary
focus is on the first three, economic, political, and ideological power. Military power,
while an important component of Inka strategies, was primarily a tool of expansion
Schrieber 1992). While military garrisons were frequently established in some of the
more restive provinces, they were not a common element of Inka consolidation and
control. Here the interest is in the strategies the Inkas employed following the initial
conquest, during the periods of consolidation and administration of a subject society. It
should also be noted that while imperial expansion has finite temporal limits relating to
10
The Inka
Empire
Chinchcsuyu
Cuntisuyu
Cuzco
Pacific Ocean
Collasuvu
Atlantic Ocean
Figure 1. 3 Map of South America showing the Inka Empire and its four subdivisions or suyu.
when subject polities are brought into the empire, consolidation and administration are
ongoing processes throughout the entire life of an empire. Thus the processes involved
with consolidation and administration can change as the relationships between the
imperial core and subject polities develop.
11
Economic power refers to the ability to control access to resources, labor,

transportation, and production. This often is broken down into analysis of the political
and domestic economies.
Several studies of ancient and modern empires have
emphasized the role political economics played in the expansion and consolidation of
ancient states (Blanton 1996; Blanton and Feinman 1984; D'Altroy and Earle 1985;
D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle 1991; Earle and D'Altroy 1989; La Lone 1982, 1994;
Smith and Schreiber 2005, 2006; Stanish 1992, 1997, 2002; Tschauner 2006). Many of
these studies have focused on market forces and how they relate to driving imperial
expansion.
However, elements of market economies, such as currency, traders,
competition, and price-fixing mechanisms did not exist in the Andes, which were
organized around different economic forms (Stanish 1997: 198; see also Earle 1985; La
Lone 1982; Rostworowski 1988: 68).
Andean economic systems were based on complex and interwoven concepts
including resource ownership, control of technology, labor mobilization and reciprocity
and redistribution. These systems were founded on the unequal relationships between
elites and their subjects. Elites controlled access to resources and organized production
and labor within a polity. A lord's subjects were obligated to perform labor as a type of
tax that had to be paid on an annual basis. These taxes would require households to work
in construction projects, manufacture goods or serve lords in some other type of service.
In situations where service was done outside of the household, enlistment lasted for a
term of a few months, with groups participating in a rotating basis. Thus no person or
group was always serving their lord, and the burden of the tax was spread throughout the
12
community. In return for their labor, nobles were required to reward their subjects with
elaborate feasts and symbolic gifts of gratitude. These relationships were nested in
complex social and political hierarchies, uniting lower level lords into larger polities.
The hierarchical groups, called ayllus in the highlands and parcialidades on the coast in
the early Spanish documents, were structured around kinship relations, and often
extended kin groups were bound together through ceremonial relationships founded by
mythical ancestors (Netherly 1977, 1990; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1989a, 1989b).
On the North Coast, the complexity of these networks was amplified by the
economic specialization of individual communities. Villages within a parcialidad would
specialize in craft production and exchange these goods with other villages in the
parcialidad, creating associations that linked economic and political hierarchies with kin
groups. These coastal systems were much more sophisticated than anything the Inkas
had seen in the highlands, and their interdependencies forced the Inkas to leave much of
the existing social and political structure in place. However, this situation does not mean
that the Inkas were incapable of constructing new sites or annexing lands to support the
political economy of the empire.
The Inkas were quite skilled at controlling the economic capacities of their
subjects and drastically reorganized the local economies of many of the polities they
controlled. One of their most common tactics was to resettle large populations, known as
mitimae, throughout the empire. Estimates vary, but anywhere from 3 to 5 million of the
empire's 12 million inhabitants were moved, either forcibly or voluntarily (D'Altroy
2002: 248).
Cut off from their traditional resource bases, these colonies became
13
dependent on the state for all of their supplies. Many of these colonists were put to work
on state farms, or performed other important economic activities for the empire. The state
farms were established to support the Inka elites, the military, and the state religion, and
were the lifeblood of the ever-expanding empire. Often state farms were established in
areas that were not heavily populated by existing groups (Wachtel 1982). This practice
enabled the Inkas to avoid disrupting local groups that were not resettled by the empire.
This appears to be the strategy the Inkas employed in the Jequetepeque Valley. As will
be discussed in Chapter 7, the Inkas expanded into previously uninhabited parts of the
Chaman drainage, and established a variety of sites that directly supported the empire.
The purpose of these sites was to mark out and control agricultural lands belonging to the
Inkas. However, instead of using relocated colonists, the majority of the labor was
carried out by local people. Because these sites were built and staffed primarily by local
groups who were fulfilling their labor tax obligations to the empire, much of the
architecture and material culture found at the study sites are in North Coast styles. So
while the Inkas did not change much of the domestic economy of the Jequetepeque, they
reorganized parts of the political economy through the creation of state farms. And
through the reorganization of the political economy, they changed the political power that
went along with it (Hyslop 1984).
Political power involves the ability of the ruling power to influence the decision
making processes of subject groups. In the Andes, the Inkas were extremely adept at
managing political power, particularly in the highlands.
They built vast provincial
centers at strategic points, such as Huanuco Pampa (Morris 1970, 1982; Morris and
14
Thompson 1985). At least six of these centers were referred to as 'Little Cuzcos' because
of the conceptual or physical similarities in their layouts with the capital. These centers,
and others, were impositions within subject territories that redirected administrative and
ceremonial authority to the Inkas. The Inkas also built new roads and expanded existing
ones, established vast storage facilities to support both administrative structures and
marching armies, and developed elaborate communication networks, such as the chaski
runners, who helped increase imperial control and decision making capabilities.
When the Inkas came into a new area, they often realigned traditional power bases
that had been structured along kinship lines through ayllus. In the Mantaro Valley in
central Peru, for example, D'Altroy and others found that after the Inka conquest,
authority and decision-making switched from local to Inka control. This was seen in the
shift of ceremonial hospitality from the residences of local elites to newly built imperial
structures (Costin and Earle 1989; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle and D'Altroy 1989).
This suggests that the Inkas were now making decisions about labor mobilization and
allocation that had traditionally been the responsibility of local elites. Local populations
were thus subject to the demands of the Inka state, and were obligated to fulfill those
demands in the form of the labor taxes described above.
If we take the presence of Inka material culture as an indication of their political
power, it would seem that the North Coast was relatively free from direct Inka
domination. As mentioned above, because of the scarcity of Inka remains on the North
Coast, many archaeologists do not believe the Inkas exerted considerable political power
over the region. Most definite Inka structures are found at large, important centers such
15
as Tucume and are only small additions in ritually important areas (see Heyerdahl 1996).
True Inka architecture is virtually unknown at smaller sites. However, we should not
equate the lack of Inka material culture with an actual lack of political power. As with
the political economy discussed earlier, the imposition of imperial political power does
not necessarily change many aspects of existing local political organization. As will be
discussed in Chapters 4 and 7, the Inkas significantly altered the political organization at
the highest levels of the valley, but left lower levels relatively intact. The direct impact
of the Inka presence was minimized through the collaboration with local lords and use of
local architecture. In lieu of building great imperial centers or other more conspicuous
demonstrations of power, the Inkas demonstrated their authority with more subtle but still
meaningful displays. Many of these methods involved manipulating the ideological
elements of power.
The fourth source of social power, ideology, is more difficult to study
archaeologically than the other three because of the difficulty in assigning meaning to
objects that are no longer in their original contexts. This situation is made all the more
difficult by the great variety of theoretical approaches taken by many authors, focusing
on Marxist, functionalist, and materialist interpretations (Bawden 1995; Demarest and
Conrad 1992; DeMarrais, et al. 1996; Earle 1991; Hill 1999; Leone 1984; McGuire 1988;
Miller and Tilley 1984; Wurst 1991). Here ideology is defined as the body of beliefs,
ideas, and activities that forms the basis of power relations (McGuire 1988). The focus
here is primarily on elite or 'dominant' ideologies, but this definition is broad enough to
allow for multiple non-elite ideologies to coexist with elite ideologies, and for multiple
16
groups from different classes or ethnic groups to have different interpretations of these
ideologies (Wurst 1991: 126). Elite ideologies are part of the belief system that promotes
and justifies the expansion of a state, and reinforces internal social and political
institutions within a state society. These ideologies help to structure hierarchies of power
through rituals, ceremonies, architecture, and other symbols of authority and prestige.
While some have questioned the ability of elite ideologies to successfully do this
(Abercrombie, et al. 1980), the issue in the present discussion is of intent, and the focus is
on the strategies employed by the Inkas to demonstrate their authority over the people of
the North Coast.
One of the useful characteristics of ideologies is that they can be materialized
relatively easily, and thus be transmitted and spread quickly, assuming there is an
effective means of enforcing them (DeMarrais, et al. 1996). The effective materialization
of imperial ideologies can help expansive states and empires to maintain control in areas
without the investment of major administrative structures, military garrisons, and other
expensive state apparatuses. The Inka Empire had a strong state ideology that was
materially expressed through rituals and feasting, architecture, and the control over the
production and distribution of symbols of power (Bauer 1996, 2004; Coben 2005; Earle
and D'Altroy 1989; Murra 1960, 1962, 1975; Niles 1999; Pease 1981; Rowe 1982). The
usurpation of existing political hierarchies described above was one of the more common
and archaeologically visible examples. Not only were the decision-making hierarchies
reorganized to support the state, but participants in feasts and other acts of ceremonial
hospitality put on by the Inkas were subjected to visually imposing Inka architecture and
17
ate and drank with Inka style ceramics (DeMarrais, et al. 1996; Earle and D'Altroy 1989;
Gifford 2003). The use of these material symbols of power reinforced the Inkas' position
of authority. These symbols also became useful tools for the empire, as they could be
given as rewards to loyal subjects, enhancing local nobles' authority within their native
communities.
Another important, if less visible element of Inka state ideology involved the
control and manipulation of the natural landscape. Landscape was an essential element
of social organization both in the wider Andean world, and in the Inka Empire in
particular. Natural features were often points of great ritual importance in the spatial
organization of the Inka Empire, and formed an important element of imperial ideology.
As the friar Cobo noted in 1653,
....it must be pointed out that these people customarily worshipped and
offered sacrifices to any natural things that were found to differ somewhat
from others of the same kind because of some oddity or extraordinary
quality found in them. ... They worshipped exceptionally large trees, roots
and other things that come from the land. They also worshipped springs,
rivers, lakes, and hills which were different in shape or substance from
those nearby, being formed of earth or sand, where the rest were rocky, or
vice versa. Also, included was the snow-capped mountain and any other
sierra or high peak which had snow on it, boulders or large rocks, cliffs
and deep gorges, as well as the high places and hilltops called apachitas
(places of rest) (Cobo 1990 [1653]: 44).
Understanding the role that landscape played in the Inka world is crucial if we are
to understand the nature of the expansion of the empire. Many of the sites built during
the Late Horizon in the Chaman drainage and examined in this dissertation are located in
areas that do not contain important natural resources. As will be outlined in Chapter 6,
these sites are instead located in places with peculiar landscape formations, namely large
18
dry waterfalls. Moreover, their layouts, and the kinds of artifacts associated with them
suggest that they had a completely non-economic but nonetheless very important
function. These sites were likely types of shrines that were placed in important locations
that reinforced Inka claims to the valley by their association with important elements of
Inka imperial ideology, in this case water.
Conclusion
The following chapters will lay out an argument for a significant Inka presence in
the Jequetepeque Valley, particularly in the Chaman drainage. The discussion will focus
on the three elements of power discussed above - economic, political, and ideological and will demonstrate how the Inkas manipulated these elements as part of a strategy to
control a subject society without drastically reorganizing the existing social landscape.
The rest of this dissertation is divided into seven chapters, outlining the
theoretical and material foundations of the present research. Chapter 2 reviews much of
the current literature on empires and what is commonly called landscape archaeology.
This literature is from a cross section of sociological, anthropological, and archaeological
disciplines. From an empires perspective, the section focuses on the ways in which
imperial agents have interacted with subject societies and how those interactions have
been materialized. Likewise, the interest in landscapes focuses on how natural features
can become important symbolic points within a socially constituted natural world, and
how the manipulation of these features can become a powerful tool for both imperial
agents and local groups during periods of cultural contact.
19
Chapter 3 reviews the general cultural chronology for the North Coast, and
examines some of the recent archaeological work done in the Jequetepeque Valley. This
chapter sets the basic background to historically frame the context of the present research.
It also lays out the research strategy employed in this research in both fieldwork and
laboratory analyses.
Chapter 4 explores the settlement patterns of the Jequetepeque during the Late
Intermediate Period (LIP, AD 1100-1400), the time of the Chimu domination of the
valley, just before the Inka conquest. The chapter describes some of the important Chimu
sites in the valley, and discusses the general assessment of Chimu social and political
organization. The nature of the Chimu occupation of the valley is important to the
current study because it forms a comparison by which we can examine the later Inka
occupation.
In contrast to the Inkas, the Chimu had a fairly small presence in the
Jequetepeque, controlling only a few key centers.

Chapter 5 describes Research Area 1, the larger of the two groups of sites
examined in this research. Descriptions of the sites are given, and the results of mapping
and excavation work are summarized. This group of sites features primarily residential
areas with architectural styles typical of the North Coast. However, their organization
and locations show that they were far from typical sites. They were built in a previously
unoccupied portion of the valley, and were completely dependent on other sites in the
valley for all of their food and supplies. Their location and layout can best be understood
when compared to other Inka sites in the empire, and it is likely that they served as a type
of tampu or other points of control for people moving around the valley.
20
Chapter 6 focuses on Research Area 2. The sites in this area are very different
from those in Research Area 1 in both form and function. The sites are much smaller,
and are located in narrow canyons at the bases of dry waterfalls. They also contain a
much greater concentration of fine ware ceramics, but clearly were not used as residential
locations.
Rather, their locations were probably more significant because of their
proximity to the waterfalls, and to the course of the major Talambo Canal, which turns
sharply to cross the valley just below the sites.
Chapter 7 returns to settlement pattern studies, but examines the Late Horizon
changes that happened in the valley following the Inka conquest. Research carried out as
part of this dissertation and by others show that several important changes take place in
the Jequetepeque following the arrival of the Inkas. In addition to the construction of the
sites in Research Areas 1 and 2, several other new sites were built during the Late
Horizon, and other important centers were drastically altered. These transformations
provide a backdrop to understand the larger changes taking place within the valley
Chapter 8 provides a general analysis and conclusions of the research presented
here. It looks at the evidence for Inka imperialism in the Jequetepeque from a broader
perspective, comparing strategies employed by the Inkas elsewhere in the Andes with the
current research. The discussion also ties in many of the issues discussed above and in
Chapter 2, focusing on how the Inkas developed strategies of imperialism, and how the
manipulation of a socially meaningful landscape helped to remake political relations
between the Inkas and local lords.
Chapter 5: The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 1
21
Chapter 2: The Archaeology of Empires and Landscape

By the time Spaniards arrived in 1532, the Inkas had created the largest native
empire anywhere in the Americas. From Colombia in the north to Chile and Argentina in
the south, there were few places in the Andes that did not feel the impact of Inka imperial
expansion. As the Inkas expanded their domain, they came across a diversity of cultures
that varied greatly in their sociopolitical organization and degree of centralization. In
many parts of the central highlands of Peru, the Inkas encountered very weakly stratified
societies with virtually no centralization of authority (Julien 1993; Schreiber 1987, 1992).
In the far north of the empire, in modern day Ecuador, and in other parts of Peru and
Argentina, the Inkas faced more developed and sometimes very hostile chiefdom-level
societies (DAltroy 1992; DAltroy and Hastorf 2001; DAltroy, et al. 2000; Salomon
1986). The situation was drastically different on the Peruvian North Coast, which until
the Inka conquest in the 15' century had been home to the powerful Chimu Empire, the
next largest Andean state after the Inkas (Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2006;
Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981; Moore 1981; Moseley and Day 1982; Moseley and
Cordy-Collins 1990; Tschauner 2006). The archaeological study of empires has recently
begun to explore the complex nature of these sociopolitical entities and their relationships
with the societies which they ruled.
The study of ancient empires has seen renewed interest recently and a host of
studies have begun to explore the great variety of issues related to the formation and
administration of empires. This chapter adds to these studies, and explores empires at
Chapter 2: The Archaeology of Empires and Landscapes
22
three levels. The first section explores many of the recent broad theoretical approaches to
empires, including studies focusing on the issues underlying their creation and
maintenance. The second section examines the Inka Empire in more detail, returning to
some of the issues outlined in the first section, but also setting up the current study
question in a theoretical perspective.
Much of this section focuses on strategies
employed by the empire in dealing with the diverse assemblage of cultures that made it
up, and how those strategies relate to the current study. The third section examines the
concept of landscape archaeology, and how the control and manipulation of landscapes
can be a powerful element of imperial strategy.
Archaeologists investigating empires have been able to reach across a broad
swath of time and space to encounter a wide variety of imperial forms. As such, a
plethora of studies has approached empires from equally diverse lines of inquiry.
Numerous recent articles and volumes on empires have explored these approaches in
more detail than is warranted here (Alcock, et al. 2001; Cherry 1993; Sinopoli 1994), and
my goal is to simply highlight some of the issues relevant to the current study.
When looking at issues of imperialism, we must first define what an empire is.
Only then can we begin to explore what kinds of imperialism existed. Definitions of
empires vary greatly, often depending on what particular researchers see as the most
important characteristics of these entities.
These characteristics include geographic,
economic, political, ideological, and military dimensions (Sinopoli 1994: 160). While
debates have been waged over the kinds of political organization that constitute an
23
empire (see Hassig 1988), most agree that empires are territorially expanding political
entities that exercise some degree of control over other political entities.
As discussed in the opening chapter, imperialism can be defined as the activities
employed to create and manage an empire. Schreiber (1992: 9) has made the useful
distinction between different phases of these imperial activities. The three main phases
she deals with are creation and expansion, consolidation, and rule. While the creation
and expansion of an empire is a fluid, dynamic process, it is also a comparatively brief
period in the relationship between the imperial center and its subjects. The processes of
consolidation and administration are much more complex than creation, and can vary
greatly through time. Stanish (1997) for example, has shown that for areas around the
Lake Titicaca region of Bolivia and Peru, subject societies became increasingly
integrated into the empire as they changed from border states to heartland provinces.
Doyle's (1986) tripartite division of imperial actions has been particularly useful
in exploring issues surrounding the variability of imperial processes. Doyle sees studies
of empires focusing on metrocentric, pericentric and systemic approaches. Metrocentric
studies focus on activities in the core of empires as primarily driving imperial expansion.
Conversely, pericentric studies examine processes happening on the periphery, or within
subject societies. Many metrocentric studies have focused on economic reasons for the
creation and expansion of empires.
Not surprisingly, Marxist analyses have been at the forefront of scholarly
discussions of empires (Patterson 1991). Another common perspective has built on
Wallerstein's (1974; see also Wolf 1982) 'world systems' approach. Wallerstein saw the
24
creation of many of the modern empires as the result of unequal economic relationships
between what would become the imperial center and the subject societies. While dealing
primarily with early market empires, many archaeologists have employed his approach in
non-market situations (Algaze 2005; Blanton and Feinman 1984; Champion 1989a,
1989b; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Kristiansen 1987; La Lone 1994). This perspective
has been useful in highlighting some of the reasons for the creation and growth of
empires. However, more recent studies have brought to light the great diversity of
strategies employed by empires in dealing with subject societies, and the important role
that local conditions play in both the expansion and administration of empires.
For example, several authors have shown that empires encounter a variety of
cultures during their expansion, ranging from simple chiefdoms to other empires (Berdan,
et al. 1996; D'Altroy 1992; Hassig 1988; Luttwak 1976; Sinopoli 1994). As a result,
empires are forced to deal with different groups in different ways, and the strategies
involved mean that empires vary from weakly to strongly integrated entities. Many of
these studies have built on Luttwak and Hassig's 'territorial/hegemonic' approach. In
this approach, empires run in a continuum of control and administration. At the far end
of the territorial side, empires invest heavily in provincial infrastructure and take a direct
role in the administration of a conquered territory. At the other extreme, empires are
essentially 'hands off, and rely on coercion and diplomacy to deal with subject societies,
and leave conquered leaders in power. This more nuanced approach fits much better than
core/periphery models which see the empire and subject societies as a fixed dyad, and
allows for a much greater range of imperial activities.
25
Similarly, archaeologists have come to see that the imperial core can be just as
varied as the subject periphery. Often this is the result of factional competition (Brumfiel
and Fox 1994), where competing interest groups from within the power base of the
empire struggle for control over access to the resources and wealth extracted from the
empire. In many cases, this competition can have a significant impact on the growth and
development of the empire. In her analysis of colonial encounters in Sumatra, Stoler
(1989) found that colonial agents both in the colonies and in the mother country were
composed of a number of competing factions. As a result, many imperial strategies were
actually aimed at downplaying divisions within colonial groups to promote unity, as
opposed to controlling subject societies. In the Andes, D'Altroy (1994; 2001) has noted
that the increasingly competitive kin groups that formed the upper echelons of Inka
nobility played a large role in the expansion of the empire, as succeeding generations
needed to conquer new territory to gain access to land and resources for personal estates.
Factional competition is not only evident in the imperial center.
Strong
competition in the provinces can alter the strategies used by empires to administer a
particular area. The North Coast of Peru is a good example of such a situation. In many
coastal valleys, local nobles headed extended kin groups known as parcialidades which
means part of the whole in Spanish (see Chapter 4). Parcialidades were nested social
hierarchies that could also form distinct polities; sometimes there were several such
polities within a single valley. While the communities within a parcialidad were tied
together in complex webs of social, political, and economic relations, competition
between polities could be fierce (for a slightly earlier example, see Dillehay 2001).
26
Several authors have explored other issues of localism in empires (Alcock 1993;
Bermann 1994; D'Altroy 1992; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Dietler 1997; Morrison 2001;
Postgate 1992). Bauer and Covey (2002) and Schreiber (Schreiber 1987, 1992) looked at
the impact of the expanding Inka and Wari Empires on local groups during the few
centuries before and after AD 1000 in the central highlands of Peru. Bauer and Covey's
research followed the development of the early Inka state in and around the Cuzco
region. While historical sources often portray the development of the state in monolithic
terms, Bauer and Covey found that the early Inka expansion was done in a piecemeal
fashion, involving both military conquest and diplomacy. The early empire dealt with
different groups in different ways, allying with some and conquering others.
In her study of the Carhuarazo Valley, Schreiber notes that the local inhabitants of
the region were relatively egalitarian societies, with little in the way of hierarchical
divisions of class and leadership. As a result, the Wari Empire had to construct a
completely new provincial capital in the valley, as there were no existing centers for them
to occupy. Likewise, the local population was moved to the warm lower valleys where
maize could be grown and reorganized to better serve the empire. Thus the nature of the
local communities had an important role in shaping the imperial strategies employed by
the Wari.
Gifford (2003), working in northwest Argentina during the Inka occupation,
found the Inkas employed a number of strategies in visually expressing the new political
order of the area following their conquest of local groups. Imperial structures were
constructed in areas that usurped local sites of authority, but also provided commanding
27
views of the Calchaqui Valley. From these places, both local and Inka lords could see the
totality of the new Inka constructions in the region, which reinforced Inka dominion and
helped to suppress resistance by the native communities.
Many of the studies of local factors of imperialism focus explicitly on the role of
local elites in the development of empires. Morkot (2001) found that, in contrast to many
earlier conclusions, the Egyptian occupation of Nubia was heavily dependent on local
elites. Many of these elites were quite skilled at manipulating imperial interests in order
to further their own agendas. This had the unusual effect of creating a strong Nubian
state that was able to emerge during a period of political weakness in the Egyptian state.
Likewise, Elson and Covey's (2006) recent edited volume demonstrates the wide
ranging power of local elites throughout the New World. Scholars exploring the effects
of localism on imperial expansion have largely focused on resistance and rebellion. This
is based partially on the view that empires in any form are in some sense authoritarian, in
that they demand obedience to their authority (Gifford 2003: 5). Thus the imposition of
outside political authority on an existing polity's autonomy should likely be met with
some degree of resistance. While this is certainly true, in most, if not all cases, instances
of true collaboration have not been investigated to a similar extent (but see Covey 2000;
Covey and Morris 2006). Most examples of collaboration between imperial and local
elites come from situations where existing local conditions make it beneficial for local
groups to be subsumed into the empire. Lorandi (1991), for example, found that for some
groups in northern Argentina, the prospect of becoming part of the Inka Empire was
28
much more palatable than being subject to the constant raiding by neighboring groups.
Thus alliance building was an important part of both imperial and local strategies.
For empires in particular, building direct relationships with local elites played
another important role for imperial administration. As some have pointed out (Sinopoli
1994; Stanish 1997), it is in the best interest of empires to develop direct relationships
with local elites. The goal was to minimize horizontal contacts between different subject
societies, which while individually weak, could unite together to pose a significant threat
to the security of the empire.
The Inka Empire and the North Coast of Peru

The archaeology of the Inka Empire has grown steadily in the past few decades.
Many works have focused on the imperial core, and the goals and policies of Inka
imperial expansion (Conrad 1977; Dillehay 1977; La Lone and La Lone 1987; Murra
1980; Patterson 1991; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999; Rowe 1946, 1982). Still
others have focused on the provinces, illuminating the diverse societies the Inkas
encountered, and examining the relationships between the Inkas and these groups
(Burger, et al. 2007; D'Altroy 1992; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Gifford 2003; Hayashida
2003; Morris 1998; Morris and Covey 2006; Ramirez 1990; Schreiber 1987). This
section will highlight some of the basic models of Inka imperialism, and explore how the
development of these ideas relates to the archaeology of the North Coast.
Tawantinsuyu, The Four Parts Together in Quechua, the language of the Inkas,
was the name the Inkas gave their vast empire. While the name reflects many of aspects
of social organization in the Andes, such as the existence of moieties and dual and
29
quadripartite divisions of society, in reality, the Inka Empire was a patchwork of societies
divided into 80 distinct provinces. The study of the empire draws primarily on two
distinct data sets, archaeological studies and historical sources. The historical sources are
by no means a uniform or reliable set of documents. They were written down by a
variety of people, both Natives and Spaniards, who varied greatly in terms of their
education, political agenda, and understanding of Andean social organization. While
these records offer a treasure trove of information about the Inka state, they must also be
read with a grain of salt.
Many early studies of the Inkas took the early accounts at face value.
For
example, Garcilaso's (1966) description of the organization of the empire was accepted
as the archetype of Inka imperial administration. According to the model, the empire was
organized with a relatively small number of ethnic and honorary Inkas filling the most
important positions of the empire. Below this were layers of local nobility who filled out
the majority of the middle and lower level posts.
The 80 provinces were divided
according to existing local polities that were conquered by the empire. Although local
lords held positions of power, the provinces were reorganized into a decimal hierarchy
with major divisions of 10,000, 1000, 100, and 10 households (Mien 1988; Rowe 1946).
These groupings were put in place to simplify the Inka labor tax system and make
administration of the provinces easier. Overall, the empire was seen as a powerful polity
that had an immense impact on subject societies. The only part of the empire that was
seen differently was the North Coast of Peru, which from very early on was seen as
operating without direct Inka control.
30
While this organization appears sensible on paper, in reality, the situation was
much more complex and fluid.
The area actually reorganized through the decimal
organization, for example, seems to have been much smaller than generally envisioned,
confined to the heartland and the highlands from the Titicaca basin to southern Ecuador.
As research expanded, it became more and more apparent that instead of a single,
monolithic empire, there was more of a patchwork approach to the expansion of the
empire, as discussed above. However, one of the few regions of the empire that has not
benefited archaeologically from these new waves of research has been the North Coast.
Despite the realization that Inka strategies of imperialism were quite varied, no serious
review of the Late Horizon on the North Coast has been conducted. One of the issues
with the Inkas on the North Coast has been the dearth of archaeological information
(Hayashida 2003; Julien 1993; Mackey 2003, 2006). In the highlands, even though Inka
strategies varied, there were still a variety of Inka installations, both big and small that
could be easily studied. As discussed in Chapter 1, Inka sites on the North Coast are
extremely rare, which has been taken as a sign of little direct Inka presence.
To begin to understand the Inka occupation of the North Coast, and specifically
the Jequetepeque Valley, we must first review some of the common elements of Inka
imperial strategies. Traditionally, Inka expansion was seen to happen in two stages.
First, an Inka army would approach an important center of a neighboring group.
However, instead of directly attacking, emissaries of the Inkas would approach the town,
asking the people to submit to the rule of the Inkas. If the emissaries were rebuffed, then
warfare would likely follow (Rowe 1946, 1948). Once the new region was brought into
31
the imperial fold, the Inkas had to employ strategies to consolidate their new gains.
While the goals of the empire and available resources were important factors in
determining Inka strategies, the nature of the interactions between the Inkas and their
subject were an important element in determining the nature of Inka rule.
For example, the Chincha Valley on Peru's South Coast maintained strong
relations with the Inkas, and its inhabitants were held in such high esteem that one of the
four quarters of the empire, Chinchasuyu, was named in their honor. The main site in the
Chincha Valley, La Centinela, contains only a small Inka sector, which seems to have
primarily associated with ceremonial and political activities that legitimized both the
Inkas and the local lords who cooperated with them (Morris 1998: 267). Two other
administrative centers, both intrusive Inka sites, are found in the neighboring Pisco
Valley. The larger, Tambo Colorado, is a classic Inka site, one of the few intrusive Inka
centers anywhere on the coast.
La Centinela in particular, suggests a strong bond
between the Inkas and Chinchas. The site helped to reinforce political bonds between the
two groups, and there is not a great deal of explicitly Inka architecture, owing to the fact
that the Inkas did not have to overtly intimidate the local communities with their
presence. Instead, their presence was more subtly conveyed. In contrast, the site of
Inkawasi in the Canete Valley (Hyslop 1990: 175) was expressly built by the Inkas to
assist in the conquest of the Guarcos, who actively resisted the Inkas. Once the Guarcos
were defeated, the site was abandoned, and sites further down the valley were
constructed.
32
In the Jequetepeque, the nature of the relationship between the local lords and the
Inka also played an important role in shaping imperial encounters. The Inka conquest of
the Chirmi Empire on Peru's North Coast began in the highlands, following the Inka
defeat of the Chancas, a fierce rival of the Inkas in the south-central highlands (Rowe
1948). Following their loss, the Chancas made their way north, towards the Cajamarca
Valley in the northern highlands, directly above the Jequetepeque.
According to
historical accounts (Cabeo Valboa 1951), the Inkas pursued the Chancas, and came into
conflict with the king of Cajamarca, Cusimanco. Cusimanco, facing overwhelming odds,
called in support from Minchancaman, the ruler of Chimor, who came to his ally's aid.
However, following a fierce battle, both armies were defeated by the Inkas, who then
continued their conquest towards the coast, led by their general, Capac Yupanqui.
As the army continued through the coast, it defeated the remains of the Chirmi
army, and took control over much of the North Coast. According to most accounts, the
Inkas took Minchancaman back to Cuzco as a royal hostage, leaving his son Chumuncaur in charge. In the subsequent years, very little was directly done to the former Chirmi
state. Relatives of the royal family and local valley heads were left in place, but each was
overseen by Inka administrators in the highlands. However, this simplification of history
ignores the fact that the Chimu state was not a unified polity, but rather itself was an
empire, composed of several groups, some of whom were hostile to their Chimu
overlords (see Topic 1990; Tschauner 2006). In fact, looking at the Chimu conquest of
the Jequetepeque, there is both historical and archaeological evidence for a bellicose
relationship between the Chimu and local lords (see chapters 4 and 7).
33
The Inka entrance into these factionalized circumstances presented them with
unique opportunities. Based on the traditional reading of the Inka conquest of the North
Coast, there was little in the way of a direct Inka impact. However, other historical
sources indicate that the people of the coast were subject to the same labor obligations as
the rest of the empire, and that in some cases, particularly in the Jequetepeque, land was
appropriated by the Inkas for the state, army, and Sun temple (Ramirez 1990). What this
suggests is that the there was a strong Inka presence in the Jequetepeque, which was
probably negotiated with local lords who used the power and prestige to enhance their
own positions within the valley.
For the Inkas, this meant they downplayed their
presence. However, that does not mean there is no evidence for an Inka occupation.
Rather, the ways in which the Inkas demonstrated their might were done in
archaeologically subtle ways, but which for the people of the Jequetepeque would have
been unmistakable. To understand how this was achieved, we must first look at the
importance of the social embodiment of the natural world in Andean societies.
The Archaeology of Landscape

The goal of the current research is to understand how landscapes can be used by
both empires and their subjects as a medium through which relationships of power and
identity can be negotiated and displayed. The sites described in the following chapters
feature a mix of both coastal and highland attributes, suggesting a complex interplay
between local and Inka imperial interests. The ways the sites are organized, both in terms
of their physical location and internal structure informed the wider valley population both
of the presence and power of the Inka Empire, but also of the continued power and
34
influence of traditional social organizations. To provide a theoretical framework within

which to view these sites, this section will review much of the recent literature on
landscape archaeology, and discuss some of the important perspectives and lines of
inquiry archaeologists and other social scientists have taken. The chapter will discuss
both traditional Andean world views and those from other parts of the globe.
The study of human interaction with the natural world generally falls under the
scope of landscape archaeology. How archaeologists have come to see the relationships
between the human and natural worlds is the result of drastic changes in thinking over the
last 30 years. Archaeological approaches to landscape are varied, owing to the fact that
defining what landscapes are is a difficult challenge. As Gosden and Head (1994) point
out, the concept of landscape is "usefully ambiguous."
The field of landscape
archaeology is a diverse one, incorporating a wide variety of studies by both

archaeologists and others, including the visual representations of landscapes (Cosgrove
1984; Cosgrove and Daniels 1988), cultural geography (Nash 1997; Olwig 1996; Sauer
1963; Tuan 1977), anthropology (Duncan 1990; Feld and Basso 1996; Hirsch and
O'Hanlon 1995; Ingold 1993; Lovell 1998; Muir 1999; Penning-Rosewell 1986) and
archaeology (Alcock 1993; Anschuetz, et al. 2001; Ashmore and Knapp 1999; Barrett, et
al. 1991; Bender 1993a, 1998; Blake 1998; Gosden and Head 1994; Rossignol and
Wandsnider 1992; Tacon 1994; Tilley 1994; Ucko and Layton 1999).
Definitions of Landscape
Various authors within different fields of study have used a variety of terms with
regard to landscape. The word originates from the German Landschaft: Land, which is a
35
portion of the earth that is somehow occupied or used, and Schaft, which refers to
creation, or giving form to (Olwig 1996: 663). As several authors have pointed out
(Ashmore 2004; Bender 1993a; Blake 2004; Johnson 2007; Knapp and Ashmore 1999),
the approaches to landscape taken by researchers are framed by the broader theoretical
paradigms within which they operate.
In Europe, landscape archaeology has been
heavily influenced by 18th and 19th century landscape art as well as modern social theory.
In the Americas, much of the work originally developed out of the 'new archaeology' of
the 1970s and 80s. This theoretical work was based on ecological modeling and explored
human adaptations to environmental variation.
The focus of interactions between
humans and the landscape mainly centered on issues of demography, social interaction,
and economic resources (e.g Binford 1982; Carneiro 1970; Chang 1974; Sanders 1977;
Steward 1955; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988). Scholars were primarily interested in factors
such as topography, technology, resources, and land use. While more recent studies have
attempted to bring in social and historical elements of the landscape, many are still firmly
rooted in ecological viewpoints (see Anschuetz, et al. 2001; Aston 1997; Rossignol and
Wandsnider 1992).
A dramatically different perspective sees landscapes as created through the
interactions of people.
The etymology of Landschaft outlined above implies that
landscape is something inseparable from human activity; landscapes are created through
interaction with people. Thus, many scholars now do not see as a simple dichotomy of
'nature' and 'culture', but rather understand landscape as process, a kind of socialization,
politicization and acculturation of a space (Kaulicke, et al. 2003: 29). Many of these
36
fields of study have been increasingly influenced by social theory. As such, studies of
geography, history, anthropologists, folklore, and others have become important foci in
landscape studies (Knapp and Ashmore 1999; Rowlands 1993).
Matthew Johnson's recent volume (2007) explores the development of landscape
studies in archaeology. He notes that many recent definitions employ two important
themes: the first is the land itself. Obviously, one of the most important elements of
landscape studies is the spatial element. As several authors have noted (Gosden and
Head 1994; Knapp and Ashmore 1999; Muir 1999), landscape studies involve the study
of both single points and wider regions. In this sense, landscape archaeology must take
in both specific places within a given region that have some important social or political
significance and the entire regions themselves.
As Julian Thomas (1993) found in
Neolithic Great Britain, many important points on the landscape get their meaning
because of their relationship with the larger area. Thomas found that while individual
monuments prominently displayed information about class and status, it was when the
different structures were linked through the movement of processions of people that the
greater message of relationships of power was conveyed.
Several authors have noted the importance of inscribing or marking territory
within a region (Bauer 1998; David and Wilson 1999, 2002; Farrington 1992). Such
physical marking can identify emerging ethnic identities or display positions of power or
authority over a wider area. In Australia, for example, Tacon (1994) found that changing
systems of marking behavior among Aboriginal groups was strongly related to changes in
the notion of time and space. However, as Van de Guchte (1999) points out, in many
37
cases, the most important places on the landscape may not be visibly marked by human
activities. In these cases, local informants or historical sources are immensely important
resources for archaeologists and other scholars.
The second the common idea seen by Johnson in landscape studies is the notion
that landscapes are something thought about. In this second sense, landscape becomes a
way of seeing and thinking about the physical world. It is through this thinking that the
physical land becomes a conceptual landscape. He later notes (Johnson 2007: 4-5) that
for some, a third element of landscape also exists: landscape as engagement with the
world. In this sense, landscape goes beyond being a thing or an idea, but is a process as
well (David and Wilson 1999, 2002). Landscapes are turned into places through human
action, and specific places are created out of undifferentiated space by becoming imbued
with particular meaning, for and by, human sociality and identity (Lovell 1998).
Although Sauer's writings (e.g., 1963) were generally based on ecological models
of human-landscape interaction, even he noted the importance human intervention played
in the creation of landscapes. For him, the cultural landscape is made from a natural
landscape by the actions of a cultural group. The culture is the agent, the natural area the
medium, the cultural landscape its result. The landscape is developed under the influence
of a given culture and changes through time, passing through phases. Several studies
over the past 25 years have taken this approach and greatly expanded it.
Anschuetz et. al. (2001:160-61) see four interrelated premises that define
landscape: 1) Landscapes are not synonymous with natural environment, but rather are
synthetic with cultural systems that structure and organize the interrelations between
38
groups and their environment. 2) Landscapes are a cultural product created through the
transformation of physical spaces into significant places.
3)
Landscapes form the
backdrop for all the activities of groups and communities. 4) Landscapes are dynamic
constructions in which each community and each generation imposes its own cognitive
map on an anthropogenic world. The landscape therefore is a cultural process.
Gosden (1989) argues that the way people interact with landscapes is influenced
by how those landscapes were used by previous groups. In this sense, landscapes are
both the context and the content of social interaction. Similarly, Barrett et al. (1991) see
the construction of socially meaningful landscapes as the result of the lived experience.
Landscapes were created through the actions and thoughts of people moving through the
world. The specific historical and environmental contexts of a given region both acts and
is acted upon, providing what Hirsch (Hirsch 1995; see also: Knapp and Ashmore 1999:
3) sees as the 'fore grounded' lived experience within the backdrop of potential social
existence. Phenomenological studies have followed similar lines of inquiry.
Tilley
(1994) and Casey (1996) show that landscapes are both the medium for action, and the
result of previous action. Thus a landscape is not something that is thought about in the
past tense, but rather something that is always present, and forms both an understanding
of past actions and the context for present and future actions.
The temporality of landscapes is not just a factor of how they are understood, but
also how they are created. Bender (1998: 2-3) suggests that landscapes are not inert, but
rather are constantly created and recreated through engagement with people. Landscapes
are understood differently by different people based on their age, class, gender, caste, and
39
social and political situations. Others have noted similar fluid qualities in the meanings
associated with landscapes. Blake (1998), studying the Bronze Age monuments known
as nuraghi on the island of Sardinia, found that the meanings associated with the
structures evolved through time.
During different eras, when the island was either
independent or part of various expansive states, the ways in which the structures were
viewed had as much to do with existing social and political situations as with the original
function of the nuraghi. Thus, the the nuraghi became objects of group affiliation and
identity while also being shaped and recreated by different communities depending on
specific local circumstances.
Kinds of Landscapes
Clearly, the study of landscapes is not a straightforward endeavor.
Several
authors have developed classificatory schemes to help distinguish various types of

landscapes. These schemes vary greatly, with some focusing on functional attributes
with others concerned more with qualitative variations. Anscheuetz et al (2001) delineate
three kinds of landscape: a) ecological settlements, b) ritual landscapes, and c) ethnic
landscapes. Ritual landscapes are products of human actions, and are the most significant
for the current discussion.
These most closely relate to the concepts of a socially
constituted landscape described in the previous section. Ritual landscapes are created
through human agency. Rites and ceremonies carried out at specific places and within
larger regions help to materialize community social order. These acts help to define,
legitimize and maintain the occupation of a given region, or hierarchies of power.
40
In their discussion on what they refer to as 'sacred landscapes', often called ritual
landscapes, Knapp and Ashmore (1999: 10-12) propose the existence of three kinds of
landscapes: a) constructed landscapes, b) conceptualized landscapes, and c) idealized
landscapes. This classification is closely related to the proposals by UNESCO set out in
the early 1990s (Cleere 1995). This classification is based mainly on the degree to which
the landscape has been physically modified. Of the three, it is constructed landscapes
that are of most concern here. Constructed landscapes are those places where human
activity has directly altered the natural state of the land. While major constructions such
as pyramids or temple complexes, or the terraced hillsides of the Andes and elsewhere
may first come to mind, the extent of the human modification need not be great. Simple
carved stones or an alignment of rocks would also fall under this category. Constructed
landscapes stand in contrast with Conceptualized and Ideational landscapes, which are
characterized by powerful religious, artistic, or other cultural meanings invested in
natural features rather than in actual materialized sites or monuments, which may not be
present (Cleere 1995: 66-7).
While these categories vary considerably in the kinds of landscapes they describe,
there are several related elements that can be found in all of them. Several authors have
focused on memory, identity, social order, meaning, ecology, morality and social
transformations (Alcock 1993; Anschuetz, et al. 2001; Ashmore 2004; Bender 1998;
Bender and Winer 2001; Gramsch 1996; Knapp and Ashmore 1999; Muir 1999;
Rossignol and Wandsnider 1992; Stoddart and Zubrow 1999). Of these, the first three
are the most salient to the current research. This dissertation examines how the Inkas
41
used the manipulation of landscape features as a way of demonstrating their power and
authority in the Jequetepeque Valley. In order for this to work successfully, the Inkas
had to control something that was symbolically significant, touching on feelings of
memory and identity in the subject society. Moreover, this control helped to materialize
the new social order in a way that would be readily understandable to the local
communities.
Memory and landscape are closely linked. As many anthropologists have noted
(Feld and Basso 1996; Schama 1995; Van Dyke and Alcock 2004a), memory is strongly
associated with the commemoration of place.
Histories and legends are reaffirmed
through their association with specific places and the materialization of these memories
can be a powerful way to mobilize group cohesion and promote community identities
(Van Dyke and Alcock 2004b). Basso (1996: 106) calls this process interanimation. As
people create, change, and experience the physical world around them, the interplay
between the experience and its interpretation help to create and reinforce elements of
social order (Van Dyke and Alcock 2004b: 5). These points on the landscape also
function as a way to lay claim to an area through the association of past events with real
places. For example, the fields just outside of Cuzco, Peru, were tied to the myths
surrounding the founding of the Inka Empire. According to legend, the Inkas faced
annihilation at the hands of their enemies, the Chancas, a nearby ethnic group. On the
eve of the final battle, the Inka leader, Pachacuti, called forth the rocks and stones of the
field to fill the ranks of his army, and when they rose, they helped defeat the Chancas and
established the Inkas as the new lords of the Cuzco region (D'Altroy 2002; Rowe 1946).
42
As a result, many of the prominent rocks and stones of specific fields were venerated, and
dressed in elaborate clothing during important dates on the ceremonial calendar. These
rocks became a potent symbol of Inka superiority, and played an important role in
imperial ideology.
It is not just the association of a past history with a specific place that constructs
memories, but it is also through action and ritual that such memories become ingrained
within a society (Connerton 1989). It is this notion of a fluid and active construction of
memories that allows landscapes to be much more than places, since it is through these
actions that memories are both maintained and altered through succeeding generations.
Because landscapes can help materialize collective memories, it follows that they
can be important symbols of identity as well. Groups, from a village to a nation, can
inscribe and understand meaning in places or through rituals or other ceremonial actions.
Conversely, these places create and express sociocultural identity through the groups'
association with these places, the memories they embody, and the actions carried out to
commemorate them.
Landscape provides a focus by which people engage with the
world, and create and sustain a sense of their social identity.

Identity formation is closely linked to the concept of a 'sense of place' (Feld and
Basso 1996; Lovell 1998). A sense of place can be characterized in two ways. First,
places may be regarded as having their own intrinsic personalities, with some places
being visually striking and possessed of powerful images: Mount Rushmore or
Stonehenge are both associated with strongly developed senses of place (Muir 1999:
273). Second, a sense of place is related to the emotional attachments to localities
43
created by individuals and communities in the course of living and growing within a
specific setting. In this sense, senses of place can be associated with a wide variety of
locales, from single points to entire regions. Identities can also be evoked in different
ways: they may be associated with the identification of a specific place or they can be the
result of a contrast between the place that is 'home' and the place that is 'away'.
Specific points on the land can be important locales for marking group identity, or
ties to kinship or status groups. The wak'as of the zeq'e (or ceque) system near Cuzco is
one such example (Bauer 1998; Zuidema 1964). There networks of shrines are connected
through paths that link different kin groups to the Inka ceremonial cycle. Likewise, in
her analysis of the nuraghi of Sardina, Blake (1999) found that the construction of shrines
and mortuary monuments at specific points helped to create senses of place and identity
for communities in constant competition. At the macro scale, entire regions can also play
a role in identity formation and the reaffirmation of social order.
Just as landscape embodies memory and displays identity, so too it offers a key to
interpreting society (Knapp and Ashmore 1999: 16).
Instead of being seen as the
backdrop within which people live and work, landscapes are significant because they can
be both a frame of reference which guides peoples' understanding of the world around
them and an agent of change, where the meanings attached to landscapes can be
transformed as beliefs and social situations change (Bender 1998; Layton and Ucko
1999). Age, class, gender, ethnicity, all factor into how people understand and move
through the landscape. Moreover, a person's understanding of a landscape, and its role in
framing their social perspectives change constantly through time. Moreover, a landscape
44
can be simultaneously understood in a number of ways by many different people. As

Julian Thomas (1993) observes in prehistoric Britain, people of different social
categories, such as class and gender, moving through the landscape interpret and
understand the same material objects in different ways, which can contradictorily
reinforce both existing class divisions and elements of resistance and cultural change.
The multiple understandings of landscape are illustrated with the Inka divisions of
upper and lower, or Hanan and Hurin, Cuzco. These divisions were analogs to the upper
and lower divisions, respectively, of the moiety system common in many parts of the
Prehispanic Andes.
For the Inkas, the upper and lower parts of the moiety were
physically mapped onto the layout of the city, with Hanan Cuzco literally above Hurin
Cuzco.
These two sectors of the city contained the palaces and other structures
associated with the kin groups, oxpanaqas, that made up the two moieties.
Andean Landscapes
The great variety of climate zones and environmental settings that are found
throughout the Andes have played an important role in the development of complex
societies in western South America. Ranging from arid desert plains to glacier-capped
peaks to steamy jungles, the Andes region is one of the most ecologically complex areas
of the world. This variegated landscape affects societies in many ways, influencing
settlement patterns and the distribution of food and other resources. But as archaeologists
have long noted, the natural world has had an impact on human societies beyond just
functional elements like settlement and resources. For most Prehispanic Andean societies
the natural world was not separable from the human world. The environment was not
45
just a back drop within which people lived; it played an important part of daily life. The
natural world was something alive, imbued with supernatural powers and home to gods
and ancestors alike. The land itself was full of history and mythology, an active element
that was both literally and figuratively shaped by generations of human action, and in
turn shaped the societies that lived within it.
Natural features were often points of great ritual importance for many Andean
societies. This complex interplay between the human and natural worlds extends back
long before the Inkas. It can be seen throughout the Andes at different times, and in a
variety of ways. Many large architectural complexes feature not only alignments based
on astronomical orientations, but on natural phenomena as well.
The impressive
Preceramic and Initial Period monuments, for example, are often aligned with rivers or
mountains (Burger 1992).
The great urban complex of Tiwanaku in the Bolivian
altiplano provides another example. Kolata (1993: 111) has noted that internal channels
within the Akapana temple produced loud echoing noises as water passed through,
perhaps mimicking nearby rivers flowing down from the mountains.
The Andean relationship with the natural world encompassed many of the themes
discussed above, such as memory, identity and social order. In order to explain Inka
ideology, we have to examine how they wove together history, tradition, politics and
beliefs (D'Altroy 2002: 141). The Inkas had the ability to impose their own perceptions
of a ritual landscape which justified and legitimated their own gods, history, social order,
and authority over the societies which they conquered. The empire could transform that
landscape both by moving people around within it and by moving around the land itself
46
in the form of terraces, river and spring modifications, and rock carvings. Through these
movements of both the people and the land, the Inkas could create a setting within which
ceremonies could be performed and legends retold that would provide for the continuity
of the Empire (Farrington 1992: 368).
To be sure, the landscape was alive for the Inkas and their subjects. Ancient
Andean societies shared their world with gods and ancestors who inhabited the land
around them and interacted with them. Prehispanic people lived in a world where stones
could rise from the fields and fight in the army, and people could be turned into pillars,
marking sacred spaces and points of origin. To ensure good fortunes and the survival of
their empire, the Inkas needed to have the gods and spirits of the natural world on their
side, and they devoted a significant amount of time towards this end.
At the heart of the Andean relationship with the environment is the wak'a (or
huaca). A wak'a is, simply, an important, or different, place, being, or thing. Literally
any object or place could become a wak'a, from a mountain top or river valley, to an idol
of gold or stone. They were associated with cults, oracles, shrines, and kinship and
ethnic groups. It appears that the crucial factor for the selection of a wak'a was its state
of difference, an arresting visual characteristic or peculiar feature in an Inka aesthetic of
alterity (Van de Guchte 1999: 163). Once an object or place became a wak'a, it was
required to be worshiped.
This was a critical element of the ceremonial cycles of both
the Inkas and their subjects.
Landscape features were perceived by the Inkas as
instruments in the collective memory, of origins and interrelationships with the
47
supernatural, and as tools in the creation of their empire and the replication of icons of
power in conquered territories (ibid: 155).
Maartin Van de Guchte (1984; 1999) sees the Inka cognition of landscape as
embedded in a state-controlled practice that blended mythology, geophysical reality,
political ambitions, and alterity or difference. This blending resulted in a world view that
produced a flexible pattern of overlapping and shifting cognitive strategies in the social
management of Andean space (Van de Guchte 1999: 151). Wak'as were not static
features, but rather their power and authority could be transferred from one group to
another, and this power and authority could wax and wane through time.
One of the most important kinds of wak'as for both the Inkas and their subjects
was their mythical places of origin. Andean peoples believed that their groups were
descended from founding ancestors that emerged from different points across the land.
These places, called paqarisqas, could include rocks, streams, and often times, caves, and
were an important element of group identity. The spirit of the ancestor could take the
form of an idol that would have been celebrated on important days during the year. The
capture of these ancestors would have been catastrophic for any community, and indeed,
the Inkas often took them to Cuzco as prisoners of war. Should the conquered group
rebel or otherwise anger the Inkas, the idol could be punished in public acts of
humiliation (D'Altroy 2002: 142).
For the Inkas, control over the landscape meant more than merely military power.
While forts dominated the high ground in many of the more contentious provinces,
shrines dominated the sacred landscape as well. Some of the best examples of this are
48
found in the southern half of the empire, in the so-called mountaintop shrines. At least 50
such sites are known, most of which are located above 5,200 meters (16,700 ft.)
Generally, these sites feature small stone platforms or enclosures with internal chambers.
Within these structures, a series of offerings was deposited. Johan Reinhard, one of the
leading investigators of these shrines, has noted that there is an internal logic to the
composition of the offerings (Reinhard 1985, 1993, 1999; see also Beorchia 1985;
Hyderal et al 1995; Heffernan 1996; Ceruti 1997). Normally, the sites contained paired
figurines of a golden male and silver female. Additionally, offerings of sea shells, called
mullu and usually comprising mainly Spondylus shells, would be included with other
gifts, such as camelid bones, coca leaves and pottery.
The shrines also served a second purpose, however. In addition to honoring the
gods, they were useful in marking the extent of Inka domain. Throughout much of the
Andes, mountaintops held a particularly important position on the landscape. As high
peaks stretching into the heavens, mountains were the home of apus, spirits who were
both benefactors and patron gods of local communities. The Inka appropriation of these
points, through the construction of shrines, physically and symbolically claimed them for
the empire.
Beyond marking territories and group identity, wak'as served to establish and
reaffirm the social order of the empire. This is perhaps most clearly demonstrated in the
zeq'e line system of the Cuzco area (Bauer 1998; Zuidema 1964). The four parts of
Tawantinsuyu came together in the heart of Cuzco, considered the navel of the universe.
Flowing out from this heart were at least 41 or 42 (perhaps more) lines known as zeq'e
49
lines. Along each line were a series of wak'as, usually anywhere from 5 to 15, and the
lines could stretch for up to 11km from the center of the city. Much of what we know
about the shrines comes from the work of Cobo in the early 17
century.
Cobo's
manuscript lists 332 shrines, their rough location on the landscape, the social group who
took care of them, and what rites were performed at them. Recent work to study the
system has been difficult, since many of the wak'as were unmarked and are difficult to
locate some 500 years after they were last used.
The basic structure of the system is fairly simple, but it underlies a complex and
apparently fluid structure that archaeologists and historians are still struggling to
understand. Most scholars believe that each line was associated with a particular social
group, usually one of the royal or non-royal panaqas of Cuzco. Each group was assigned
to care for the wak'as along their line, and perform the required ceremonies during the
appropriate times. Chinchasuyu, Antisuyu, and Kollasuyu each contained nine lines,
while Cuntisuyu contained either 14 or 15. The reason for this asymmetry is unknown,
and could reflect errors in counting and recording by Spanish chroniclers, nuances in Inka
social structure, or myriad other reasons.
The significance of this system is that it physically mapped the social hierarchy of
the empire's elite onto the landscape around the capital. This imprinting of the social
order was something that was necessarily fluid, since with each succeeding monarch, the
number of royal panaqas grew. How the addition of new kin groups to the zeq'e system
functioned is as yet unclear, but it is clear that new shrines could be added, and control
over wak'as could change between different groups depending of the circumstances.
50
Thus the transformation of the wak'as mimicked the dynamic nature of the Inka political
system.
Conclusion
The goal of this chapter was to highlight some of the important elements relating
to the study of empires and the role that landscapes play in the structuring of social and
political life in ancient states.
Instead of seeing empires as monolithic political
formations, it is more useful to look at them as a patchwork of different ethnic and

political groupings that interact in complex and dynamic ways. In most cases, empires
are not simply able to impose their will directly on subject societies, and rather it is local
conditions, and the goals and strategies of subject groups that play an important role in
shaping imperial experiences.
Likewise, the ways in which empires attempt to extend their authority will vary
greatly depending on local circumstances. While large intrusive state administrative and
ritual complexes may be the hallmarks of expansive states, empires were in fact much
more flexible in the approaches they took. As outlined in Chapter 1, power and social
control can be achieved through a variety of means, such as political, economic,
ideological, and military. As will be laid out in the following chapters, many of the
traditional elements of imperial control are absent in the Jequetepeque. This was the
result, in part, of the complex social and political organization of the coast, which
prevented the Inkas from simply reorganizing the region to fit their needs. As such, signs
of Inka control are much more subtle and are found, in part, in ideologically significant
places within the landscape. One of the focuses of the Inka occupation therefore, was the
51
control over places, instead of people. The socially significant role of landscapes in the
day-to-day lives of Andean peoples made them a potent element of political organization.
As outlined in the second half of this chapter, this importance opened up another avenue
of social control that has fewer materially visible elements. However, as the following
chapters will show, many of the new sites that were built during the Late Horizon within
the Jequetepeque, while small, were nonetheless important in terms of their social and
political significance in the valley.
52
Chapter 3: The Setting and Research Design

The coastal littoral of Peru is one of the driest places on earth. This immense
desert begins near the modern border of Peru and Ecuador and continues south into
central Chile.
The rugged environmental setting has played a central role in the
development and organization of Prehispanic cultures along the North Coast (Chauchat
1988; Dillehay 1989; Dillehay, et al. 1992; Fung Pineda 1988; Moseley 1975). The
desert exists because of a deep marine trench that lies just off shore. This trench runs the
length of the pacific coast of South America, reaching all the way to Antarctic waters.
These cold, nutrient laden waters flow north, creating a buffer of cold water between the
land and more tropical waters in the open ocean. This current, known as the Humboldt
Current, forces the moist tropical air masses moving over the ocean from the west to cool
and condense. As the air moves back over land, it warms, thus lowering the relative
humidity, which in turn inhibits rain from ever falling. This phenomenon produces the
somewhat ironic environment of constant fog and humidity over land that in some areas
has not seen meaningful rainfall since the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors.
Snow melt high in the Andes has through the eons formed a series of river valleys
run that along the Peruvian coast, creating lush oases in otherwise barren stretches of
sand and rock. These valleys have been inhabited since humans first entered South
America at least 13,000 years ago (Aldenderfer 1989; Dillehay, et al. 1992; Lynch 1974;
53
Huacal
Huac^TeodoraJt
Cwo Colorado
\ - .
5i
lateohuzaA
A\M6ro
Qf
, 6'^
\MGB1
A Umoo CorfO;
AComplejo Hurfn
\j(00l
A Huaco Nompol
01
e1^P e < * , e
Pacific
Ocean
[A B Faro
A t e m e n t e f e Kala
] Son Pedro d ^ Uuc
vd***'
Cupsnique Plains
A.Uffieap
Figure 3.1 Map of the lower Jequetepeque and Chaman Valleys
54
MacNeish 1975; Ossa 1978; Ossa and Moseley 1971; Parsons 1970; Rick 1984). While
the soils around the rivers are sandy, when irrigated they are quite productive, and with
the warm, relatively constant temperatures, crops can be grown year-round. Most of the
river channels are set well below the valley floor due to millennia of erosion and the area
of land that can be easily cultivated is relatively small. However, canal systems of
amazing complexity were built beginning with the appearance of domesticated crops
around 1800 BC. These immense public works have in some valleys increased the area
of cultivable land several fold (Eling 1987; Kosok 1965; Moseley and Deeds 1982;
Ortloff, et al. 1985; Schreiber and Lancho Rojas 2003).
The Chaman valley is a small, secondary valley in the series of drainages that run
the length of the Peruvian coast. It is located between the larger Zafla and Jequetepeque
valleys to the north and south, respectively (Figure 3.1). The valley runs east/west and is
approximately 25 kilometers long, and 15 kilometers wide at its mouth, which opens up
into a broad coastal plain about 10 kilometers from the ocean. The Rio Loco de San
Gorgonio runs westward through the Chaman, although water flows at the surface in only
a few areas in the lower and middle portions of the valley. As in Prehispanic times, the
valley is currently considered part of the Jequetepeque. The two are joined together by
the recently constructed Jequetepeque-Zaha irrigation canal which follows the path of a
similar canal built during the Early Intermediate Period (see below), the Talambo Canal.
By at least the Late Intermediate Period, if not earlier, the complex irrigation systems that
connected the two valleys had turned the region into an immense breadbasket, and the
55
third largest valley on the coast in terms of arable land (Moseley 1983:785; see also
Shimada 1994:42)
The valley is defined by tall, steep hills that run along both the northern and
southern sides (Figure 3.2). They reach heights of over 1,350 meters at the valley mouth,
and grow considerably higher as they extend to the east towards the neck of the valley.
Along the sides of these hills are several large quebradas and alluvial fans that spill onto
the valley floor.
The Prehispanic Talambo canal runs along the base of these fans, and
most of the land on and around the fans is not cultivated. Like other coastal valleys,
within the irrigated areas, the Chaman is lush and green, and supports considerable plant
life. Most of this area is currently under cultivation, and the major crops are rice, sugar
cane, and maize (Shimada 1994: 52).
Crossing the canals, however, leads to an
extremely arid environment. The only large plants are the occasional Algorrobal trees
(Acacia sp.) and Sapote shrubs that grow on the alluvial fans that flank the sides of the
valley.
Control of the Jequetepeque system in Prehispanic time was important because of
two related factors. The first relates to the valley's enormous agricultural potential. The
vast amount of arable land created a huge breadbasket that could support many thousands
of people. Any group that controlled the Jequetepeque could use the vast potential
surplus production to support imperial expansion.
Not surprisingly, by the Late
Intermediate Period, fierce battles were waged between the Sican lords in the
Lambayeque and Zaiia valleys to the north, and the Chimu Empire to the south (Cieza de
Leon [1554] 1984).
56
Pacangufiia
Legend
Town or City
Panamerican Highway
River
TaSambo
Contours 150 meters

5 Ki!ometets
/'
Figure 3. 2 Map of the lower Chaman Valley
The second related factor is that the Jequetepeque is one of the few valleys with
easy access to the highlands. Archaeological evidence shows that the movement of
people and ideas occurred repeatedly in prehistory. During the Initial Period (Figure 3.3),
and the Early Horizon (1800 BC - 400 BC), the Cupisnique cultural style3 from the
southern border of the Jequetepeque was very similar to the highland ceramic styles
Cupisnique is a loosely defined ceramic style derived mainly from looted ceramics from cemeteries in the
Quebrada de Cupisnique, a wide, dry riverbed between the Jequetepeque and Chicama Valleys.
57
found at Kuntur Wasi and other Cajamarca sites (Burger 1992; Inokuchi 2001; Ravines
1983; Terada 1985; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985). Beyond this similarity in styles,
Figure 3. 3 Important Initial Period and Early Horizon sites, and other sites mentioned in the text, near the
Jequetepeque Valley
Cupisnique burials are known at Kuntur Wasi, and most of the sites in the mid-valley
region of Monte Grande in the Jequetepeque were clearly built by people from the
Cajamarca basin (Onuki 1997; Ravines 1982).
58
This pattern is again repeated in the Middle Horizon, at the end of the Moche
hegemony of the North Coast. Ceramics previously thought to have been coastal copies
of highland Cajamarca vessels have recently been shown to be from the sierra (Bernuy
and Bernal 2005).
Moreover, recent survey work near the mid-valley of the
Jequetepeque has found what appears to be a Cajamarca colony, although further

research is currently being conducted to confirm this (H. Tsai personal communication
2005).
In the LIP, the Chimii Empire seems to have established contacts with the
Cajamarca peoples in the highlands before the Inka expansion, and in fact the two groups
were allied against the Inkas. The direct highland-coastal connection is perhaps most
clearly illustrated during the Spanish conquest, when Pizarro, after landing in Tumbez,
entered the highlands by traveling up the Jequetepeque, and met Atahualpa just outside of
Cajamarca.
Chinchasuyu and the Incorporation of the Coast

By the time the Spanish arrived in 1532, the Inka Empire had conquered and
consolidated the majority of the western part of South America. This great expanse
contained myriad cultural groups and environmental zones, creating a diverse mosaic that
the Inkas had to make sense of. The name of the Inka Empire, Tawantinsuyu, means the
four parts together, and reflects both the physical and cognitive divisions within the
empire. The Jequetepeque, and the rest of the North Coast, lay within Chinchasuyu, the
most northerly of the four departments. Chinchasuyu contained coastal and most of
highland Peru, as well as much of Ecuador and parts beyond. It was the most populous
59
suyu (territorial division), and contained many of the Empire's most important
administrative and cultural centers. Most of Chinchasuyu was conquered in the early
days of the Empire, during the reigns of Pachacuti and Thupa Inka Yupanqui (by AD
1493). Thupa Inka Yupanqui conquered all of central Peru, and much of the coast and
expanded into parts of Ecuador (D'Altroy 2002). Much of the forested eastern slopes of
the Andes, as well as the central coast of Peru, in and around the important shrine of
Pachacamac were incorporated during the reign of Thupa Inka Yupanqui.
The far
reaches of Ecuador were added before the Spanish conquest by Whayna Qhapaq
(Betanzos 1996: 165-85; Cabeo Valboa 1951: 361-405; Cieza de Leon 1984: 157, 129;
Cobo 1998: 152-6; Murua 1986: 107-34; Polo de Ondegardo 1917: 114; Sarmiento de
Gamboa 1960: 260-4).
The Chimu, and the North Coast fell to the Inka around AD 1470 (Mackey 2003,
2006). This invasion was preceded by the Inka advance on Cajamarca in the highlands to
the east. The Chimu, along with their highland allies, fought a series of battles down
towards the coast, but were ultimately defeated. At least two more campaigns by the
Inkas were needed before the entire North Coast was brought under control (Cabello
Valboa 1951: 320-321; Rowe 1948: 44). It appears that the Inkas used the pass from
Cajamarca to divide the Chimu, conquering north towards the Lambayeque valley, and
turning south through Pacasmayo, and onto the Chimu heartland in the Moche Valley.
The nature of the Inka rule on the North Coast has been a matter of some debate.
Historical sources and archaeological research have suggested that after the conquest of
Chimor, the Inkas simply decapitated the Empire, sending the Chimu nobility to Cuzco as
60
royal hostages, and ruling through local nobility (Netherly 1990; Rostworowski de Diez
Canseco 1977, 1999; Rowe 1946, 1970). The implication was that with the exception of
a few notable sites, the Inka presence on the North Coast was essentially non-existent. In
most cases, the Inkas seemed to have placed offerings and built small architectural
compounds in important sectors of pre-existing sites, such as at Tucume in the
Lambayeque Valley (Heyerdahl 1996; Trimborn 1980). One Inka-period administrative
facility has been described in the Chicama Valley, at the site of Chiquitoy Viejo, but the
site is built in local architectural styles (Conrad 1977). The certainty of Chiquitoy
Viejo's function has also been called into question by Hyslop (1990:250), who sees the
site as a palace of a local lord.
The lack of an Inka presence of the North Coast contrasts with the relatively
intense interaction between the Inkas and the inhabitants of coastal valleys further to the
south. While the number of Inka installations does not compare with many highland
regions, there is considerable archaeological and historical data to suggest that the Inkas
were very active in the area (Castro and Oretga Morejon 1974; D'Altroy 2002; Dillehay
1977; Hyslop 1990; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999; Rowe 1946). The Chincha,
the ethnic group from the valley of the same name, were important allies of the Inka, and
the lord of Chincha was with Atawalpa when the Inkas were ambushed by Pizarro and his
men in Cajamarca (D'Altroy 2002: 255). Additionally, forts, such as Inkawasi in the
Canete Valley, and more permanent administrative centers, like Tambo Colorado in
Pisco, are fully Inka in form and architecture (Hyslop 1990). Likewise at the important
pilgrimage shrine of Pachacamac in the Lurin Valley, the Inkas built a huge temple
61
structure at the highest point of the site, and several other large architectural compounds
(Ravines 1997; Uhle 1903).
However, recent research has started to rewrite the history of the Inkas on the
North Coast (see Donnan 1997; Hayashida 1995, 1999, 2003; Mackey 2003, 2006).
Frances Hayashida (2003), particularly, has noted Inka establishments in the La Leche
Valley.
The site of La Vina, while lacking Inka material culture and some classic
examples of Inka architecture such as trapezoidal niches or a kallanka, does feature a

large central plaza with an ushnu, the ceremonial heart of the plaza. This plaza was built
during the Late Horizon, during a large expansion of the site. Hayashida believes the site
functioned at an administrative area that controlled a large Inka agricultural estate. These
findings parallel the results of the current study.
The Cultural History of the North Coast

With the Inka vanquishing of the lords of Chimor, the North Coast had lost its
place as the largest and most important of the pre-Inka polities. But Chimor was just the
last of what had been many different and powerful societies dominating the North Coast,
spanning several millennia. At this stage, it should be noted that for most of the culture
history of the North Coast, societies, and their place in the chronological sequence of
cultural development, have been described primarily on the basis of ceramic styles (eg.
Cleland and Shimada 1992; Klein 1967; Larco Hoyle 1948). Many of these studies date
to the early 20l century, and as archaeology has advanced, many modifications have
been made to these early typologies. Foremost among them is the realization that in
many cases, a particular ceramic style cannot be equated with a single political entity.
62
Rather, the ceramic styles described in these sequences were often important elements of
ideological systems that many different polities may have participated in (see especially
Bawden 1995; but also Burger 1992; Castillo 2001; Castillo and Donnan 1994). While
the appearance of some of these ideologies corresponds to the emergence of important
sociopolitical developments, such as states and empires, it should be understood that the
limited descriptions given here are meant to illustrate the general socio-political
development of the North Coast, and necessarily gloss over many of the nuances
associated with these different cultural groups.
Rowe's (1948; Figure 3.4) classic cultural chronology for the Andes divides the
history of human occupation into a series of alternating horizons and intermediate
periods. The horizons were originally seen as periods of great cultural homogeneity
across the Andes, often times brought about by imperial expansion. The intermediate
periods, on the other hand, were thought of as times of relative disunity, with many
different small polities spread throughout the region, usually following the collapse of the
great societies that preceded them. Rowe's chronology is quite useful, but was created
using data from the south coast. As it turns out, the cultural chronology of the North
Coast also passed through periods of incorporation and factionalization, but developed
out of phase with the south coast and highlands. Thus, the Early and Late Intermediate
Periods were actually times of great political and cultural development along the North
Coast. These periods, in fact, saw the emergence of the first state and empire in the
Andes (see below). Therefore, while the following discussion of the culture history of
63
the North Coast uses the traditional chronology, the names for the different periods do
not accurately reflect the social and political developments of those time periods.
Paleo-Indian
Archaic
Pre-ceramic
Intial Period
Early Horizon
Early Intermediate Period (EIP)
Middle Horizon
Late Intermediate Period (LIP)
Late Horizon
12,000?- 7000 BC
7000 - 3500 BC
3500-1800 BC
1800-800 BC
800 - 200 BC
200 BC - AD 600
600-AD 1100
1100-AD 1400
1400-AD 1531
Figure 3. 4 The Major Andean Chronological Periods
The Peruvian north coast has been continuously occupied for at least 10,000
years. Many of the earliest sites have been attributed to the Paijan culture (Figure 3.5),
whose peculiar, needle-nosed projectile points have been found primarily in the Pampa
de Paijan, and along the coast from the Moche to the Jequetepeque Valleys (Chauchat
1977; 1988; Ossa 1978). During the subsequent millennia, the north coast witnessed the
emergence of the first complex societies in the Andes. Unlike much rest of the Neolithic
world, the first complex social organizations in Peru occurred along the coast before the
adoption of ceramics and the widespread use of agriculture. Many of the
64
Figure 3. 5 Map showing the location of the Pampa de Paijan
earliest examples of these communities are found in the central and north-central coasts,
at places such as Ancon, (Strong 1925; Willey 1954). These sites represent a great leap
forward in social complexity, and reveal the earliest examples of monumental
architecture in the Andes.
65
PAMPA DE PAIJAN
O
CUPISNIQUE
o
QUEBRADA CUPISNIQU1
CABALLO MUERTO CHAVIN DE HUANTAR -
J^
Initial Period and Early Horizon

Archaeological sites
100
KILOMETERS
_l
SECHIN A l l
PAMPA DE MOXEKE
Figure 3. 6. Map of the North Coast showing important Initial Period Sites.
Sites such as Ancon, and many new ones, were greatly expanded during the Initial
Period, and the first proto-urban centers in the Andes can be found in the Casma Valley.
Examples like Caballo Muerto, Sechin Alto, Cerro Sechin, and Pampa de Moxeke
(Figure 3.6) were built on a truly colossal scale (Burger 1992; S. Pozorski and T.
Pozorski 1987; T. Pozorski and S. Pozorski 1987).
The construction of these
66
monumental centers shows the first inklings of emerging complexity in the Andes. While
data are scarce, and there have been no discoveries of elaborate tombs that would suggest
their presence, it is clear that new forms of leadership were developing during the Initial
Period. The early leaders of these communities apparently depended on control over both
the economy and the powerful religious cults that were at the center of the huge adobe
constructions.
The development of this ideological leadership, which blended both
political and religious authority, would become a fundamental element of coastal political
organizations until the Spanish Conquest.
Other important centers were found further up the coast. The cemeteries of the
Cupisnique quebrada, and sites such as Limoncarro in the Jequetepeque and Purulen in
the Zana all date to the Initial Period (Alva 1986; Baretto 1984).
Moreover, the
iconography found on ceramics and architecture from these sites are similar to their
Casma counterparts, suggesting that they too are part of the same religious horizon
(Burger 1992). By the end of the Initial Period, most of the North Coast sites were
abandoned, and new sites, such as the cult center of Chavin, in central Peru rose to
prominence.
Elaborate North Coast sites dating to the Early Horizon are relatively rare. Most
sites from this time are much smaller, and much less complex than their Initial Period
predecessors. However, by the first few centuries BC, new polities begin to emerge on
the North Coast. Suites of new ceramics styles appear at sites throughout the region. The
widespread use of these styles does not imply the development and spread of centralized,
hierarchically organized polities (Burger 1992). Instead, there seem to have been many
IUM\M(.K4
NORI HERN
MOC1IK
ORBOCHin\
A,
*'
JS
II ' V M I ' M I-
Js*
- i.ll.M>.
ML V t !)l ! > ' K! /
>*A
SOUTHERN
Area of" Moche occupation
J^
\ n rnu-oiogkal site
currently being excavated
Archaeological site
MOCHE
PAMPA DE LOS INCAS - ^
J ..
y
\
.:.i-S'
100
-J
I
i_
KILOMETERS
FANAMAKCA
S_
LI
Figure 3. 7. Map of the North Coast showing important Early Horizon sites.
smaller polities, probably organized into complex chiefdoms, who all participated in
related ideological systems. This kind of political organization, with several independent
polities operating within a single ideological system, first developed in the Initial Period
in the Central Coast, and reached a pinnacle during the Chavin Phenomenon of the Early
Horizon (ibid). But when the political structures linked to these ideologies collapsed, a
68
new suite of emerging ideologies arose in the Viru and Moche Valleys, and were adopted
as far north as the Piura Valley.
The developments of chiefdom level societies led to the emergence of the first
Andean state in the Moche Valley sometime in the first century AD.
While our
understanding of the nature of Moche political developments has changed significantly in

recent years, most archaeologists still see the complex positions of social and political
leadership, wide spread settlement hierarchies and military conquest as evidence for one
or more early states. The rise of the Moche state brought the North Coast back as an
important center of Prehispanic Peruvian societies. The Moche first emerged in the
Moche, Chicama and Viru valleys (Figure 3.7), but a parallel set of developments was
occurring farther north across the Pampa de Cupisnique, in the Jequetepeque, Zafia, and
Lambayeque valleys (Bawden 1977, 1982a, 1996; Dillehay 2001; Donnan 1985; Donnan
and Castillo 1992, 1994; Donnan and Cook 1997; Shimada 1990; Shimada 1994; Uceda
and Mujica B. 1994). The discovery of these multiple loci of state formation in the
Moche political sphere has helped archaeologists understand the complex, and sometimes
ephemeral, nature of early states in the Andes (Castillo 2001; Castillo and Donnan 1994).
The development of the first states brought along with it the appearance of early
forms of sociopolitical organization that would characterize later societies. Chief among
these was the institution of a labor tax on subject communities. This is perhaps best
illustrated at the Huaca del Sol, located in the site of Moche, in the Moche valley. Its
partial destruction at the hands of Spanish looters and years of erosion has exposed the
core of this enormous adobe mound, the largest adobe structure in the New World. The
69
pyramid was constructed by stacking adobe bricks in discrete columns next to each other.
Each column contained bricks that were marked with multiple markings, which tended to
be concentrated in particular columns. Over 50 such markings have been recorded, and
almost all are found clustered in one or more of the columns. Moseley has interpreted the
columns as the payment of labor obligations from different communities in the Moche
Valley and beyond for construction of the pyramid. Others have pointed out that they
could just as easily represent donations, as opposed to an actual tax (Shimada and
Cavallero 1988). Nonetheless, the likely appearance of some type of recording system
associated with the construction of a massive pyramid in a large urban setting suggests
that state level developments were underway.
The first state also saw the first evidence for concrete positions of power. Besides
being master builders, the Moche are also known for their elaborately illustrated ceramics
(see Donnan 1976; 1981; 1985; Donnan and McClelland 1979; 1999). Many of these
vessels, known as fine line vessels, contain intricate paintings depicting a variety of
mythical and ceremonial events that show different figures performing ritual acts, notably
the sacrifice of prisoners who were likely taken in combat, and the consumption of their
blood. Once thought to be mythological representations, we now know that these were
real individuals. Several of these individuals have been excavated at several sites around
the North Coast, most famously at Sipan in the Lambayeque valley (Alva 2001; Alva and
Donnan 1983; but see also Donnan 1985; Donnan and Castillo 1992; 1994).
The
appearance of these leaders also marks the first clear association between leaders as
political figures and military figures. This is seen both in the fine line depictions and
70
excavated burials, as well as in another form of ceramic work, the portrait head vessel.
Donnan (2001b; 2004) has recently shown that many of these portrait heads represent the
same individuals in various life stages. Interestingly, many of the life stage sequences of
particular individuals end with the figure shown naked and bound, a sure sign of capture
in battle. Donnan sees this as an indication that these portraits likely represented real
people, probably nobility, and that many of them were warriors as well as leaders.
Sometime in the seventh century AD, a combination of environmental and social
catastrophes led to a collapse in the southern Moche realm (Bawden 1994; Moseley and
Deeds 1982; Moseley 1983; Shimada 1994; Shimada, et al. 1991). This is perhaps most
visible at the site of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque valley (Shimada 1994). The city
emerged rapidly in the early part of the Middle Horizon, around AD 650, and had a
maximum population of 15,000-20,000 people. Beyond the sociopolitical developments
that the Moche represent, the Early Intermediate Period on the coast is important for two
other reasons. One is the aforementioned appearance of early urban society. While
Pampa Grande typifies this, sites such as Moche, El Brujo, and Galindo all had large
populations, with monumental constructions, complex domestic units, and specialized
areas of craft production. The second major development is the division between the
northern and southern parts of the north coast, between the Chicama to the south and the
Jequetepeque in the north, discussed above. While it is not clear how and why this divide
first developed, in the following centuries, the two regions became powerful rivals.
By AD 800, Pampa Grande had been abandoned and possibly destroyed by a
social revolt. However, from the ashes of this great city emerged a new cultural group,
71
the Sican, or Lambayeque, centered in another part of the Lambayeque Valley. After
Pampa Grande, several important urban centers arose in the north. Sican, Tucume, Batan
Grande, and Chotuna (Cavallaro and Shimada 1988; Donnan 1990a, b; Shimada 1981;
Shimada 1990; Shimada and Cavallaro 1985; Shimada, et al. 2004) are all large centers in
the Lambayeque drainage, and sites further south, such as Huaca las Estacas and
Pacatnamu (Donnan and Cock 1986; 1997; Hecker and Hecker 1982; 1985; 1991), show
that Lambayeque styles (and presumably an ideology as well) spread as far south as the
Jequetepeque.
During its zenith, the Lambayeque culture was probably the most
technologically advanced society in the Andes. They had mastered several advanced
metallurgical techniques, and had engineered some of the most impressive irrigation
systems on the coast. This cultural florescence in the northern half of the North Coast set
the stage for the economic and political situation that the Inkas encountered when they
arrived three centuries later.
While the northern sector of the North Coast was blossoming, the remnants of the
old Moche heartland were reorganizing, and re-emerging after a few centuries of political
factionalization that followed the collapse of the Moche state. By AD 1000, the Chimu
Empire, centered at the sprawling metropolis of Chan Chan, had begun to expand into
neighboring valleys (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981; Moore 1981; Moseley and Day
1982; Moseley, et al. 1990; Rowe 1970; Tschauner 2006). By AD 1250 - 1300, they had
conquered much of the north and central coasts of Peru, from the Piura Valley in the
north to possibly as far south as the Chillon. The kingdom was the largest Andean
empire until their conquest at the hands of the Inkas. The Chimu built several impressive
72
administrative centers, and occupied and reoccupied many earlier sites throughout their
realm (Conrad 1990; Keatinge 1982; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2003; Mackey
and Klymyshyn 1981; 1990; Moore 1981). Early oral accounts of the Chimu expansion
into the Jequetepeque and farther north are fragmentary, but it seems as though the
Lambayeque put up a furious resistance, and conquest was only completed after several
years of battle (see articles in Moseley, et al. 1990).
History of Research in the Jequetepeque

The Jequetepeque and Chaman Valleys have a long and complex history that
mirrors much of the basic culture-history of the North Coast outlined above. This section
will review much of the recent archaeological work done in the area. In the last 20 years,
the valleys have become the focal point of several large archaeological projects that have
targeted most of the major cultural periods in the North Coast chronological sequence.
Although the majority of Paijan sites are found in the Quebrada de Cupisnique to the
south, the slender, needle-nosed projectile points that typically define the culture have
been found throughout the Jequetepeque. A surveyb by the author in 2000 and 2001
encountered at least 10 early lithic sites in the Chaman alone (see below; Kremkau nd).
The majority of these are along the margins of the valley, where agriculture has yet to
disturb the sites. However, at least a few are from the interior of the valley, near the
The Chaman Valley Survey Project (CVSP). See below.
73
Mw*
Pacific
Ocean
rsfc
Tembfe
F^y&Wrioncarro
JHH
:^:*i-* , :
,.5
>
Early Horizon Site

Modem Road
0
5
10
Kilometers
-*srS8ip*
^f?%
20
III
Figure 3. 8 Early Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley.
course of the Rio Loco de San Gorgonio, suggesting that several thousand years ago,
more water flowed through the valley.
74
The Initial Period and Early Horizon

Along the coast, remains from the Initial Period are lumped into the Cupisnique
phase, which parallels similar social developments in other valleys from the North and
Central Coasts (Burger 1992; Elera 1997). Within the Chaman Valley itself, there is little
indication of human occupation during the Initial Period and Early Horizon (Figure 3.8).
The 2001 CVSP encountered a few scattered fragments of formative ceramics, but these
were loose surface scatters, and did not appear to have been associated with any sites.
Alva (1986) has identified a handful of formative cemeteries near the Pampa de Talambo,
but they do not seem to be associated with any residential sites. The story is different
along the main channel of the Jequetepeque. In the lower valley, Limoncarro is the only
site with extensive Initial Period occupation (Baretto 1984). It is located approximately
20 km inland, near the LIP/LH site of Farfan. This location, at the juncture of important
north/south, and coastal/sierra routes, was probably considered equally important then as
it was during later periods. The site is a large U-shaped structure built into the site of a
hill. The main structure is a 5m high platform flanked by two smaller mounds. These
enclose a 500 m rectangular plaza. As with other Initial Period sites on the North Coast,
the platforms featured decorative friezes and colonnades.
Further up the valley, near Tembladera, there is a significant Initial Period
occupation. Fifty-two such sites were identified by survey in the middle portion of the
valley; 30 of these are sites with ceremonial architecture, and the other 22 are cemeteries
(Keatinge 1980; Ravines 1982). It appears that the standard residential pattern was for
75
IB
JosedeMoro
Pacific
Ocean
^
Teniblad
Pacatnamu
*m
Dos Cabaezas
Early Intermediate
Period Site
Modern Road
T>"t-.i^,!
5
10
Kilometers
, :
< J&S&
? , ^ *
20
'
Figure 3. 9 Early Intermediate Period sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
people to live in tightly packed domestic sites that almost always were associated with
some sort of ceremonial structure. It is unclear why there is such a high density of sites
in the area, but the ceramics from these sites are similar to those from sites in and around
the Cajamarca Valley in the sierra, like Kuntur Wasi. These sites may represent an early
76
example of a sierra presence near the coast, one that was repeated many times over the
centuries.
The Early Intermediate Period
The first centuries before and after Christ were a time of increasing complexity
along the Peruvian coast. However, this period is relatively understudied, and settlement
patterns within the Jequetepeque are not well understood. Most of the most important
Salinar and Gallinazo sites are located either to the north or south, but some traces of
Gallinazo occupations have been reported. At the site of San Jose de Moro, at least one
burial featuring Gallinazo ceramics has been excavated (Castillo personal communication
2005). Additionally, along the northern boundary of the Chaman drainage there is a large
adobe platform that contains a wide variety of Gallinazo and Middle Moche ceramics
(Kremkau nd). The relative lack of sites from the first few centuries of the Early Horizon
within the Chaman drainage has been interpreted by some as an indication that the
complex irrigation systems found throughout the valley in later periods had not yet been
constructed (Castillo nd).
By the first few centuries AD, the main portion of the Jequetepeque valley
contained several important Moche sites (Figure 3.9). Most of these were located along
the course of the river, near where it meets the sea. The artifact styles and iconography
are clearly linked to the Moche heartland to the south. However, archaeologists working
in the Jequetepeque have discovered that the five-phase Moche ceramic sedation
developed by Larco Hoyle (1948) does not apply in the Jequetepeque. There are, in
effect, no Moche IV ceramics. This has led some archaeologists (Castillo and Donnan
77
1994) to propose a separate chronology for the Northern Moche valleys, based more on
sociopolitical developments than ceramic sequences. The chronology is simply divided
into Early, Middle, and Late phases. Within the Jequetepeque, there are few Early phase
sites, and the primary Middle phase settlements are Pacatnamu and Dos Cabezas. While
Pacatnamu dwarfs any other site within the valley, the majority of the architectural
remains date to the later Middle Horizon. However, excavations at the center of the site
have revealed a complex layout of enclosures, adobe platforms and pyramids (Donnan
and Cock 1997). A few hundred meters to the south, across the Jequetepeque River, lay
Dos Cabezas. Excavations directed by Christopher Donnan and Alana Cordy-Collins
(Donnan 2001) in the late 1990s and early 2000s uncovered several elaborate burials, as
well as the remains of polychrome murals decorating the surface of the pyramid complex.
In the Chaman drainage, the main Middle Moche site is San Jose de Moro,
located near course of the Rio Loco. While the site now boasts several impressive adobe
mounds, most of them were built in later periods, and it appears that at this stage, Moro
served primarily as a cemetery. Following the collapse of the southern Moche state in
around AD 600, San Jose de Moro flourished during what is called the Late Moche
period, and seems to have become the primary ceremonial center in the valley (Castillo
2001). Dos Cabezas and Pacatnamu went into decline, and there was a proliferation of
residential sites in less hospitable locales, especially around defensible locations
(Dillehay 2001; Swenson 2003; 2006). Moro became the focal point for the cult of one
of the important personages identified in Moche iconography, the priestess. Two Late
Moche tombs of priestesses have been identified, and scores of other high-status burials
78
have been excavated at the site (Donnan and Castillo 1992; 1994).
In terms of
sociopolitical organization, the picture is somewhat muddled. What may have been a
JI.
ose.de. Moro
Pacific
Ocean
Pacatnamu
Middle Horizon Site
Modem Road
0
5
10
Kilometers
Figure 3.10 Middle Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
small, valley-wide state during the Middle Moche period seems to have degenerated into
several smaller competing centers. San Jose de Moro functioned more as a religious or
ceremonial center, uniting rival groups through the burial cult of Moche elites.
79
The Middle Horizon
If the Moche period saw the first inklings of the separation between the northern
and southern regions of the North Coast, it was in the Middle Horizon that this pattern
became better defined. During this time, the Jequetepeque became a buffer zone between
these two areas. The Middle Horizon is somewhat of the mystery in the Jequetepeque,
and several different explanations have been offered to explain the sudden shifts in
centers of political power. It had originally been surmised that a Wari campaign from the
central highlands led to the collapse of the Moche state (Menzel 1964, 1969). Wari
ceramics are found in many Late Moche burials at San Jose de Moro. However, besides
the incorporation of these symbols of power in elite burials, there is little hard evidence
of a highland conquest.
Nonetheless, there is growing evidence that during the Middle Horizon, highland
groups did play an important role in Jequetepeque politics. In addition to the Wari
ceramics, Cajamarca ceramics, made from both kaolin and terracotta clays, are found at
Moro (Bernuy and Bernal 2005; Castillo 2001).
Kaolin clay is not found in the
Jequetepeque, and the closest sources are in the Cajamarca Basin and the presence of
large numbers of kaolin ceramics has been taken as an indication of increased contact
with the highlands. It was assumed that the terracotta ceramics were simply coastal
copies of the kaolin wares from the sierra, but a recent study by Katiusha Bernuy and
Vanessa Bernal (ibid), however, has shown that in fact most of these vessels probably
came from the highlands as well. In some Late Moche burials, the numbers of Cajamarca
ceramics are in the hundreds, which suggests that contact with the highlands may have
80
been much more intensive than previously recognized. Whatever the nature of this
interaction was, it is clear that by AD 750-800, many of the old symbols of Moche
authority in the Jequetepeque were being replaced by new, exotic icons of power
(Castillo 2001).
By AD 900, the principal source of this power was the north, in the Lambayeque
valley. The nature of the Lambayeque presence in the Jequetepeque is not clear. Some
of this confusion is the result of differences in survey methods and the chronologies used
by different archaeologists.
Despite these inconsistencies, several important Middle
Horizon sites have been identified in the valley (Figure 3.10). Pacatnamu, a center of
power during the Early Horizon, again rises to prominence.
The site reaches its
maximum size during this period and contains several large mounds and enclosures,
similar to ones at Lambayeque sites such as Sican and Batan Grande (Donnan and Cock
1986; Hecker and Hecker 1982; 1985; 1991). It has been proposed that the site may have
served as a pilgrimage center, similar to the site of Pachacamac near Lima, but it also
played an important administrative role in the valley.
Elsewhere in the Jequetepeque and Chaman, several other important Lambayeque
centers have been investigated. On the southern side of the Jequetepeque, the site of
Cabur, named after the local lord who resided there, was built during the Middle Horizon
and occupied until the Spanish conquest (Sapp 2002). Another important site, Farfan,
which was first occupied by the Lambayeque, is located close to the intersection of the
main north/south and highland/lowland routes, at the juncture between the Jequetepeque
and Chaman drainages (Mackey 2003). Further into the Chaman, San Jose de Moro
81
continues to be used, and several of the mounds at the site were probably built at this time
(Rosas nd; Mackey nd). Huaca las Estacas, located about five kilometers north of Moro,
is a huge pyramid complex almost identical in shape and construction technique to
platforms at Tucume and Batan Grande. Surprisingly, few smaller residential sites with
diagnostically Lambayeque ceramics have been found in the valley. Nonetheless, it
appears that there was a large and highly complex political structure in the Jequetepeque,
even if it is not quite clear how it was organized. One thing that is clear, however, is that
it appears that much of the vast irrigation complex that covers the valley had been built
by this point.
Late Intermediate Period
The Lambayeque control of the Jequetepeque lasted until approximately AD
1300, when the lords of Sican were vanquished by the armies of the Chimu Empire
(Mackey 2003). While the Jequetepeque is littered with Chimu sites, research has been
relatively scant.
However, both archaeological data from the Jequetepeque and
enthnohistorical sources indicate that there was great enmity between the two groups
(Calancha 1638; Cieza de Leon 1984). The site of Pacatnamu was all but abandoned,
while Farfan is greatly expanded. This had the two-fold result of remapping the political
landscape as well as establishing increased control over the movement of people. Recent
research at Farfan has demonstrated the lengths to which the Chimu went to crush the
power of the local lords. Lambayeque structures were torn down and new buildings were
built in their place. Several human sacrifices were deposited between the structures,
symbolizing the destruction of the previous power structure (Mackey 2003).
82
t
n Jose dejMoro
Pacific
Ocean
Late intermediate
Period Site
*"- Modem Road
0
5
10
Kilometers
Figure 3.11 Late Intermediate sites in the Jequetepeque Valley.
Numerous sites throughout the valley date to the Late Intermediate Period (Figure
3.11). Within the Chaman there was a complex hierarchy of settlements, including
several different administrative centers. Calera de Talambo, located at the intake of the
massive Talambo canal grew to its greatest size, and functioned as a point of control for
the entire irrigation system in the Chaman (Keatinge and Conrad 1983). The site of San
83
Jose de Moro is greatly expanded, and contains a huge complex of enclosures and
platforms (Mackey personal communication 2004). Several smaller isolated platforms
dot the landscape. These were probably associated with residential sites that have since
been destroyed by modern agriculture. By the time of the Inka conquest in about 1470
the valley had reached its zenith in terms of population and development.
Late Horizon
As discussed above, the exact nature and scale of the Inka occupation of the
Peruvian north coast is not well understood. Within the Jequetepeque, the picture is
becoming clearer, as will be outlined throughout the rest of this dissertation. In terms of
direct archaeological investigations, the clearest evidence comes from Farfan.
There
were several Late Horizon constructions at the site, but as with Chiquitoy Viejo, they
feature primarily traditional North Coast architectural styles (Mackey 2003). Elsewhere
in the Chaman, surveys have found several other sites, ranging from large administrative
centers to cemeteries that not only contain many Inka ceramic fragments, but based on
adobe brick shape, appear to have been constructed completely during the Late Horizon
(Kremkau nd). The pattern of these constructions, and what they meant in terms of
imperial expansion lay at the heart of the current research.
84
Figure 3.12 Late Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley.
Within the Jequetepeque and Chaman drainages, archaeologists have found

several different patterns that, importantly, come together during the Late Horizon
(Figure 3.12). The first of these is the complex pattern of highland-lowland interaction.
By the Late Horizon, the ties that bound the Cajamarca region with the Jequetepeque had
been established for millennia, and to judge from historical sources, were quite intense.
The second important development was the increasing complexity of the socio-political
organization of the valley. While the first state-like polities developed during the Moche
85
period, it was not until the end of the Middle Horizon that the entire valley shows the first
signs of an intricate settlement hierarchy. This increasing political development was
coupled with the increasing sophistication of the irrigation system in the valley. While
many historians suggest that this system was controlled for the most part at the local
level, the maintenance of the system nonetheless implies an intricate network of social
interaction throughout the valley. It is this increasing interregional organization and
interaction that set the stage for the ways in which local and imperial goals became
intermeshed following the Inka conquest.
Research Design
The research detailed in this dissertation is derived from a combination of survey
and excavation data, encompassing five field seasons between 2000 and 2005. As
outlined in the previous chapter, the goal of this dissertation is to understand the
relationship between landscape and imperialism within the context of local communities.
The end result of this endeavor, however, came after substantial retooling of the original
research goals of the project. The original research goals of this dissertation were to
compare the structure and organization of the sites located in each of the two research
areas described in the introduction (see Figure 1.2). Analysis of ceramics and other
artifacts recovered during initial surface surveys suggested a Late Intermediate Period
date for the sites in the two areas, which implied that they were built and occupied
sometime around the Chimu conquest of the Jequetepeque. The initial questions the
project wished to answer revolved around the changes in the structure of North Coast
communities following their incorporation into the state of Chimor. Because many of the
86
larger sites in the center of the valley had been badly damaged by looting and agricultural
expansion, the smaller sites found at the margin of the valley were targeted for
excavations. All of the sites were essentially intact and had not been looted. Moreover,
the different settings and overall layouts of the sites in the two research areas implied that
there were different responses by local communities to the Chimu occupation, and I was
interested in understanding local responses to imperial interaction.
The sites in Research Areas 1 and 2 were selected for investigation based on a
number of criteria. First and foremost, many of the sites are relatively well preserved in
comparison with sites in other parts of the valley. While some of the smaller sites in the
two research areas have been damaged, several are in excellent condition, despite the fact
that they do not contain substantial architectural remains. Secondly, while relatively
isolated in the present day, they were within a few kilometers of several major sites,
suggesting that they were much less marginalized in Prehispanic times than they may
appear today. Thus, these sites should contain evidence for many of the important social,
political, and economic shifts that could have taken place following the Chimu conquest
of the valley.
However, as full-scale excavations commenced at Sites 46 and 32 (see Chapters 4
and 5), it became apparent that the sites were constructed and occupied later than
previously believed. Analyses of the ceramic types from excavations and more careful
surface collections indicated that all of the sites were built during the Late Horizon, after
the Inka conquest of the valley. All of the fine-ware vessel fragments from the sites were
either Inka or Chimu-Inka styles, and rim forms found on utilitarian wares were similar to
87
vessels from Late Horizon contexts at other sites in the Jequetepeque. This chronological
reassessment has forced a retooling of the original research questions. As the project
gained a more complete understanding of the dates of occupation at the research sites,
many of the other sites mapped and recorded during the 2001 survey of the valley had to
be reanalyzed as well. Based on ceramic collections as well as adobe brick forms,
several sites outside the research areas that were originally thought to date to the Late
Intermediate Period are now known to have been at least partially occupied and
remodeled during the Late Horizon.
With this new information concerning the Late Horizon occupation of the valley,
the project began to focus on the political and economic changes that occurred following
the region's incorporation into the Inka Empire. The particular interest of the present and
following chapter is to describe the structure of the communities examined in this project,
and discuss how they were related to the larger changes that were occurring during the
Late Horizon.
The sites located in these two parts of the valley were all built and
occupied during the Inka occupation of the valley.
While the sites are in remote
locations, excavations showed that the people who inhabited them were by no means
isolated from the rest of the valley. The occupation of the communities was part of larger
political and economic forces which were at work during the Late Horizon.
This section will describe the research methods utilized in this dissertation, and
the rationale behind their use. The organization of the section follows the basic outline of
the program of research, beginning first with a discussion of the initial survey of the
valley, followed by the selection of sites, and the different activities carried out, and
88
ending with a summary of the analysis of the material collected. The results of these
activities are presented in Chapters 4 through 7
The Chaman Valley Survey Project

The Chaman Valley Survey Project (CVSP) was conducted during the field
seasons of June through August, 2000 and 2001. The project surveyed a total of
approximately 97 square kilometers of desert and agricultural land in the middle of the
valley (Figure 3.13). The survey area was defined by the Pan-American Highway to the
west and the neck of the valley to the east. The northern and southern limits were the
bases of the mountain ranges that define the valley. A total of nine archaeologists and
students from the United States, Peru and Spain participated in the project, which
recorded a total of 72 archaeological sites.
Before the survey began, the valley was divided into three regions, based on
different topographic and environmental conditions found in each area. They included
the northern and southern margins, and the valley center. These determinations were
made using aerial photographs purchased from the Servicio Aerofotographico Nacional
de Peru and from on-the-ground inspections conducted during the early part of the 2000
field season.
89
examined in this project.
The southern margin is a dry, treeless strip of land located between the Talambo
Canal and the mountain range that separates the Jequetepeque and Chaman Drainages. It
begins at Calera de Talambo, the boundary between the Jequetepeque and Chaman, and
runs northeast for approximately 18 kilometers to the valley neck. The margin is marked
by a series of alluvial fans created by quebradas that flow down from the mountains
90
towards the canal. The area varies in width from less than 200 meters to more than a
kilometer. Sites dating from the Archaic to the Late Horizon are found in the area, but
most of the sites were built and occupied during the Late Intermediate Period and Late
Horizon. Although water flows through some of the quebradas during El Nifios, the
closest permanent water source is the Talambo Canal. The sites located within the
southern margin are connected to the rest of the valley by a Prehispanic road that begins
near Calera de Talambo and runs for several kilometers far up the valley.
The center of the valley is relatively lush, and watered by the modern
Jequetepeque-Zana Canal that parallels the old Talambo Canal's course. The area, which
is cut by the dry Chaman river bed, has been under cultivation for centuries, and many of
the Prehispanic sites in the area have been destroyed by more recent activities. In most
cases, remnants of adobe mounds or walled compounds emerge from the fields, but it is
impossible to say how large the structures were, or whether they were associated with
habitation areas or other structures.
Two areas, however, exhibit a degree of
preservation. Cerro Chepen, a large hill along the southern side of the river channel,
contains a number of large archaeological sites. The modern town of Chepen occupies
the western portion of the hill, but a number of sites can be found along the base of the
southern, eastern, and northern sides. Across the river, the Algorrobal de Moro is a forest
preserve that contains a number of important archaeological sites, the largest of which is
the Chimu occupation of San Jose de Moro (see Chapter 3). While there is some
evidence of earlier occupations, the majority of the preserved archaeological remains in
the center of the valley date to the Late Intermediate Period and Horizon.
91
Although the northern margin is similar to its southern counterpart in terms of

environment, it is very different in terms of its occupation and settlement patterns. These
differences are due primarily to the course of the Talambo Canal and the absence of a
road leading further up the valley. As it runs through the Chaman, the Talambo canal
skims the edge of the southern hills that define the valley. However, once it turns to the
north, it heads towards the Pampa Colorado, the large plain that separates the Chaman
from the Zafla valley to the north. As such, the hills that define the northern boundary of
the Chaman contain no road access or permanent water sources and were not intensively
utilized since the Archaic Period. The majority of the Prehispanic occupation in the
northern part of the Chaman Valley is concentrated along this plain. The area is defined
by the end of modern agriculture in the east, and the fortress of Cerro Colorado in the
west, an area that extends for more than 10 kilometers. In contrast to the center of the
valley, much of the northern margin is not currently irrigated, although this is changing as
the modern Jequetepeque-Zana canal expands northward. Surveys and aerial photos of
this area show extensive irrigation networks and vast expanses of Prehispanic agricultural
fields, yet almost no habitation areas. The majority of the remains date to the Late
Horizon, and suggest that this part of the valley was not extensively occupied until then.
Because each of the three areas features different environmental and topographic
conditions, different survey methods were used to investigate each area. Although the
northern and southern margins contain many steep hill slopes and deep canyons, they are
virtually free of vegetation, making it easy to spot even the smallest sites. Thus the
survey tried to achieve 100 percent coverage for these two areas. The center of the
92
valley, however, is primarily agricultural land, and consequently it was much more
difficult to survey. In many cases, farmers were reluctant to give us permission to walk
over their lands for fear of losing ownership if archaeological sites were discovered.
Additionally, the main crops of the valley, rice and sugar cane, made much of the farm
land difficult to survey. Many of the rice paddies were inundated with water, and sugar
cane fields are impenetrable when the cane is growing. Thus, the center of the valley was
sampled, and approximately 40 percent of this part of the valley was surveyed (Figure
3.13).
Survey Methods
Several roads crisscross the Chaman Valley, making most of the valley easy to
reach. Each day, a pickup was used to take the crew to the area that was to be surveyed.
Once there, survey work was done on foot, with groups of people walking transects. The
spacing of the people varied considerably depending on the terrain that was being
surveyed. In the narrow confines of some of the canyons of the valley margins, the
spacing was only 10 meters. In the wide open pampas and alluvial fans, the spacing
could be as great as 40 meters. This relatively wide spacing was utilized for a number of
reasons. Aerial photographs used in the survey were of very high resolution, making it
possible to see objects as small as a few meters wide. Thus, most of the standing
architecture in the valley not found in rocky terrain could be easily seen in the
photographs. Additionally, the survey was not targeting Archaic period sites, which
contain lithic scatters but no architecture, so a close spacing was not required. Even so, it
93
should be pointed out that 15 lithic sites were recorded in the margins during survey
work.
Survey transects were determined by aerial photographs. A total of 26 photos
were used, each of which covered a 16 square kilometer area, although many of the
photographs overlapped, and in some cases, the photos contained primarily high
mountains that were not surveyed. In the valley margins, surveys began at the bottom, or
south, of each photo, and transect lines were run east to west. It required from one to
three days to completely survey a photo, depending on the amount of land that could be
surveyed in each.
Site recording
Each site that was located was recorded using a standard set of procedures. Once
a site was found, the first objective was to determine the size. A walkover of the area
was done, with people spaced at approximately 10 meters. Attempts were made to
explore canyons and hills next to each site, in order to assure that the true extent of the
site was determined. The sites were physically recorded on the air photos, and were
marked in a hand-held Garmin GPS unit. Site numbers were assigned based on the order
which that were discovered. The unit generally had a precision of three to four meters.
In exceptionally large sites, several points were often taken around the perimeter of the
site, and at large structures and other features.
All sites were mapped using tape and compass methods. While not as accurate as
a laser theodolite, the equipment proved easy to use in the field. A theodolite was not
used because of the weight and size of the instrument. In many cases, the crews walked
94
12 to 14 kilometers a day, making the transportation of large equipment difficult.

Mapping was done with a crew of four, two holding the tape, one using the compass, and
one recording the points and mapping the site on vellum paper with a metric grid. Maps
were made at a scale of 1:1000. Additional measurements of structures and distances
between structures were taken to ensure that the maps were accurate.
Each site was also photographed with 35mm color film and slides. The number
of photos taken varied depending on the size of each site, but all surface features were
photographed. Information about each site was also recorded on a standardized form.
These forms recorded, the name, location, and size of each site, as well as data pertaining
to the types of materials used, the types of artifacts and objects found on the surface, the
location of surface collections, and the probable cultural affiliation of the site.
Surface collections were taken at all sites. In some cases, this procedure included
several distinct collection areas, but many of the sites were small, and some contained
very few artifacts.
The goal of the collections was to help determine the cultural
affiliation of each site. Thus the collections were usually placed in areas with high
artifact densities. Surface collections were taken in areas of 5 x 5 or 10 x 10 m, and all
artifacts were recovered from within the areas. These locations were photographed
before collection, and added to the site map.
All the materials recovered during survey work were analyzed in the lab set up at
the project house in Chepen, Peru. Artifacts were first cleaned with brushes and water.
Painted ceramics were dry-brushed. Lithic artifacts were drawn in side and top-down
profiles and from one face. Diagnostic ceramics were also drawn. These included sherds
95
that contained a rim or featured surface decorations that allowed the vessel type and
cultural affiliation to be determined. Once the artifacts were cleaned and drawn, they
were photographed. Objects from each site were separated based on material type and
cultural affiliation.
Cultural affiliation was determined based on comparisons with
published and non-published collections from other parts of the North Coast (Donnan
1990b; 1997; Donnan and Cock 1986; 1997; Larco Hoyle 1948, Mackey 2006).
Fieldwork and Analysis

Work at the sites investigated in this dissertation began in June 2003. The project
sites were chosen from the 72 sites recorded during the CVSP because of their
preservation and small size. A total of 13 sites were mapped, excavated, or both during
fieldwork. These sites were thought to represent simple villages as opposed to major
centers, given that the original project was intended to explain how imperial endeavors
affected rural communities. Once the sites were selected, a research strategy was
developed that included both additional survey and excavations. The largest site in each
of the two study areas was chosen for excavation, while additional mapping and surface
collections were conducted at the other sites to obtain a comparative sample of artifacts.
A total of nine months was dedicated to excavation and laboratory analysis,
spread out over three field seasons. Twenty-one students and workmen participated in
the project, although the largest crew in any season was twelve. The students were
archaeology undergraduates from Columbia University in New York and the Pontificia
Universidad Catolica de Peru, in Lima. The students had varying degrees of training and
experience in archaeological fieldwork, and all were closely supervised to make sure that
96
procedures and information recording was uniform. The crew was based in the town of
Chepen. With a population of around 8,000 people, Chepen is the commercial hub of the
Chaman Valley, and contains numerous services such as stores and internet cafes.
Chepen is located approximately six kilometers from both research areas, and the crew
was transported to and from the sites each day by a local driver. The vehicle was not able
to directly reach any of the sites, so the crew had to walk between 1.6 and 2 kilometers
each way. In some cases, the walking was easy, but, particularly for the sites in Research
Area 2, the trek could be quite strenuous. This limited both the amount of time the crew
could work at the sites, and the amount of equipment that could be transported.
Site Reconnaissance
Once the crew was in the field, a number of activities were carried out at each site
selected in the project. These activities were done in a particular order, based on the
information they provided. The first step was to ensure the size of the site had been
accurately recorded during the initial survey in 2000 and 2001. Walkovers were done at
each site, exploring at least 50 yards past the known edges of the sites. In some cases,
additional structures were located that had been missed in earlier visits. Many of the sites
are located in rocky terrain, making it difficult to see all the structures. Rooms were
marked with orange pin flags to make them more visible and assist students who later
remapped the sites.
Once the true extent of each site was established, a grid system was put in place to
help locate future excavation units and assist in mapping. Each site was divided into 20 x
20 meter sectors, and stakes marked out the corners of these units. As in the CVSP, all
97
mapping was done using a tape and compass. The first point of the grid was the site
datum, which was usually a high point in the center of the site. The remaining points
were all measured from the central datum. A line level and string were used to calculate
the height of the other grid points in relation to the datum, so that relative heights from
around the site could be determined. Measurements were taken along the diagonals of
each 20 x 20 meter area to ensure that the corner stakes were properly placed.
Once the site grids were laid in, each site was remapped. During the CVSP, sites
were mapped rather quickly because of time constraints. Most sites were mapped in a
matter of a few hours, to at most, one day. However, during remapping, the sites were
drawn at a much smaller scale, 1:200, so that more minute details could be added. Since
most of the rooms found at the study sites were square, maps first plotted in the outside
corners of each room. Wall thickness and construction stones were then added to the
maps with additional measurements. Site maps took anywhere from three days to a week
to complete, because of the increased detail.
Architectural Analysis
One of the questions this project wanted to address was whether there were
significant architectural variations within each site, including room size, construction
methods, and the quality of the constructions. Individual rooms and groups of rooms at
each site were analyzed using a coded data sheet. Before the analysis could begin,
however, the sites were divided into architectural sectors.
This division was done
because in most sites, rooms were grouped into clusters of four to eight rooms which
formed discrete units. The actual physical separation between units could vary from a
98
few to several meters. Each of these sectors was treated as a separate analytical unit.
While this division is admittedly arbitrary, research at other sites has shown such
divisions existed elsewhere in the North Coast (Bawden 1977; 1978; 1982a; 1982b;
Shimada 1994; Swenson 2006; Topic 1980; 1982; 1990; 1983; Uceda, et al. 1997; 1998).
Architectural sectors were given individual numbers, beginning at 1 and continuing
sequentially. Each room within an architectural sector was also given an identifying
number, so any individual room could be identified based on its site, architectural sector,
and room numbers.
The form used in the architectural analysis recorded several different quantifiable
attributes. These included the size and shape of the room, the number of walls, the
number of walls shared with other rooms, the length, height and thickness of the walls,
the construction methods used, the number and location of entrances, and the size of the
stones used in the constructions.
All of the sites examined in this project were
constructed entirely of stone masonry.
These attributes were used to make several
quantitative and qualitative assessments of rooms and room clusters0:
How were
architectural sectors organized? Was there a consistent pattern to the way rooms were
laid out? Could room size and construction techniques be used as indicators of status
differences within or between sites? Were there patterns regarding the types of rooms
found in each sector?
The recording of architectural data was done in teams of two people. The teams
used tape measures and trowels and brushes to measure and clean wall surfaces. The
architectural analysis took place after mapping, excavations and surface collections. It
99
was noted that most of the students began to notice additional details about the site
organization after spending more time at the site. In most cases, the structures were easy
to analyze, particularly where excavations had been carried out. In a few cases, the true
structure of the walls was difficult to see because they were obscured by large quantities
of wall fall. In these cases, limited wall clearing was conducted to reveal the intact
constructions.
Site Excavation and Data Recovery
The excavations at Sites 32 and 46 were the primary focus of the fieldwork for
this dissertation project. These two sites were chosen for excavation because they were
the largest and most well preserved of the sites in the two research areas. It was therefore
assumed that they would contain the largest and most diverse artifact assemblages.
Excavations at the sites had several goals: a) to establish the chronological sequences of
the study sites, b) to examine the use-history and sequence of construction of different
structures at each site, and c) to expose architecture and features, d) and collect artifacts
to determine the function of structures at each site, and the activities that were carried out
at them.
The first task before excavations was to determine where to dig. Site 32 is
somewhat unusual in comparison with the other sites in the project, in that the majority of
the architecture was connected in one large block of rooms instead of several different
architectural sectors.
Thus, excavations were placed throughout the room block to
sample many different areas.

c
Site 46, on the other hand, contained 17 separate
See Chapters 5 and 6 for the detailed results and analysis of these questions.
100
architectural units, containing anywhere from one to 16 rooms. It was decided to target
architectural units within the core of the site, in areas 1-10 (Figure 5.2). These were the
most intact sectors of the site. The large structures at the western end, Areas 14-17, have
been damaged to varying degrees by local people taking rocks to crush in order to make
aggregate for concrete blocks. Nine of the 10 architectural units in the center of Site 46
were tested.
In most cases, a single 1 x 1 meter test pit was excavated first to determine a
stratigraphic sequence for each area. However,_it quickly became clear that in most
areas, there was only a single occupational surface, and the floors had deteriorated before
both of the sites had been buried in sand. The shallow nature of the fill, less than 40
centimeters in most cases, and the single occupation level meant that wide areas could be
excavated.
Excavation units were laid out according to the grid set during the site walkover
described above. The excavation units were assigned a number based on the location of
their southwest corner, relative to the site datum. In the project's nomenclature, the
datum was located at point 0 north/ 0 east. All other points were named relative to this
position. Thus a point 10 meters south and 25 meters west of the datum would be named
10 south 25 west.
The decision of where to excavate in any particular architectural sector was based
on a number of factors, including room preservation, size, and interesting surface
features. In most cases, excavation areas were placed to open several different rooms at
the same time. Excavations also targeted open areas around the architecture. In Site 46
101
particularly, many of the architectural sectors were laid out around a central patio.
Excavations thus targeted the interior structures, the patio areas, and areas outside of the
architectural areas. The excavations of open areas proved fruitful, as at least one storage
pit was located outside of a structure at Site 46.
Excavation areas in a single architectural unit could total up to 40 square meters,
but each square meter was excavated separately. Excavation strategies depended on the
stratigraphy of each area. While all the sites were single component occupations, many
areas at Site 46 had multiple layers of fill. The fill layers themselves were often identical,
but were separated by thin layers of compacted sand, probably created by rain during
periods of wet weather. Thus each of these fill layers were excavated separately. In
areas where there was no stratigraphy, fill layers were excavated in 10 centimeter levels.
All the excavation units in a single excavation area were dug at the same time, bringing
each down a single layer at a time. Thus the entire area was exposed at each level. All
material was screened through %" screen, and all artifacts were collected. Soil samples
were also collected from the surface of floors and from fill contexts.
All artifacts collected during excavation were plotted on a map of the excavation
area. These maps were done at a 1:5 scale to show greater detail than the site maps.
Photos of each 1 x 1 excavation unit, at each level, were also taken, as were photos of the
entire excavation areas. Information pertaining to each 10 centimeter level of every l x l
meter unit was recorded on a separate excavation form. These forms recorded the site,
architectural sector and excavation unit numbers, and assigned a provenience number, or
PD, to each l x l meter, 10 centimeter level. This number was unique to each unit, so that
102
no two units at any site had the same PD number. This method allowed artifacts from
any specific context to be easily located once the materials were taken back to the
laboratory for analysis. The excavations forms also included information about the soil
type and color, what artifacts were observed, and descriptions about the context of the
excavations (e.g., if it was in a corner or center of a room, or in fill or above a surface).
Features found during excavations were also treated separately. For the purposes
of this project, a feature was defined as any context that was not fill or floor surface.
Thus, a feature could include pits, hearths or other burned contexts, buried ceramics or
other vessels, and concentrations of artifacts. Once identified, each feature was given a
feature number unique to the site where it was found. Features were excavated as a
single context, regardless of how many excavation units they occupied. Soil samples
were taken from all features. The size of the samples varied depending on the feature
size, but generally ranged from 2 to 4 liters of soil.
Surface Collections
Surface collection was the second important method of data recovery utilized in
this project. Surface collections were taken at all of the sites investigated in the present
study, including the two sites that were excavated. The collections were taken in order to
create a comparative sample that could be used to contrast the ceramic assemblages at
each site in the study. During excavation, it was clear that ceramics were by far the most
common artifact found at any of the sites. Thus comparisons of ceramic assemblages
from different sites could be useful to show what activities likely occurred at each site.
103
The choice for the location of the collection areas was important, since the larger
the artifact counts, the better the comparative sample. During excavations at Sites 32 and
46, it was noted that the presence of dense ceramic scatters on the surface did not
necessarily correlate with large subsurface deposits of artifacts. This was likely the result
of artifact displacement caused by floodwaters from El Nino events. Periodic flooding
would have moved artifacts around on the surface, while leaving artifacts below ground
in situ. Thus, the locations of surface scatters could not be used to predict where to
excavate, nor were they indications of use areas within a site. However, it was clear that
most surface scatters had not been moved far from, and were likely within a few meters
of their original locations. Therefore, a surface scatter was likely from the architectural
sector it was found in, even if the exact contexts of the various ceramic sherds had been
mixed.
This realization had a profound impact on the types of questions the project could
ask of the surface collection samples. It became clear that it would not be possible to
look at activities carried out in each room of an area, but rather, we could only see what
activities had been carried out in the area as a whole. This inference was based on the
assumption that the presence of particular ceramic vessels would be indication of
different kinds of activities. Excavation data had shown that ceramic assemblages were
good indicators of various activities, such as food preparation, chicha brewing, storage,
and feasting.d
Depending on the quantity of artifacts on the surface, at least one surface
collection area was located in each unexcavated architectural sector at every site in the
104
study. In some cases, surface collections were located next to excavated areas, when it
became clear that the majority of the artifacts of a particular area had been moved after
their deposition. This occurred primarily at Site 32, where ceramics had fallen off of the
platforms they had been placed in and were located at the base of the structures. Surface
collections were therefore placed in areas of high artifact concentrations, regardless of
their specific location within a particular architectural area.
Surface collection areas were either 5 x 5 o r l O x l O meter units. Units of these
sizes allowed for the recovery of significant numbers of artifacts that could be used to
compare with assemblages from other surface collections and excavated contexts. Like
excavation areas, they were located within the grid system set up at each site during the
first days of the research at that particular site. The collections were done in teams of two
or three, with students spaced at 1.5 meter intervals. All artifacts, including ceramics,
shells, faunal remains, metal, and lithics were collected.
Laboratory Analysis
Following fieldwork, five months were dedicated to in-the-field laboratory
analysis. Additional analyses, such as faunal and botanical work, were carried out by
other parties. Thus over eight months of laboratory work in was conducted in total. The
work had two main stages: a) each individual artifact was studied, coded for statistical
analysis, labeled, curated for long-term storage, and if appropriate, drawn and
photographed; b) the soil samples recovered for flotation were processed.
As with
fieldwork, these laboratory tasks were conducted with the help of university students.
See Chapters 5 and 6.
105
Laboratory analyses were carried out at the dig house in Chepen, near the research
sites. The bulk of the analyses focused on ceramics, but lithics and metals were also
analyzed in Chepen. All botanical and faunal remains, including flotation samples, were
sent to Arquebios, in Trujillo, Peru.
Ceramic Analysis
As noted above, ceramics were by far the most numerous artifacts found in
excavations and surface collections. The beginning of the analysis focused on separating
diagnostic and non-diagnostic sherds in each excavation unit. For this project, diagnostic
ceramics were those that contained at least a portion of a rim, so that the vessel type
could be determined, such as ollas (pots), cdntaros (jars), bowls, plates and tinajas or
paicas (storage vessels). Rim form was always diagnostic of vessel form, but the shape
and surface decorations could not always accurately predict this.
Moreover, rim
fragments could be fairly easily reconstructed if multiple pieces were found, whereas
reconstructing ceramic bodies form fragments could be more difficult, especially if
several vessels were found in the same room.
Once diagnostic and non-diagnostic sherds had been sorted, the fragments were
analyzed, with several different variables coded for both diagnostic and non-diagnostic
sherds. The majority of the sherds were non-diagnostic. The individual non-diagnostic
pieces were not analyzed because vessel type could not always be determined, and it was
impossible to separate sherds from individual vessels. Instead, the sherds were again
sorted into various groups, and assigned values on particular variables. These include
site number, excavation unit number, level, vessel type (when able to determine), the
106
firing type (such as oxidized and reduced fired vessels), use-burn (from hearths, for
example), the number of sherds of a particular type, and their weight, in grams. It was
hoped that these variables could help separate vessels that were used in cooking and
storage, since cooking vessels were more likely to be burned. Fine wares were often
reduced-fired black wares, whereas utilitarian wares were fired under oxidizing
conditions.
Although diagnostic ceramic sherds made up only a small percentage of the total
assemblage, they were analyzed more rigorously, with 27 different variables coded for
each sherd. The sherds were coded for their site provenience, vessel type, rim type, rim
diameter and height, weight, surface treatment such as painting and slips, firing type,
surface decoration, the presence of handles, and temper size, type, and frequency. These
variables were included because it was hoped they would be able to distinguish vessels
made at different workshops, thus providing some indication of the economic ties of the
sites with the rest of the valley. The project also wished to know if different vessel types
could be associated with different functions, such as cooking and storage, or if different
vessels, or designs, could be associated with areas of differing status within the project
sites.
Lithics
The lithic assemblage comprised only a handful of artifacts. Most were found at
Site 46, but other sites did contain lithic tools as well. At Site 46, most of the lithics
could be grouped into three categories: beads, spindle whorls, and ground stone objects.
Most of these artifacts came from excavated contexts, so there was little question that
107
they were associated with the Late Horizon occupation of the site. At many of the other
sites, most of the lithics were in the form of stone tools, such as scrapers and bifaces.
These objects all came from surface collections. This created an analytical problem,
since numerous lithic sites dating to the Archaic period were located within a short
distance of the study sites. Many of the objects recovered appear to date to the Archaic,
and were not included in the present analysis.
Faunal and Botanical Remains
Botanical and faunal remains were collected from several excavated contexts in
Sites 32 and 46. A total of 72 samples were taken, from hearths, floor surfaces, vessel
interiors, room fill and storage pits. Before these samples could be analyzed, they had to
be processed. Processing first involved separating the heavy material from the sample.
All floats were first screened through a 1/16" screen to remove rock, wood, and large
botanical remains. This debris was saved in a sterile bag, and included with the flotation
analysis. The remaining fine material was floated. Flotation was done with a simple,
homemade setup. A five gallon bucket was filled with approximately two gallons of
water per one liter of floated material. Samples that contained more than one liter were
floated in multiple parts. The water and material were agitated and then poured over two
layers of fine cotton cloth, with a thread count of approximately 150 threads per inch.
The water drained through the cloth, leaving the float material behind. The pieces of
cloth were then left to dry in a ventilated room. The materials left inside the buckets
were also saved and dried. Once dry, the heavy and light fractions were bundled and
bagged with the large rocks and other material that had been screened earlier. This
108
material and the other faunal and botanical remains recovered during excavations were
then sent to Trujillo for analysis (see Chapters 4 and 5 for a summary of these analyses)
The following four chapters will present the bulk of the data collected during the
fieldwork and laboratory research. Chapter 4 will present a synopsis of Late Intermediate
settlement patterns in the Jequetepeque, just prior to the arrival of the Inkas. Chapters 5
and 6 will present the results of the excavations survey work at the sites found in
Research Areas 1 and 2. Chapter 7 will explore the settlement patterns throughout the
Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon, the time the sites in Research Areas 1 and 2 were
occupied.
109
Chapter 4: Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Chimu

Occupation
The goal of this chapter is to trace the organization of the Chaman Valley during
the Chimu occupation, as archaeologists currently understand it. The two succeeding
chapters will described the layout and organization of Research Areas 1 and 2, and the
following chapter will examine the changes in settlement patterns following the Inka
conquest of the valley. The four chapters as a whole will illustrate the changing political
and economic patterns in the valley before and after the arrival of the Inkas. However, to
fully understand what impact the Inka conquest had on the valley, we must first consider
how the valley was organized socially, politically, and economically before the Inka
invasion in the later part of the 15 century.
The timing of the Chimu conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley has been a matter
of some debate. Dates from excavations at the main Chimu site of Farfan in the 1970s
and 80s placed the arrival of the Chimu around AD 1200 (Conrad 1992; Keatinge and
Conrad 1983). Recent excavations at Farfan, however, have revised these dates, and
place the conquest closer to AD 1300 (Mackey 2003, 2006). Additional dates from
Farfan set the Inka arrival to the North Coast at approximately 1470, giving the Chimu
approximately 170 years to reorder the social, political, and economic organization of the
valley.
Chapter 4: Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Chimu Occupation
110
According to Antonio de Calancha's account, the Jequetepeque valley was

conquered by a Chimu general known as Pacatnamu (Calancha 1638, bk. 3, ch. 1: 546547; Conrad 1992; Means 1931). Pacatnamu was rewarded by the Chimu emperor for
his successes and tapped as the first provincial governor of the valley. According to the
chronicle, General Pacatnamu established a new settlement as the imperial seat of power,
which was also given his name. The first archaeologists who worked in the valley
assumed that the site now known as Pacatnamu must have been the capital, given its large
size and complex layout, and gave it its modern appellation. We now know that the site
of Farfan was actually the principal Chimu center, and excavations over the last several
years have given new insight into its functions (Conrad 1992; Mackey 2003; 2006).
The study of the Chimu conquest of the Jequetepeque is helped by both
archaeological and historical data. Archaeological work has been conducted at several
Late Intermediate Period (LIP) sites within the valley (Conrad 1992; Donnan and Cock
1986; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2003, 2006; Sapp 2003). The historical record
draws primarily on legal papers from suits involving local lords fighting over land rights
following the Spanish Conquest. Historians have used these papers to extract a good deal
of information about pre-Hispanic social structure along the North Coast (Netherly 1977,
1984, 1988, 1990; Ramirez 1992). Archaeologists and historians differ, however, on how
far back in time this information can be applied. Changes in settlement patterns and
demography during both the Inka occupation and the Spanish conquest radically altered
the social landscape of the North Coast. It is unclear whether the elements of social
structure evident in these documents can represent ancient traditions or more recent
111
developments. A handful of chronicles and visitas (inspections) are also known from the
North Coast, of which Calancha's 1638 account is the most thorough.
Models of Chimu Sociopolitical Organization

Although the Kingdom of Chimor was the second-largest pre-Hispanic state in the
Andes, it remains relatively understudied. This situation is due in part to an interest in
earlier states such as the Moche and Lambayeque, which are generally thought of as
having more elaborate iconographies. Whatever the reason, it has severely limited our
understanding of the Late Intermediate Period as a whole. Nonetheless, enough research
has been conducted, both archaeologically and through documentary studies, that we are
beginning to piece together many aspects of this ancient empire. Not surprisingly, as
research has expanded, our picture of how the empire was structured has become more
complex and, at times, confusing.
One important factor seems to be that the Chimu
employed a variety of different imperial strategies in different parts of their empire, and
changed those strategies through time. This history has created some confusion among
archaeologists who have found very different patterns in different areas.
The other important factor that has hampered research of the Chimu arises from
the types of data used within any particular study. Because the Chimu were conquered
by the Inkas less than 100 years before the arrival of the Spaniards, local social, political,
and economic organizations survived, to varying degrees, to the time of European
contact, and were recorded by various chroniclers (i.e., Anonymous History; Calancha
1638). Archaeologists and historians have incorporated these data in many of their
studies. Nonetheless, differences have emerged between archaeological and historical
112
information, and this rift has led some scholars to question how directly we can apply all
of the information recorded in the chronicles (see D'Altroy 2003; Moseley and CordyCollins 1990). These writers have noted that, although a relatively short amount of time
passed between the conquest of the Chimu by the Inkas and the arrival of the Spanish,
enough important social and political changes occurred to distort the historical lens.
Most archaeologists working on the North Coast see the Chimu as the direct
descendants of the Moche state that collapsed in the Moche Valley sometime in the 8th
century AD. By the end of the 15th century, when they were finally subdued by the Inkas,
the Chimu ruled over a strip of the coastal desert stretching over 1000 kilometers. Within
the strip, the Chimu controlled vast resources, including rich mineral wealth and the most
agriculturally productive coastal valleys in Peru.
The Chimu Expansion
The timing of the Chimu expansion is a matter of some debate. Vague quasihistorical native accounts recorded by early Spanish writers mention two main periods of
conquest, one incorporating the valleys between the Santa to the south and the
Jequetepeque to the North (see Calancha 1638; Topic 1992). A later, second phase of
expansion stretched the frontiers of the Empire almost to the modern Peru-Ecuador
border in the north, and past the Casma Valley to the south.
Chimu settlement patterns seem to follow a four-tiered site hierarchy in most of
the valleys within the empire (ibid; Keatinge and Conrad 1980). At the center, the
primary site was Chan Chan, the vast capital located near the confluence of the Moche
River and the Pacific Ocean. This immense city once covered over 15 square kilometers
113
and was the political and economic center of the polity (see Moseley and Day 1980;
Moseley and Cordy-Collins 1992). The city was divided into nine royal compounds,
along with dozens of smaller administrative units and vast sectors of craft production.
The royal compounds and many of the lesser administrative structures contain a suite of
architectural features such as rectangular compounds, U-shaped audiencias, storage
areas, and in some cases, burial platforms. The presence of these features at other sites
has been used to identify regional centers below Chan Chan. These regional capitals
controlled parts of valleys or multi-valley provinces.
Three of the most important
regional capitals were Manchan in the Casma Valley (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1992;
Moore 1981), Farfan in the Jequetepeque Valley (Conrad 1992; Mackey 2003, 2006), and
Tiicume in the Lambayeque drainage (Heyerdahl 1996, Trimborn 1980).
Archaeological studies have shown that not all the valleys within the empire were
ruled the same way, and the ways in which the empire incorporated conquered territory
varied through time (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1992).
These variations are most
pronounced when comparing differences between those Chimu sites north of Chan Chan,
and those to the south. The area north of the capital is characterized by numerous,
relatively large sites, while the south has fewer, smaller sites. The reasons why the
number and size of Chimu sites varies between the north to south is not entirely clear, but
may be partly related to differences in of cycles of conquest and incorporation in the two
areas (ibid). What is clear, however, is that several more large administrative sites seem
to be located in the valleys between the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque Valleys than in
the valleys south of the Moche River.
114
While regional centers contain many of the same architectural elements as Chan
Chan, they lack evidence for the massive concentrations of craft producers found at the
capital. Evidence for some craft production has been found at Farfan and Manchan,
including ceramic and metal production (Mackey 2003; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1992;
Moore 1981), but nowhere near the massive scale seen at Chan Chan (J. Topic 1990).
This lack of production has been taken to indicate that the regional centers were primarily
administrative centers, and funneled collected tribute and resources to the imperial core
instead of using them locally.
The presence of burial platforms at some regional centers has been taken as an
indication that nobles from the royal families may have been given positions of authority
in some of the conquered provinces. Later sites, such as Manchan, lack these platforms,
and may reflect a change in imperial strategies, one in which non-royal nobles performed
the majority of the administrative functions outside of the Moche Valley. The quantity
and location of storage areas also varies from site to site. At Farfan, for example, all of
the storage rooms are located in areas of very restricted access, and many of them are
associated with the burial platforms. This pattern suggests that storage focused primarily
on status goods, especially those involved with burial goods, and the on-going veneration
of deceased nobility. At Manchan, however, the majority of the storage areas were in the
open, not under direct control of the ruling elites. Archaeologists believe this evidence
indicates that bulk goods such as raw cotton, textiles, or comestibles may have been
stored there, either for redistribution to other parts of the province, or to be shipped back
to the imperial capital (Mackey 2003, Mackey and Klymyshym 1992).
115
In most cases, Chimu provincial administrative structures were built within

existing sites, often times at one of the most important local sites within a particular
valley. However, in some cases, completely new centers were established. One of the
best examples is the site of Manchan in the Casma Valley (Mackey and Klymyshyn
1992; Moore 1981).
At over 63 ha, it is over three times larger than any other
contemporary site within the valley, and contains a number of specialized rooms, such as
audiencias, storage facilities, and nine large compounds similar to the larger ciudadelas
found at Chan Chan. Intrusive centers like Manchan were built at strategic points within
a particular area, often times near at points of control for canals, or in areas where the
Chimu expanded agricultural production.
What is most remarkable about Chimu regional capitals is that they apparently
functioned with very small populations. In contrast to Chan Chan, which had a retainer
population numbering in the tens of thousands working for the top 5-10% of the nobility,
sites such as Farfan and Manchan apparently held populations numbering only in the
dozens.
Given this small assemblage of administrators grouped within the regional
centers, it is likely that the Chimu ruled subject populations through collaboration with
local lords. What is important to note, however, is that while the Chimu almost certainly
relied on native lords to implement policies at the local level, the small population size at
the regional centers implies that locals were excluded from higher levels of
administration. This surely led to some level of tension and resentment between locals
and the Chimu elite. Evidence of this animosity, which will be discussed below, has been
found at some sites.
116
Below the regional capitals, most of the tertiary and quaternary administration
sites were staffed by local nobles. This strategy of ruling through proxy leaders is not
unique to the Chimu. It provides a relatively cheap way to administer a province, and
traditional social, political and economic networks are not severely disrupted. However,
in some cases, third and fourth tier sites were intrusive, and seemed to be populated with
Chimu officials. Looking again at the Casma Valley, the Chimii built two smaller sites,
with five and seven compounds, in addition to the much larger Manchan. These two sites
are located on the margin of the valley, and are associated with an expansion of existing
canals and farmland (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1992). They seem to indicate that the
Chimu expanded agricultural production in the valley after the conquest, most likely
using the produce to underwrite mit'a work projects and supporting administrators both
within the Casma Valley, and at Chan Chan.
In the Lambayeque valley, Tschauner (2001) found that the Chimu established
lower level administrative centers that cross-cut existing political boundaries in the
valley. These sites were often built on prominent hills or other features, and created a
visually imposing presence. He concludes that the Chimu attempted to break traditional
political and economic networks so they could better control the political economy of the
valley. Administrative structures in the Chimu centers were small, and located in the
centers of the sites. These structures could not have held more than a few people at a
time, suggesting that the Chimu administrators dealt with local lords directly, who in turn
put imperial demands into action.
117
Chimu Settlement Patterns in the Jequetepeque Valley

The Jequetepeque Valley contains a wide variety of sites containing Chimii
remains (Figure 4.1). As with the Casma and other valleys, several of the sites were
already in use at the time of the Chimu conquest while several others were built by the
Chimii at later dates. These sites vary from the primary site of Farfan, spanning almost
four square kilometers, through several tertiary and quaternary administrative sites, to
small residential sites of less than a hectare, which are spread throughout the valley. The
middle portion (see above) of the Chaman Valley, the focus of this research, contains
three secondary centers, along with at least four more tertiary centers. These sites are
identified by the presence of walled compounds and adobe platforms. Several smaller
hamlets dot the countryside. In addition to these centers, the middle of the Chaman also
features at least two fortresses occupied during the Late Intermediate Period. One, Cerro
Colorado, is located at the northern boundary of the valley, along the main north-south
highway. This fortress served as a point of control for people crossing into and out of the
Chaman from the Zafia Valley to the north. The second fortress is located near the
middle of the valley, along the southern end of Cerro Chepen, a large, steep-sided hill
located on the southern side of the Chaman river channel. Cerro Chepen dominates the
middle portions of the Chaman valley, at several fortified areas are present at its summit.
Parts of the hill have been occupied from at least the Early Intermediate Period until the
Spanish conquest.
118
C88<SfeJH6ca
Pampa dsl Anfigyo Chetiepe

\ ^
Cam Cstoado
Cerro Colorado >
\ JkAlgatrobal de More
jAMoro
San Jose de Moro \
ceryc:"*KW
/^Chepen
./Guadalupe
C*srr
AFarfan
^ccific
Ocean
Caterade
Toiambo
ahximu
je#
P s e l**^
A Huaca Nampol
Jequetepeque
AChocofan
Pacavf'cw/
\Pacasmayo
. ACenenterlo Kala
Legend
Modern City or Town
Jgtanta A
"CaficScfoA
Ca
"-""''
! San Pedro de tioc
' CwoSaMktaia
Panamenca
Rivers
c ^
Figure 4.1 Map of the Jequetepeque Valley showing LIP sites mentioned in the text.
Control of the valley centered on the major site of Farfan, the largest Chimu site
in the Jequetepeque.
The site contains six large compounds occupied from the
Lambayeque Period until Spanish contact. Although the site has been badly damaged by
looters and encroaching agriculture, several seasons of excavations have helped us
119
understand the development and function of Farfan (Conrad 1990; Mackey 2003, 2006).
Two of the compounds, (II and VI), were built during in the Lambayeque Period (ca. AD
850-1300). At this time, Farfan seems to have been one of several small centers located
throughout the Jequetepeque. However, after the Chimii invasion, the site was quickly
transformed and became the dominant center in the valley.
Prior to the Chimii invasion, the Jequetepeque seems to have been had only one
large site, Pacatnamu.
Few other large mounds or platforms dating to the Middle
Horizon have been identified. The largest, Huaca las Estacas, is located in the Chaman
drainage, in the center of the valley. The pyramid is quite large, and very similar to
structures found in the Lambayeque valley at sites such as Chotuna, Tiicume and Batan
Grande. Unfortunately, the entire area around the site has been destroyed by agricultural
development, so it remains unclear how large a residential population the site contained.
The primary site in the Jequetepeque prior to the arrival of the Chimii was
Pacatnamu.
This site is located on bluffs overlooking the northern bank of the
Jequetepeque River where it meets the Pacific Ocean. It was first occupied during the
Moche Period and greatly expanded during the Middle Horizon.
The site contains
several large adobe mounds and platforms as well as large rectangular compounds similar
to those at Farfan and other sites in the Lambayeque and Zana valleys (Donnan and Cook
1986, 1997). Its location is not in a strategic position, and scholars have hypothesized
that the site may have been both a pilgrimage center and an administrative center, similar
to Pachacamac, just south of modern day Lima. What is clear is that Pacatnamu was the
120
paramount center in the valley. Once the Chimu conquered the Jequetepeque, the site
was mostly abandoned, and Farfan was greatly expanded (Mackey 2006).
Farfan is located in an ideal location to control the valley. It lies along the border
of the Chaman and Jequetepeque drainages, near the junction of the main north-south and
sierra-coast roads. Its positioning would have given the inhabitants of the settlement the
ability to control both people moving along the coast and movement between the coast
and the sierra (Figure 4.2). The Chimu probably recognized this and took advantage of
the site's location to build their administrative facilities. Farfan was greatly expanded
during the Chimu occupation, with five of the six main compounds occupied. Two of
these were built during the LIP, while the other three were substantially modified.
One of the best examples of this modification can be found at Compound V.
Several sections of the compound were completely razed, and new structures built on top
of them.
This remodeling was not simply a matter of expanding a site to meet to
administrative needs.
Rather, the demolition and reconstruction of the site was a
powerful demonstration of the new political reality in the valley. Excavations conducted
by Carol Mackey within the compound found the destroyed walls of the Lambayeque
compound topped by bound captives that had been executed (Mackey 2003). The new
Chimu structure was built on top of these sacrifices, symbolizing the end of Lambayeque
control of the valley. The symbolism of both power and violence seen in the sacrifices
parallels the historical accounts of the fierce battles waged between the Chimu and
Lambayeque.
121
Below Farfan, several other tertiary and quaternary sites dating to the LIP have
been described in the Jequetepeque. One of the most important was the site of Calera de
Talambo, located at the western end of Cerro Talambo, the line of hills separating the
Jequetepeque and Chaman Valleys. This site is located at the intake of the Talambo
Canal, the main intervalley canal connecting the Jequetepeque and Talambo drainages.
The occupation of the site dates to at least as early as the Early Intermediate Period,
suggesting that the canal may well date to that period as well.
A large rectangular compound was built during the Chimu occupation (Keatinge
and Conrad 1983), and later used following the Inka conquest of the valley. The site's
main function was probably related to control over the canal, and the water it brought to
the Chaman valley. The canal passes along the eastern margin of the Chaman before
crossing the valley and heading north towards the Zafia Valley. At its furthest extent, it
ran for at least 25 kilometers (Eling 1977). A large huaca located in the sandy Pampa
Colorado between the Chaman and Zana Valleys is in line with the course of the canal,
and suggests that it, or other connected canal systems may have stretched an additional
five to ten kilometers.
Control of Calera de Talambo meant control over the Talambo canal, and in turn,
control over much of the Chaman valley. Parts of the lower valley were fed by canals
beginning further downstream in the Jequetepeque. Nonetheless, the Talambo canal fed a
large portion of the Chaman, upwards of 400 square kilometers. The control over the
water that flowed through the canal would have given the Chimu de facto political and
economic control over a large swath of the valley.
122
Another important tertiary center was the Chirmi occupation of San Jose de Moro
(Mackey nd). This site has been an important ceremonial center since at least the EIP.
Dozens of elaborate Moche burials have been excavated at the site in recent years. The
site was also occupied during the Middle Horizon, and dozens of Lambayeque burials
from that period have been excavated.
During the Chimu occupation, Moro was expanded tremendously. Several large
adobe platforms were built over the old Moche burial area, and a large rectangular
compound and several smaller structures were added to the north. The adobe platforms
are now severely damaged due to looting and erosion, but it appears that they were
primarily residential structures. The main rectangular structure measures 180 x 100
meters and was an elite residence similar to those found at Farfan and other Chimii sites.
In contrast to Calera de Talambo's control over the Talambo Canal, the Chimii
occupation of San Jose de Moro seems to have been based on the control over valley
religious centers. To date only a handful of simple Chimii burials have been excavated at
Moro and no traditional burial platform has been identified. However, excavations at one
huaca located near the earlier Moche cemetery have identified a small chicha brewery
that also featured some textile production. This association between chicha and textile
production has been observed at other Chimii centers, including Farfan and Manchan
(Carol Mackey, personal communication, 2005). The production of these two resources
together at the ceremonial precinct of the site suggests that Moro was still an important
ritual center during the Late Intermediate Period.
Chapter 4: Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Chirmi Occupation
123
Cabur is a major local center located in the southern side of the Jequetepeque
Valley (Sapp 2003).
The site features a large rectangular compound that was the
residence of a local lord. The site dates to at least the Middle Horizon and continued to
be a seat of power into the Colonial Period. The site was one of the main settlements
along the southern portion of the valley during the Chirmi occupation, yet it retains most
of its local architectural canons.
Several other minor Chirmi settlements are also known throughout the valley.
Edward Swenson (2007) describes several small residential and ritual sites in the hills
around Cerro Falco and Cerro San Ildefonso.
This line of hills runs near the coast
between the Jequetepeque and Chaman river courses. This marginal area is extremely
arid but has been occupied since the Late Moche times, probably because it is watered by
a series of canals.
The Chimii, like the Moche before them, built terraced settlements along the bases
of many of the hillsides. Swenson notes that many of the sites feature both Lambayeque
and Chimii architectural elements within the same structures. He interprets this pattern as
evidence that the Chimii did not extend significant control over the lower levels of the
social and political hierarchy of the valley.
He sees the incorporation of Chimii
architectural elements both as a sign of resistance and autonomy by local lords and as an
indication of a complex and fluid political hierarchy below the level of the few primary
local elites. These lower level lords used the foreign symbols usually reserved for Chimii
elites as a way of expressing their own legitimacy and power. By using symbols that
124
were normally reserved for higher status lords, they attempted to portray themselves as
independent local lords of the same status.
o
%
LJ o
0
N
50
Meters
100
4>
Figure 4. 2 Site 16, the likely location of a palace of a local lord in the Chaman Valley.
Most of the sites found around the hills appear to be ritual sites where offerings
and ceremonies were enacted (Swenson 2007: 78-79). Many of the sites are divided into
several sectors, each with its own small platforms and rooms.
The most likely
interpretation of this situation is that each sector was built and used by a separate local
social unit, perhaps related through kinship.
These sites would have been used by
competing communities during festivals throughout the ritual calendar.
125
Neighboring
groups would have been brought together at various times of the year, which would have
both strengthened social and political networks, but also reinforced the hierarchies within
these networks.
There are far fewer of these small residential and ritual sites within the Chaman
drainage. Apart from San Jose de Moro, the largest Chimu settlement, Site 16, is located
along the northwestern side of Cerro Chepen, which rises just south of the river channel
in the center of the valley (Figure 4.2). The main Chimu occupation of the hill is located
in a larger alluvial fan that stretches across the western flank. Smaller structures and
ceramic scatters can be found along the base of the hill to the north and south. The site
stretches for approximately 600 meters, but the main core occupies around 15 hectares.
The site may have been substantially larger, but much of it has been destroyed by looters
and agricultural expansion. The main structure is an adobe compound measuring 75 by
50 meters, and was probably the residence of the local lord of Chepen. Several smaller
structures are located around it.
Two small adobe platforms can be found north of Cerro Chepen, along the dry
river bed of the Chaman drainage. The first of these sites is located within the small
village of San Sebastian. The platform measures 40 by 12 meters, and 3 meters high, but
the entire structure has been severely damaged. A water tank sits at one end of the
mound, and the platform has been cut by the local road which passes through the town.
Ceramic surface scatters at the site show a definite LIP/LH occupation, and locals claim
that ceramics dating from at least the EIP have also been found within the huaca.
126
A second huaca is located approximately one kilometer south west of San

Sebastian. The entire area between the two structures is cultivated, making it impossible
to determine if they were part of the same settlement complex.
Three other small
rectangular compounds measuring 40-50 meters on a side are located within a 1.5
kilometer radius of these two platforms, and all contain Chimu ceramics on the surface.
Settlement Patterns and Movement in the Chaman Valley

As noted in Chapter 1, the Jequetepeque Valley has had a long history of
interaction with the sierra, especially with the Cajamarca basin in the highlands directly
east of the valley. This interaction began by at least the Early Horizon, and continued
until the arrival of the Spaniards. Large quantities of Cajamarca ceramics, dating to the
late Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon, have been found at the site of San
Jose de Moro in the Chaman Valley. The significance of the presence of these ceramics
at Moro is not entirely clear. They become much more common at the site after the
collapse of the Moche states in the north and south, after ca. AD 750. They are part of an
assemblage of ceramics that have been grouped into a Transitional Period, marking the
time between the Moche and Lambayeque Periods. This period is typified by a diverse
ceramic assemblage in burial contexts. Many old Moche traditions are present, but Wari,
Cajamarca, and other foreign ceramics are quite common. It is not clear if these foreign
ceramics are indicative of the presence of foreigners in the valley, or rather represents an
attempt by elites to reclaim authority through the use of foreign symbols of power
(Bernuy and Bernal 2005; Castillo 2001).
127
Although the Transitional Period is characterized by a diverse ceramic

assemblage, Cajamarca ceramics are by far the most common foreign style. One of the
mysteries of this assemblage is that similar Cajamarca vessels are extremely rare in the
Legend
Town or City
A LIP or Late Horizon Site
Ponamerican Highway
River
Canal
Zi'i Research Areas 1 and
i
I
1
;
!
21
5 Kilometers
ik
Cerro Chepen
Chepen
Tatambo
Research Area 1 .
Figure 4. 3 Map of the Middle Chaman Valley showing Prehispanic roads in the valley.
rest of the valley. This is surprising because San Jose de Moro is located over 10
kilometers from the mouth of the Jequetepeque valley, and the road up to the highlands.
128
Figure 4. 4 Map of the Jequetepeque Valley, showing the Up-Valley sites in the upper Chaman.
While Moro was an important ceremonial site in the valley, it would seem likely that
Cajamarca ceramics would not be restricted to one site and would be present at other sites
in the valley with ceremonial structures.
The presence of Cajamarca ceramics only at San Jose de Moro can be partially
explained by the existence of the road running along the southern margin of the Chaman
Valley. This road, which begins near Calera de Talambo, passes through both research
129
areas examined in this dissertation, and appears to continue further up the valley (Figure
4.3). The course of the road is significant because no major sites are located directly east
of the Talambo canal, once it turns north to cross the Chaman Valley. While much of the
route has been destroyed through erosion, evidence for a pre-Hispanic road continuing
beyond the canal can be seen. The road is visible as a linear feature empty of rocks.
Often times the rocks removed from the road bed are used to line the edges of the road,
which helps to define the route. Two small Late Moche sites sit approximately 5 km east
of the canal, at the south side of the valley, near the base of a broad alluvial fan. They are
not located near any other canal systems. They are located in areas similar to those of the
sites in Research Area 1, and suggest that the road which passes through RA 1 continued
beyond.
The real key to the Cajamarca presence at San Jose de Moro can be found further
to the east, at the neck of the Chaman Valley. A series of large sites is located along a 2km stretch of the southern side of the valley (Figure 4.4). The sites range in age from the
EIP until the Late Horizon. They sit over 15 km east of the Talambo Canal, at an altitude
of 500 meters. Their location is important because they sit just below a narrow pass that
leads to the Jequetepeque Valley. This pass enters the Jequetepeque in the Tembladera
area. Least cost analyses indicate that for most sites within the Chaman, the quickest and
easiest way to reach the Cajamarca Basin is to continue up the Chaman and cross into the
Jequetepeque at the Tembladera pass (Figure 4.5).
130
i^<*f
Figure 4. 5 Least Cost Paths from the Chaman Drainage to the Cajamarca area.
The development and use of anisotropic surface models and least cost paths is an
extremely powerful function accessible through modern Geographic Information Systems
(GIS) software. Least Cost Paths allow an investigator to calculate the easiest way to
move between two points within a particular area. The first step is to create a cost
surface, which is a map containing standardized units of measurement that are given
values base on certain criteria. For the present study, the values represented the ease of
movement through a particular area of the map, based on slope. A cost surface is created
by placing a Digital Elevation Model (DEM) over the region that is going to be studied.
In the case of the Jequetepeque, Chaman and Cajamarca valleys a DEM from the Shuttle
Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) was used.
This DEM which is provided free
through the Global Land Cover Facility (http://glcf.umiacs.umd.edu/data/srtm/), which

provides a 90m raster grid for this region of Peru as well as most regions of the world
outside of the United States. Using this grid the actual terrain slope for different parts of
131
the valley were calculated for each raster square in the DEM and assigned a value. Slope
is easily calculated by one of the tools available in the ARCGIS 9.2 software.
From here Waldo Tobler's (1993) traveling equations were used to calculate the
ease of movement through each square in the grid. Tobler's walking equations are based
on the assumption that an individual can walk four kilometers an hour across level
terrain. His equations then reduce or increase this walking time depending on the slope
of the terrain that is being crossed. The value for ease of movement could be calculated
by looking at other factors such as ground cover and surface material. For example, a
field with a large amount of brush would be much harder to navigate than an open field;
likewise an area with sand dunes would be more of a challenge to navigate than bare
rock. However, for this GIS model slope was the only factor chosen as there is generally
little vegetation in the study area. Once the raster for ease of movement is created, the
least cost path can be calculated. This involves taking two locations on the raster, the
origin square and the destination square, and calculating the lowest value between these
two points using the cost surface. With the computing power of current computers the
GIS program can calculate square by square the lowest value of travel between the two
points.
The least cost paths show that for nearly all sites within the middle portion of the
Chaman Valley, the approach through the Chaman to the pass at Tembladera was a much
shorter path to Cajamarca than travelling through the Jequetepeque. The variety of large
sites in the area indicates that pre-Hispanic people clearly understood the value of this
pass. The Chimu occupation is centered at one large site covering over ten hectares. The
132
main compound at the site measures 350 x 275 m, and numerous residential platforms
can be found around it. Three other large structures have Chimii occupations as well, and
the entire complex of sites stretches for over 3 km.
The valley is high enough at this point that water can be found at the surface of
the river channel, and traces of at least one canal can be found at the south side of the
valley. The size of the canal is comparable with the Talambo Canal found further down
the valley, roughly 3-4 m across and 2.5 m deep. The canal is badly eroded, and only
about 500 m remain, so the total distance the canal originally ran remains unclear.
The presence of these large sites so far up the valley indicates that the Chimii
were interested in controlling access to the Jequetepeque, and had a good deal of
interaction with their neighbors in Cajamarca. This interpretation is supported by the
historical sources that mention the close ties between the coast and the sierra, especially
during the Inka advance in the mid-15th century. According to Cabello Valboa ([1586]
1951: 337), the Chimii emperor Chimii Capac, the last of the great ruler of Chimor,
organized a valiant resistance to the Inkas, and sent troops to Cajamarca to help defend
against the Inkas.
Conclusion
The Chimii conquest of the Jequetepeque brought about important changes in the
economic and political organization of the valley, but not in all aspects of daily life.
During the Middle Horizon, during the Lambayeque culture's florescence, the
Jequetepeque was not politically centralized, despite featuring a large population.
Pacatnamii, the most important Lambayeque site in the valley seems to have been more
133
of a ritual center than a true administrative complex. Rather, the valley was divided into
several polities headed by local lords who competed and interacted with one another in
constantly changing alliances.
Once the Chimu took over, they closed off the old seat of power at Pacatnamu and
expanded what had been a relatively minor site at Farfan into the new regional capital.
Based on the sacrificial offerings of local people, and the relative absence of local
nobility at the site, it is likely that, at least at first, the Chimu takeover of the valley was
not peaceful. One would expect that, given such an apparent animosity between the
conquerors and conquered, there would be more visible signs of Chimu power in the
valley. However, the reverse is actually true. Apart from the reordering of the political
center, there is little in the way of evidence to suggest that the Chimu actively
administered much of the valley. The Talambo Canal, which probably existed in some
form prior to the arrival of the Chimu, was expanded, and the Chimu controlled the flow
of its water from Calera de Talambo, but the majority of the major sites in the valley do
not contain evidence of a Chimu occupation. Rather, local lords were left in place, and
apparently were charged with keeping the peace (see Tschauner 2001).
While many sites contain elements of Chimu material culture, the objects are
primarily portable artifacts such as ceramics, and most local architectural forms
continued to be used, with only minor, Chimu-style modifications (e.g., Sapp 2003,
Swenson 2007). Up-valley sites show that they were concerned with controlling access
to the valley, but apart from Farfan, there are no major Chimu constructions in the valley.
It does not appear that the Chimu took over, or expanded into new parts of the valley to
134
increase agricultural production, as has been noted for other valleys under Chimu control
(see Mackey and Klymyshyn 1992; Moseley 1982). Given the small storage areas and
lack of craft production at Farfan, it seems likely that local lords were responsible for the
organization and collection of tribute that would have been sent back to Chan Chan.
Chimu rule in the Jequetepeque appears to have been largely indirect, relying on
the compliance of local lords to carry out state affairs. A governor and small retinue of
administrators based at Farfan probably dealt with large scale concerns, but most of the
work was carried out without direct oversight. This type of indirect rule has been noted
in other Chimu provinces, especially those north of the Chimu heartland (see Tschauner
2001 for a synopsis of the Lambayeque Valley). The Chimu rule of the Jequetepeque
seems to have been largely peaceful, judging by the lack of fortifications and other
military installations that have been noted for earlier periods, such as the EIP (Swenson
2003). However, in roughly the year 1470, Chimu rule on the North Coast came to an
end, and the Inkas became the new masters of the Jequetepeque. While they had a
relatively low impact on the North Coast as a whole, the Inka presence in the
Jequetepeque was both larger and more intensive than their Chimu predecessors' was.
The next chapters will detail two areas of the Jequetepeque Valley that contain Late
Horizon sites built on previously unoccupied terrain, and explore the changes in
settlement patterns throughout the valley following the Inka conquest.
135

The focus on community, and the creation and elaboration of senses of
community, is an important feature of many archaeological studies. Communities lie at
the intersection between the region and the household, and provide a unique perspective
when studying social change in the wake of culture contact or imperial interactions
(Yeager and Canuto 2000). At the regional level, it can be difficult to study, or even
determine, the segment(s) of society that is most affected by the processes of social
change, because this perspective cannot provide a 'person on the street' view of the
changes that took place. At the other end of the spectrum, the household, and the varied
human agents that make it up, can prove to be an important alternative unit of analysis to
examine culture change (Bermann 1994: 6). However, it is difficult to relate this analysis
to the bigger picture until different households and the processes taking place within
them can be compared and contrasted. Thus, a focus on the community has the potential
to examine changes not apparent at the regional level, and at the same time, study the
ways in which individual households articulate with larger social and political entities.
From this course of study, archaeologists can tackle myriad questions that are
crucial when considering larger processes of culture change but that are often overlooked.
Many previous studies that have taken such an approach have focused on the changes that
took place when a relatively simple society became incorporated into a larger, more
socially and politically complex entity (Bawden 1982; Bermann 1994; D'Altroy and
Hastorf 2001; D'Altroy, et al. 2000; Evans 1985; Falconer 1995; Hastorf and D'Altroy
136
2001; Keatinge 1975; Smith and Price 1994; Stanish 1997; van Dommelen 1998).
However, the same general processes hold true when societies of relatively equal status
merge, as was the case with the Chimu and Inka empires. Thus, from a community
perspective, we wish to understand how the sites in the study areas fit into the regional
economy of the valley. Why were they constructed? What was the composition of the
sites, in terms of population, social class and ethnicity? What goods were produced at the
sites and where were they consumed? Where did residents of the sites get important
resources, such as food, water, and raw materials, and what does that say about their roles
and power within the political and economic structure of the valley?
As noted earlier, most of the archaeological work done at Late Horizon sites on
the North Coast has focused on major political centers. While some of these centers have
been thoroughly excavated, no comparative data are available regarding villages and
hamlets, and we have very little information about the domestic economies of these
smaller sites. This chapter focuses on the analysis of several different archaeological
materials recovered from both excavation and surface collection units at the study sites
found in Research Area 1 (see below for a description of the area). The focus of the
analysis lies primarily with architecture, ceramics, and botanical remains. Architectural
remains are able to shed light on the ethnic and social class structure of communities,
craft production, and other activity areas. Within the study sites, the project has been
interested in examining the presence of defined workshops for craft goods or other
materials that would have been distributed throughout the valley. Likewise, the presence
of different ceramic styles could both indicate the function of different sectors of the
137
communities, and give a relative index of the social status of the inhabitants at the site.
Botanical and faunal remains recovered in archaeological contexts are able to provide
much needed information on domestic lifeways and economies at both the large and
small scale. In addition, these remains can tell us a great deal about other aspects of
community life, such as the activities associated with ceremonies and other public
gatherings.
The rest of the chapter is divided into two sections. The first, which encompasses
the majority of the text, describes Research Area 1 in general; it provides descriptions of
the sites within it, and presents the results from the fieldwork conducted at those sites.
The second half of the chapter discusses some of the more significant implications of
these results, and begins to put Research Area 1 into its larger regional context.
Research Area 1
Research Area 1 (henceforth RA 1) is the larger of the two study areas examined
in this project.
It contains nine Late Horizon archaeological sites spread out over
approximately 1.5 sq km. The sites lay in and around a large quebrada that separates the
Pampa de Calera to the south and the Pampa de Talambo to the north (Figure 5.1). The
majority of the sites in RA 1 cluster around the hillsides at the edges of the quebrada, but
at least two important sites lay near the center. Remnants of a prehistoric road run
through the center of the area, and at least three of the sites in the research area are
single-roomed stations placed at intervals along its course. The road connects the sites to
the secondary administrative center of Calera de Talambo, which controls the intake of
the Talambo canal at the juncture between the Chaman and Jequetepeque Valleys. No
138
other ceramic-bearing sites are located within 3 km of the site cluster, and based on
ceramic analyses, all of the sites within RA 1 appear to date to the Late Horizon. In other
words, the area seems to have been largely uninhabited until the Inka conquest of the
Jequetepeque. At least a dozen lithic sites can be found on the pampas surrounding the
research area, but they all appear to be early archaic sites and not associated with the later
occupation.
Figure 5.1 Map of Research Area 1 (source: Servicio Aerofotographico National de Peru)
The nine sites in RA 1 were first recorded during archaeological field surveys in
2001. The sites are all relatively small and feature field stone pirka walls that probably
supported thatched upper walls and roofs in the past. Pirka constructions are defined by
two walls of coursed or uncoursed masonry with a rubble core. They vary in size from
single-room outposts located along the road, to a small village of about 2.5 ha. There are
139
several different kinds of sites, including the aforementioned villages and outposts, as
well as at least one cemetery and sites with more obscure functions.
The area has been heavily eroded by multiple ENSO events, and several deep
channels have been cut into the alluvial deposits of the quebrada. Although the majority
of the sites in RA 1 are located along the quebrada's margins, most are damaged to some
degree. The level of disturbance is related to both the sites' locations and the quality of
the constructions found within them. The villages are relatively well built, with strong
rock walls, while some of the smaller sites are more ephemeral.
Site 46 (Figure 5.2) is the largest site studied in this dissertation, and contains
public, domestic, and industrial sectors. About 100 residents probably called the site
home, although the number could have been higher (see below). Given its size and
organization, it would have been the focal point for people living in the surrounding area.
Buildings typically feature pirka fieldstone construction techniques. These stone walls
were on average 80 cm thick at the base and 1.1 - 1.3 m high. Evidence shows that they
supported upper walls made of cane and thatched roofs. The shape and quality of the
constructions vary from compound to compound. Some are well-built and laid out at
roughly cardinal directions, while others are poorly constructed and sometimes have
irregular, or even round shapes.
Site 46 covered around 3 ha when it was occupied, although parts of the site
have been completely destroyed by erosion. This site consists of 17 architectural sectors
that stretch east to west along the northern margin of the large quebrada where the sites of
140
RA 1 are located. The quebrada is marked by two large channels that seem to have been
active during the last ENSO event in 1998. The more northerly of these two channels has
washed away an untold portion of Site 46 as several rooms are cut where they contact the
channel. The wash is 30-50 m wide, so it is possible that a significant segment of the site
was lost. Much of the western sectors of the site has also been damaged by modern
workers who mine the region for stones used to make cement blocks. Nonetheless, the
site is sufficiently well preserved for us to understand how it was organized. Seven
sectors of the site were excavated, and seven additional surface collections were taken
over the rest of the site.
Twelve of the 17 architectural sectors of the site are domestic units. These units
feature four to eight rooms laid out around an open plaza area. Domestic residence units
are similar in layout, but vary greatly in size and in the quality of the masonry. Areas 1 10, which comprise the core of the site, are the most well-preserved sectors and were the
target of the excavations.
Areas 1 and 5 were the most extensively excavated.
Preservation at the site is varied, in part because of moisture seeping into the thin sandy
overburden during El Nino events. As a consequence, the sites did not contain a large
quantity of organic artifacts besides carbonized plants and other remains from hearths and
other cooking features. Floors were also not well preserved in many rooms.
The site is a single component site, and appears to have undergone little
remodeling during its occupation.
Generally, there was a single occupation surface
below thin lenses of fine alluvium and windblown sand. The floors were directly on top
of sterile alluvial sand and gravel. Excavations at the site were generally shallow, rarely
141
exceeding 40 cm in depth. During excavation, it was not uncommon to find several

layers with thin surfaces, which probably reflect small precipitation events.
These
surfaces indicate that the rooms slowly filled with sand over the course of many decades
or centuries. In many cases, all that remained of the floors was a layer of yellow-brown
sand sandwiched between the sterile alluvium below and windblown sands above. Most
of the artifacts recovered at the site were found within this layer.
A total of 238 m were excavated, mostly in large block units that exposed
architecture and surfaces both inside and outside the structures. The thin deposition of
fill allowed for large areas to be excavated relatively quickly. All excavated materials
were screened with 1/4" screen, except features, which were screened with 1/16" screen.
Floatation samples were taken from all features, such as hearths, ash lenses, and pits, as
well as from floor surfaces. Botanical and faunal materials were analyzed by Dr. Victor
Velazquez and Theresa Rosales of the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueobiologicas y
Paleoecologicas Andinas at the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, in Trujillo, Peru. In
addition to the excavations, seven 5 x 5 m surface collections were taken from
unexcavated areas to be used as a comparative sample.
,f
Q
"*?\S^Y^
T~V
>--v
&
Figure 5. 2 Map of Site 46
143
Area 1
Area 1 (Figure 5.3) is the public center of the village. It is located at the northern
end of the site, up against a natural alluvial bench.
The natural bench has been
formalized by a long retaining wall reaching 35 m in length and about 1 m in height.

While not the largest individual sector, it contains the most elaborate and well-built
constructions at the site. Rock walls were built with small field stones, and set in place
with mortar. In some rooms, the walls have small chinking stones that may have been a
decorative element. The masonry is by far the most impressive at the site. Excavations in
the area targeted several different rooms, and revealed two kitchens where both food and
perhaps chicha were prepared, and evidence for feasting or other forms of ceremonial
hospitality.
144
On top of the bench, a single enclosure (Room 2) measuring three by seven

meters occupies the far eastern end, while the central and western portions remain open.
The bench is accessed by a staircase in the center of the retaining wall. A total of 24 m2
in two blocks was excavated from both inside and outside the room (Figure 5.3). The
interior of the room was essentially clean.
Flooding from the hillside above had
destroyed much of the floor, but it was still visible in some areas. The room seems to
have served a domestic function, and may have been part of the residence for the local
noble. The majority of the ceramic remains were cooking and serving vessels, and a
number of bones from fish and guinea pig, as well as shellfish were also found.
Immediately outside the room, and adjacent to the western wall, was a small hearth
(Feature 18) that measured 65 cm in diameter. It was a circular depression about 30 cm
deep, and contained a reddish-brown soil matrix. The flotation sample contained the
remains of two species: two bones from Sardinops sagax sagax, the sardine, a small
marine fish, and 33 pieces of carbonized cobs of Zea mays, or maize. In addition, three
seeds of cotton were also recovered.
At the base of the wall there is a walled enclosure measuring 11m square (Room
1). It lies directly below the room on top of the bench, and the two are connected by a
door in the northwest corner of the large enclosure, which leads to the stairway
mentioned above. This room was the central feature of the sector. Unlike the majority of
145
Figure 5. 4 Feature 21 from Site 46 Area 1
the other rooms in the site, it does not appear that it was roofed. The walls are thick, 1.3
m wide at the base, and, judging by rock fall, were at most 1 m tall. This is lower than
other walls in the site and suggests that while delineated, the area was not segregated
visually from the rest of the site. The most interesting feature found within the enclosure
was a small, stone-lined basin in the floor near the center of the western wall, Feature 21
(Figure 5.4). The basin was circular and about 40 cm across. It was filled with a fine,
ashy silt that contained large numbers of fish bones, mostly flounder and perch, and some
fragments of maize kernels. There was no direct evidence for in situ burning, as no
charcoal was present in the fill, nor did the lining stones or surrounding floor surface
show any effect from heating. While the function of the basin remains unclear, it may
146
have been used to receive food offerings. Similar basins and small canals have been
described for Inka sites in the highlands (Bauer 1998; Bauer and Stanish 2001), although
none has been cited for plaza areas at Chan Chan, nor at Batan Grande or other
Lambayeque sites.
Ceramic types in Site 46 Area 1
:Olla
.-
k:-'b^.v-
' $t.' -jj' v
AL.' r
l H 9 B ^ i S H K
JT
wmmmmsffl
f
|^^pBWHgg'? Jt'
Cantaro
. P\aie
at Paica
Figure 5. 5 Ceramic types in Site 46 Area 1
To the west of the main enclosure are two smaller rooms, each of which measures
4x8 m. Both were excavated and proved to be kitchens. A large central hearth was the
main feature in each room and large amounts of botanical remains, as well as cooking
and serving vessels, were recovered in both instances. The first kitchen was located
directly to the west of the large enclosure. The hearth, Feature 20, was over 1 m in
diameter and reached a depth of 38 cm. Ash and charcoal covered a good part of the
147
floor area around it. It was located in the center of the room near the wall adjoining the
main enclosure. On top of the hearth were fragments from several bowls and ollas which
had been used as cooking vessels. Within Area 1, ollas (cooking pots, 49%) and serving
plates (25%) were the most common vessel forms, followed by cantaros (storage jars,
12%) and large tinajas (14%) (Figure 5.5) as measured by rim frequency.
These
percentages show that the area was heavily involved in cooking and food preparation.
Taxa
Annona muricata
Phaseolus vulgaris
Persea americana
Zea mays
Unidentified Seeds
Acacia sp.
Gossypium barbadense
Solanum sp.
Scutalus proteus
Donax obesulus
Cavia porcellus
Common
Name
Guanabana
Bean
Avocado
Maize
Acacia
Cotton
Land Snail
Clam
Guinea Pig
Counts
20
1
3
23
3
1
5
6
6
15
5
Table 5.1. Botanical and faunal remains from Site 46, Feature 20.
This conclusion is backed by the analysis of the faunal and botanical remains
from Feature 20. The feature contained a diverse array of plant and animal species, most
of which were common foodstuffs in pre-Hispanic times. Following the results from the
samples taken from the floor of the plaza, the fill of the hearth contained the carbonized
remnants of maize, beans, squash, chilies, avocado, and, importantly, large numbers of
guanabana seeds (Annona muricata).
The bones of several species of saltwater and
freshwater fish, shellfish, and guinea pig were also recovered (Table 5.1).
148
The other hearth, Feature 24, located further to the west of Feature 20, was
slightly different in its composition. While it was of similar size to Feature 20, a greater
proportion of the remains were of maize and Guanabana. Other common foods, such as
anchovy and flounder, as well as chilies, avocados, guinea pigs and cotton seeds were
identified, but 40% of the remains were of these other two plants. This ecofactual
assemblage suggests that this area may have been used more in the preparation of chicha
than cooking other types of food. Such an interpretation is supported by the ceramic
assemblage, which contained fewer serving vessels, and more storage jars, including the
only complete ceramic recovered at the site.
Area 1 contained the largest concentration of food remains found at Site 46
(Table 5.2). One hundred and forty-four botanical specimens from 10 species and 378
non-mollusk specimens from 15 species were recovered in excavations. Two thousand
eight hundred and fifty shells of Donax obesulus were also found. Most of these remains
came from material found on top of floors or other surfaces within the plaza and rooms
on top of the platforms. Large quantities of both firewood and subsistence remains were
found within Area 1. In excavated contexts, two plant species dominate the assemblage,
maize and Guanabana. Forty-seven specimens of maize and 56 specimens of Guanabana
were recovered, 95% of the 108 specimens from food related plants. The presence of
Guanabana in association with maize is interesting, because historical sources indicate
that this fruit was used to make certain kinds of chicha (Bonavia, et al. 2004; Jerry D.
Moore 1989; G. E. Nicholson 1960). This suggests that at least one of the functions of
Area 1 involved the production of this important beverage.
Faunal Taxa
Canis familiaris
Common
Name
Count
Domestic
Dog
Acacia sp.
Acacia
23
Annona muricata
Guanabana
56
Capparis angulata
Sapote
47
Capparis ovalifolia
Sapote
11
cf. Crotalaria sp.
Weed
Cucurbita
moschata
Squash
Guinea
Pig
Chiton
Cavia porcellus
Chiton cumingsii
149
Cynoscion analis
Peruvian
Weakfish
Donax obesulus
Clam
Galeichthys
Peruvianus
Peruvian
Sea
Catfish
Hypollobocera sp.
Lizard
Lagidium Peruanum
Vischacha
Lama sp.
1597
Botanical Taxa
Common
Name
Count
1
Cotton
Gossypium
barbadense
Persea americana
Avocado
Camelid
35
Phaseolus vulgaris
Bean
Muridae
Rodent
10
Prosopis pallida
Mesquite
Paralonchurus
Peruanus
Banded
Croaker
94
Zea mays
Maize
Sciaena deliciosa
Unidentified Bird
Croaker
Land
Snail
Mussel
-
Unidentified Fish
Unidentified Mammal
23
Scutalus proteus
Semimytilus algosus
47
1
29
1
1
Table 5. 2. Faunal and Botanical Taxa present in Area 1, Site 46.
Of the non-mollusk excavated faunal remains, the majority are fish bones,
primarily from the Banded Croaker, a type of perch. Fish bones account for fully 46% of
this assemblage. Other important species are camelids (13.9% of the assemblage) and
guinea pigs (20.1%). A few bones from unidentified fish and mammals, as well as bones
150
from feral dogs and some wild animals were found, but for the exception of the
unidentified mammals (13.9%), they are not a significant part of the assemblage.
The wide diversity of plant and animal remains found in Area 1 clearly shows that
cooking and eating were important activities carried out there. Two flotation samples
taken from the floor of the plaza show that feasting, as well as chicha production,
probably took place within the plaza itself.
A wide variety of food remains were
recovered in the float samples, including terrestrial and marine mollusks (Scutalus sp.,
Tegula sp., and Donax sp.), anchovy, guinea pig, as well as guava fruits and maize.
These food remains occur in conjunction with large numbers of cooking and serving
vessels, which supports the assertion that Area 1 was used primarily for public feasts and
other important events.
1
'
Site 46 Ama2
; 0
'-
r> i * r /
Feature 7v
PI
9
'
. s;
i "
<J
b
Feature 2 '
ft
0 12
Meters
i .-"'
151
Areas 2 and 3
Area 2 is one of several domestic residence units found at Site 46 (Figure 5.6). Of
the 17 architectural sectors, at least 10 are thought to be domestic dwellings. The size of
the units varies by as much as 50%, but the construction and layout are all very similar.
Generally, each residence block consists of between 5 and 10 rooms laid out around an
open patio space. The patio was further defined by low rock walls which may have held
cane supports and a roof. Floors were not well preserved, and may not have been
formally made. Area 2 is laid out in an "L" shape, with the long axis running east/west.
It contains seven small internal rooms, which vary from three to eight m in area. The
main patio space is on the western end of the compound, and is defined on its southern
and western perimeters by a well built stone wall. Another room, which was not fully
enclosed, is located at the northern end of the compound.
Architecturally, the walls were much more crudely constructed here than in Area
1. Many of the rooms are not perfectly square, and most incorporate large, naturally
placed boulders for some of the foundation stones. The stone sections of the walls were
still about 1.2 m tall, but the interior walls of the rooms were uneven and not as finely
constructed as those in Area 1. Walls in other domestic sectors of the site were better
made, but there was little variation in the types and quality of artifacts found within them,
especially with respect to ceramics and food remains. The small size and rural location
of the site makes it unlikely that the inhabitants were extremely socially stratified, so as a
whole, families probably did not have access to material culture of differing quality.
152
What differences in status there were could have been expressed through architecture.
This may account for some of the variation within the site.
Excavations in Area 2 targeted three enclosed rooms, as well as the main patio
and the other partially open room on the north end. The walls and floors are not well
preserved because of the area's proximity to the large quebrada formed during the last El
Nino event. The rock walls were very dilapidated, and no intact floor surfaces were
found. Nonetheless, several features were identified and large numbers of artifacts were
recovered from the excavations. In general, ash lenses and artifact deposits were found in
a layer of yellow sand on top of sterile soil and below the rock fall of the walls. This
seems to have been the prehistoric ground surface that has deteriorated and has
subsequently been buried by wall collapse.
Excavations in two of the enclosed rooms showed elements typical of domestic
residences. Ceramics were generally plain-wares, decorated only with palletada imprints
or simple slipped lines and dots. The majority were ollas and plates, although some large
storage jars, such as cantaros were also found. No large tinaja fragments were recovered
in Area 2. These vessels are associated with chicha production, and it may not have been
brewed in large quantities in this household. The botanical and faunal remains recovered
during excavations seem to support the idea that these areas were domestic residences.
Excavations and flotation samples recovered a variety of plant and animal remains typical
of domestic settings. The samples included maize, chilies, peanuts, avocado, guinea pig
and fish, and shellfish remains. Two soil samples were taken from the fill of rooms and
153
open spaces. The samples contained a broad array of both botanical and faunal remains.
Seeds from cotton, maize, Guanabana, beans, and chilies or tomatoes were the most
Faunal Taxa
Cavia porcellus
Donax obesulus
Engraulis
ringens
Hypollobocera
sp.
Common
Name
Guinea
Pig
Clam
Anchovy
Crab
Lama sp.
Camelid
Muridae
Rodent
Paralonchurus
Peruanus
Passeriform
Banded
Croaker
Bird
Marine
Snail
Sardine
Croaker
Land Snail
Pupoides sp.
Sardinops sagax
Sciaenidae
Scutalus proteus
Semimytilus
algosus
Tegula atra
Trichomycterus
sp.
Unidentified fish
Unidentified
Mammal
Lizard
Marine
Snail
Catfish
-
Counts
3
487
3
1
3
14
8
1
1
3
1
66
Botanical
Taxa
Acacia sp.
Annona
muricata
Capparis
angulata
Encelia sp.
Gossypium
barbadense
Phaseolus
vulgaris
Common
Name
Acacia
Guanabana
Sapote
Wild Flower
Cotton
Bean
Solanum sp.
Ground
Cherry
-
Zea mays
Maize
Physalis sp.
Counts
1
3
5
1
9
2
2
1
99
10
5
1
14
9
Table 5. 3. Botanical and Faunal remains from Site 46, Area 2.
common. Additionally, the remains of camelids, guinea pigs, anchovy and sardine bones
as well as marine and freshwater mollusks were recovered. Fragments of Scutalus, a
snail still eaten on the coast, were found in the heavy fractions of the soil samples and in
excavated contexts. Smaller snail species were also found, species that typically live in
154
marshy areas, and may have been brought to the site in vegetation used in the
construction of the walls and roofs of the structures.
A corner hearth (Feature 2) and two other ash lenses were found in some of the
rooms. The features were small concentrations of ash which were found at the contact
between room fill and sterile soil. Prepared floors were not preserved in these rooms, and
were probably destroyed due to weathering and erosion. It was first hypothesized that
these ash lenses may be from burned material from the walls and roof of the structures, as
there were few visible botanical or faunal remains in them. However, the flotation
samples recovered contained a wide variety of both food and economic remains. There
was a variety of marine animals, including clams and mussels, snails, sardines,
anchovies, flounder, perch and some other unidentified fish bones (Table 5.3). Land
snails were also found.
There were large numbers of botanical elements recovered,
mainly food plants, such as maize, guanabana and beans. Additionally, cotton and two
species of firewood were also represented. These flotation samples show that instead of
burned roof collapse, the features were probably remnants of hearths or other cooking
features that were damaged by erosion and flooding after the site was abandoned. The
remains point to a typical coastal diet, and suggest that weaving/textile production was
also carried out at the site. Two ceramic spindle whorls found in another room further
show that weaving took place within the compound.
Excavations in the main patio recovered few artifacts, with the exception of some
shells of Donax sp., a marine mollusk still consumed on the coast today. The low walls
and large open area left no wall fall to protect artifacts, and some may have been washed
155
away during El Nino events. The other open room may have served as a utility/storage
area. The room was walled on three sides, but completely open on the north end. The
eastern and western walls were low, and it is unclear if the room was roofed. A stonelined pit (Feature 7) was found in the center of the room. The pit was approximately 55
cm deep, with four courses of stonework. At the bottom of the pit were the remains of a
Figure 5. 7 Feature 7, Site 46 Area 2
large cantaro, a type usually associated with the storage of liquids. It is assumed that the
feature was a water or chicha storage pit. The flotation sample did not recover much in
the way of botanical specimens, except for two fragments of maize.
However, 78
156
fragments of Scutalus land snails were found within the fill of the feature. They were
scattered throughout the fill, however, and were apparently deposited after the pit was no
longer used.
Area 3 is similar to Area 2 in its layout, but is only about half the size (Figure
5.8). The compound is located just to the west of Area 2, and is laid out in a "U" that
opens to the north. The largest room is on the western side, with four smaller rooms laid
out around it. The sector abuts the same channel that has damaged Area 2 and other parts
of the site, and it appears that at least one additional room may have been washed away.
157
Like Area 2, the preservation in Area 3 is poor. No intact floors were found and no
macrobotanical or faunal remains were recovered from the excavation.
Only one room was excavated in Area 3, the large Room 1 on the western side.
Six square meters were excavated within it, and two square meters were opened to the
south, in the northern half of Room 2. Two soil samples were taken from inside the
room. The samples contained a broad array of both botanical and faunal remains. Seeds
from cotton, maize, Guanabana, beans, and chilies or tomatoes were found. Guinea pigs,
anchovy and sardine bones as well as marine and freshwater mollusks were the main
faunal elements recovered in both samples.
Area 5
Area 5 was a very interesting part of the site, and was quite different in layout
from other architectural compounds in the study area. The structure contains five rooms,
three main rooms of varying sizes with the smallest to the west and the largest to the east,
and two small buildings located in the rear. These smaller rooms are located on the edge
of the modern quebrada channel, and have been damaged by both water erosion and
modern looting. Like Area 1, the walls do not use large naturally-placed boulders, except
in one corner. They are made with small field stones placed with mortar, and the rooms
are straight-walled and rectangular (Figure 5.9). Excavations were carried out in all three,
and in the area immediately outside the structure. Evidence from the ceramic assemblage
and several excavated features suggest that the building was a chicha beer brewery.
158
z Feature 13
1
Feature 23 ^
;
ID
"~s
9
i
/ .t
1 ]Y r
'
:.:
'
";. f
# *
-.
Site 46 Area 5
; '
-"
'
&
. . ; . : : '
ii.
r
3 4
'-'
- -
1*3
-\
!>
0T2
is
Botanical and faunal evidence from excavated contexts point to a dual use area
for the compound. Like most of the other excavated areas in Site 46, there were few
macrobotanical elements recovered during excavation from floor contexts. Only a few
fragments of cotton seeds and maize were recovered.
Faunal remains were more
prevalent, and as with most other parts of the site, the main species represented were
marine mollusks like Donax, marine fish, and guinea pig. Four flotation samples were
taken from above floors. In addition to some wild grasses, elements of amaranth, chilies,
and maize were recovered. These results parallel the macrofaunal remains, and suggest
that food consumption took place in the compound.
159
Figure 5.10 Site 46, Area 5 Room 2
While the compound is of a similar size to Areas 2 and 3, and other presumed
domestic areas, its layout is quite different. There is no large open plaza area, and the
largest room, Room 3, is much larger than any other room in other domestic areas. The
unusual layout, coupled with intriguing flotation samples and ceramic assemblages
recovered from feature contexts, suggest the area served as a brewery.
The smaller and western most of the three main rooms was evidently the
preparation room. It is only 4 m square, but contained several important features. In the
doorway in the northeast corner, is a large grinding stone built into the wall. The
grinding surface is over 60 cm across, and the surface is well polished. A large hearth
(Feature 23, Figure 5.10) was located 1.5 m to the south. It was well defined and 30 ms
160
deep. Within the fill was a large amount of charcoal, mostly from local Acacia sp. trees,
and numerous carbonized maize cobs.
Figure 5.11 Site 46 Feature 23 (a hearth) in the foreground with a large grinding slick behind it.
The central room in Area 5 was the fermentation room. The floor was well
preserved here, and several circular imprints were found along the walls. These imprints
fit the bottom of the large tinaja ceramics, which were used in the preparation of chicha
(Moore 1989). A cache of burned and broken ceramics was found on the outside of the
northern wall of the room. This feature (Feature 13) contained fragments from at least 25
different vessels, comprising five different type forms. The majority of the fragments
161
were from large and small ollas, and very large tinajas. Some of these had a mouth
diameter approaching one meter. There were also several fragments of cantaros, large,
close-necked storage vessels, as well as deep and large mixing bowls (Figure 5.11). This
assemblage is very similar to other caches of ceramics associated with chicha brewing
Ceramic Type Frequency Site 46 Area 5

Feature 13
Unknown
Hjte
Pd.td
3% 2%
'*
Cantaro
36%
Figure 5.12 Frequency of Ceramic Types from Feature 13, Site 46 Area 5.
found in the Jequetepeque (L. J. Castillo, personal communication, 2006; C. Mackey,

personal communication, 2006). A large soil sample was taken from the fill of the
feature, which was dark and appeared to have a high organic content. Although a few
bones from anchovy and some fragments of land snails were found, the fill contained a
large number of maize elements, and contained some cotton seeds as well. The area may
have served as a dump for both broken ceramics and the maize leftover from the brewing
process.
162
The eastern room is the largest of the three main rooms. The major feature in this
room is a large bench in the northeast corner. It measures 2.5x1.0 m and is about 50 cm
high. It is defined by several large stones and the fill consists of dirt and debris. There
was no prepared surface on the bench, but it was littered with fragments of liquid storage
vessels. The ceramic assemblage at Area 5 is slightly different than other areas. There
are fewer cooking ollas and plates, and a higher frequency of large storages jars. This
would be expected in a chicha brewery. The fill from Room 3 contained a large quantity
of botanical materials. Maize and guanabana were by far the most common, with these
two species comprising the majority of the botanical remains from the site as well. Some
other food preparation may have also taken place in the room, as a small hearth was
located at the western end. The fill was similar to other hearths across the site, and
contained the remains of a variety of both terrestrial and marine resources. Three small
ash lenses were found within Room 3, near the doorway to Room 2. They were all
within a meter of each other, and seem to be from the same feature. All three contained
seeds from wild plants, as well as amaranth and chilies. Several fragments of the marine
mollusk Donax were also recovered. The majority of the remains in these features,
however, were maize cobs and seeds.
Areas 7 and 8
Areas 7 and 8 are the two largest architectural units in Site 46, and form the core
of the site (Figure 5.13). They are a mass of agglutinated rooms between Areas 1 and 5,
separated from each other by a narrow pathway. Unlike most of the other architectural
163
compounds at the site, many of the rooms in these areas are not square, but instead are
round, oval and irregularly shaped. Some of these structures are small rooms that may
0 1 2
fettas
Figure 5.13 Site 46 Areas 7 and 8
have been utility rooms, but several of the largest and most well built rooms are also
irregularly shaped. The room sizes are similar to other parts of the site, but there are no
enclosed patios, as there are in other domestic areas. As such, it is not clear how this part
of the site functioned. One of the consequences of the irregular room design is that the
standard orientation of the site, which is common in LIP and LH sites throughout the
valley, is much less apparent. Typically, rooms have an orientation of approximately 25
east of north. This alignment is present in several of the domestic sectors of Site 46, as
well as Areas 1 and 5, but areas 7 and 8 feature more haphazard layouts.
164
Although the rooms are located away from the channel that has cut through other
parts of the site, much of the area has been disturbed by local residents who take rocks
from wall foundations. The rocks are ground up at a nearby rock quarry and are used to
make cement bricks. The average length of a stone in the first course of masonry walls at
the site is 40 cm. It appears that this size is ideal for the quarry, as many of the walls
have been damaged by quarry men. Several large trucks have been brought to the site to
help in this process, and as a result, many of the walls in areas 7 and 8 have been run over
and knocked down. The preservation then, in this part of the site is not ideal.
Area 7 contains 15 separate rooms, which vary in size from 6 to 40 m2. Within
the room block, there appear to be at least three separate structures. Each has its own
entrances and all are closed off from one another. Excavations focused on the first
structure, which contains rooms 1, 2, 3, 13 and 15. A long trench was excavated through
rooms 2 and 3. Room 2 was chosen for further excavation because of its large size,
relatively intact walls, and because of its unique shape, roughly in the form of an upper
case D, with the curved wall on the southern, exterior part of the room.
During excavations, large numbers of Donax shells were recovered, as well as
marine fish such as flounder. A few seeds of maize and lucuma were also found. Three
soil samples were taken from the yellow soil which seemed to be the old floor surface,
and from a small ash lens (Feature 22) located in the northwest corner of the room.
Unfortunately, they were lost by the laboratory conducting the analysis of this project.
While this setback makes an exact determination of the structure difficult, it would seem
that it probably held some sort of domestic function.
165
Area 8 contains eight rooms, most of which are relatively large in comparison
with the rest of the site. Three rooms, Rooms 1, 2, 7, and 8, are smaller than only two
other rooms in the entire site. Unfortunately, as in Area 7, and other parts of the site,
many of the rooms in Area 8 are severely damaged due to workers removing rocks for
use in concrete blocks. Three rooms in Area 8 were excavated, Rooms 2, 5, and 6.
Room 2 is a large rectangular east/west running room located in the center of the
compound. Rooms 5 and 6 are two smaller rooms located just to the north. They appear
to have once been a single room which was later bisected by a low stone wall. This wall
has relatively little wall fall around it, much less than the main walls of the structure, and
thus seems to have never been very high. The two rooms are accessed by Room 2 to the
south, and are open to the rest of the site to the north.
A 2-m wide trench was put through the middle of Room two, and continued north
through the two smaller rooms. There was very little fill in Room 2, and sterile soil was
reached at just 10 cm below ground surface. The southern wall is very badly eroded, and
has collapsed down onto the rooms to the south, which lay 1.1 m below Room 2. No
botanical or faunal remains were collected during excavation, but a flotation sample
recovered a few bones of anchovy as well as seeds of cotton and acacia. Rooms 5 and 6
were quite small, only about two meters square each.
During excavations, several
fragments of maize seeds and cobs were recovered, and a flotation sample taken from
Room 5 also contained a number of maize remains. Besides wild grass seeds and some
fragments of land snail, these were the only artifacts found within the two rooms. This
leads to the idea that the rooms may have been used as storage bins for storing maize.
166
Surface Collections
In addition to the excavated described above, six surface collections were taken
from Areas 1 4 - 1 7 , which lay at the western end of the site. Areas 14 - 16 are presumed
to be domestic compounds, based on their layout and ceramic assemblages. Area 14
appears to contain a single residential unit, while Areas 15 and 16 are most likely made
up of at least two separate houses each. Unfortunately, these structures have been
o
%^
r * * Site 46 Afsas 14-17
&
'-K!
<
m
*%#*
* H
. ***
*^ ^
Scavcition Unit
floor
-Surface Coi&xôf'i
ôoro Number
t """""
.4-.
Figure 5.14 Site 46 Areas 14-17
seriously damaged by rock collectors and large vehicles. Much of area 15 is completely
destroyed. The outline of several rooms are visible, but were difficult to map, and so are
only included at an area enclosed by a dashed line on the site map (Figure 5.14). It is
possible that Area 15 contained up to four distinct residences.
167
Each structure contains between five and eight rooms organized around an open
area. Because of the poor preservation, the open patios were not as well defined in this
part of the site. The structures, however, were very similar to other parts of the site.
They are all constructed with pirka stone walls that probably stood about one meter high
and would have had thatched upper walls and roofs. Five of the six surface collections in
this part of the site were taken from Areas 14 - 16. Two surface collections were placed
in Areas 14 and 15, and one was placed in Area 16. The ceramic assemblages were
consistent with other domestic areas at Site 46. A total of 216 ceramic fragments were
recovered in the five surface collections. Almost all of the diagnostic rim fragments were
from ollas (44%) and plates (42%), while storage jars accounted for only 12% of the
collection. Large tinajas made up only 2% of the sample. These percentages are very
similar to other domestic sectors at the site, and further suggest that these were residential
areas. In addition to the ceramics, the surface of these structures also contained shells
from Donax sp, the marine bivalve common in domestic areas throughout the North
Coast.
Area 17 sits to the north of Areas 14 - 16, and may have been a storage area.
This sector is located on a steeply sloping hillside, and consists of a series of small
platforms, as well as a single, very large platform near the bottom. A total of at least six
small platforms are located approximately seven meters above the quebrada floor. Each
of the platforms is defined by a stone retaining wall, usually about four or five courses
high. The platforms are all small, but vary widely in their size, from about one square
meter to five square meters. None of them is large enough to have been a residential unit.
168
At the bottom of the hill slope, approximately two meters above the quebrada floor, is a
large platform that has been partially carved into the hill side. The room measures 7.5 m
north to south, and five m east to west. The western, open side of the platform is defined
by a retaining wall made of two courses of enormous boulders, averaging 85 cm across.
The northern portion of the wall has been washed out by flooding, but the rest is intact.
The back of the platform has been made by the removal of at least one meter of
horizontal hill slope, leaving a large cut along the hill. There are few artifacts on the
surface, except for ceramic fragments.
A 5x5 m surface collection recovered 57
fragments. All were pieces of large storage jars and tinajas.
Surface Collection Sites
Site 20
Site 20 is a small domestic site located just outside the quebrada that contains the
majority of the sites in Research Area 1. It contains a total of four domestic compounds,
as well as several smaller structures spread over an area of 1.5 hectares. Unlike the other
sites in the area, much of Site 20 is relatively well preserved. It is situated on top of a
small alluvial hill, at the base of short yet steeply inclined peak. Site 20 is located in a
strategic position with respect to the southern part of the Chaman Valley. The site has a
commanding view of most of the southern part of the valley, including the area near the
sites of Calera de Talambo and Farfan to the south and west. The spur road that runs
through the southern portion of the valley passes directly in front of the site, about 100
meters to the west. Two small structures, Sites 19 and 21 lie directly on the path of the
169
Site 20
Surtac Ceifection
Aiea
Surface Caiecliors *
Soorr- number
..
-*j
3CC
'L3n
Surface Codec, lion 4

j ^ /
Area 2
ft
Aiea 1
Cofectk3n#%
Figure 5.15 Site 20
road and seem to function as control points for people moving through the area. The two
sites are located approximately 800 m apart, and lay to the north and south of Site 20.
These three sites together are located at the northern end of Research Area 1, and seem to
guard access to the area, as well as control people moving further to the north, towards
Research Area 2. As will be discussed in the next chapter, at least two other small
structures lay along the road at the south end of RA 2.
170
Although some of the smaller structures have been damaged due to erosion, most
of the domestic units are intact. Like other sites in RA 1, the structures at Site 20 feature
pirka fieldstone walls.
Site 20 was extensively mapped, and total of seven surface
collections were taken from the residential units.
Although the site has not been
extensively damaged by erosion, there were relatively few artifacts on the surface, and it
is most likely that the site was occupied for only a brief period of time. Nonetheless, it
was clear that, based on these collections, the site functioned as some type of residential
area. The ceramic assemblages are consistent with domestic areas found at Site 46 (see
below). The shells of the marine bivalve Donax sp. litter the ground around the center of
the site, another indication that domestic activities took place at the site.
Areas 1-4
The main portion of the site consists of four domestic structures, each of which is
a series of small rooms and large patio areas. Area 1 is the largest and most wellpreserved of the residential units. The entire structure consists of four platforms and four
interior rooms, and measures approximately 9x12 m. The unit sits atop a ridge, and has
not been significantly damaged by water erosion; however, two looters pits have
disturbed some of the interior of the structure. The walls are all made from stacked field
171
Site 20 Vessel Type Frequency
Figure 5.16 Site 20 Vessel Type Frequency
stones held together by a sandy mortar. They are approximately 75 cm thick at the base,
and contain a rubble core. One of the walls in Area 1 was intact, and stands at 1.25 m
tall. Based on estimates from rockfall around other collapsed walls, this appears to be the
average height for walls at all the sites in RA 1. It seems unlikely that that the roof would
have been directly attached to the stone wall, and there was likely a cane or reed
superstructure above the stone foundation. This type of architecture has been noted for
other sites in the North Coast (Bawden 1982b; Shimada 1994).
Areas 2-4 are not as well preserved, but the same architectural features can be
seen. Areas 2 and 3 in particular feature several interior rooms organized around central
open areas. The domestic compounds themselves are relatively closely spaced, usually
lying just a few meters from each other. Five surface collections were placed within the
core of the site, one each in Areas 1 and 3, and three in Area 3. A total of 776 ceramic
172
fragments were recovered from the five areas. The majority of the fragments are cooking
pots (52%), with some plates (11%) and storage vessels (jars 15%; tinajas 22%) also
present.
Immediately to the north and south of Areas 1 -4 are two stone platforms located
at the top of ridges. Both are formed by low stone retaining walls one to two courses
high. The platform to the north is square, measuring five meters on a side, while the one
to the south is oval, measuring 7 m along the long axis and 5 m wide. A few fragments
of ceramic vessels are at each structure, but there are no other features associated with
them. Their exact function in unclear, but they hold the best views of the site, and can
monitor the approaches to the core of the site. It seems most likely that they are some
type of lookout posts, used to monitor people approaching the site.
Areas 5 and 6
A narrow, steep quebrada lies to the north of Areas 1-4. The south side of the
channel is a steep alluvial hillside, and several short retaining walls have been built at the
base. It does not appear that they were any sort of platforms or structures, and instead,
may have been used to hold back the loose silty sand of the hillside. Area 5 is located in
the center of the channel. It is a series of eight partially agglutinated rooms. The rooms
are all small, only 2-4 m2, and are built with a few courses of loosely stacked stones. It
does not appear that the rooms were domestic structures. A 5><5 m surface collection was
located directly south of the area, at the bottom of the hill slope. Eight rim fragments
from cooking pots were recovered, but none showed signs that they had been used in
cooking fires. All of the pots were small jars, with average diameters of only 10 cm.
173
This area may have been some sort of storage site. It is unlikely that the sites were used
for some type of farming. There is no soil near the structures, and the area would have
been flooded during wet years. Also, the slope of the wash is quite steep, close to 30 40 in most places, so that any water flowing though the channel would have been
traveling quite rapidly.
Area 6 is located at the bottom of a small ravine, just southwest of the main part
of the site. The channel has been heavily eroded, and the structures that were once there
were very ephemeral. The area consists of six small rooms that are formed by simple
rock alignments. They are all small, and the largest room is only 2.4 m2. A few small
non-diagnostic ceramic fragments lay near the area, as do two large lithics, a milling
stone and a flint core. While there are several Archaic Period lithic sites in RA 1, no
other lithic materials were found at Site 20.
However, it is unclear whether these
materials belong to the Late Horizon occupation of the site. There is no obvious use to
the area, as most of the rooms are too small to have been used for storage or domestic
purposes. They are similar, however, to other structures found at two small sites in RA 1,
Sites 49 and 70, as well as several of the sites in RA 2.
Site 49
Site 49 is the easternmost site in RA 1 (Figure 5.17). It is located at the far
eastern end of the large quebrada that contains the sites in the research area. It consists of
three architectural areas along with several small circular structures spread over an area
174
Circles
L
Area 3
Surface Collection #6
Site 49
m
lOCK was!
Sasface CoMecscn
Area
1 Room nairêr
,., Queosada C w n r * !
|
|
>
^
1
Area 2
,.. O
i ,
K
2
Surface Collection #4 - < L . 4
O
f 3 \ "" Surfc
face Collection #3
<*V.'X i
2\N/
*-
Area
(f'
Surface Collection # 1
Figure 5.17 Site 49
of about 1 ha.
The site is situated on top of a large alluvial deposit that sits
approximately eight meter above the valley floor. It is bisected by one of the two main
channels that run the length of the quebrada. The alluvial deposit is 450 m long and
about 100 m wide. It appears to be a very ancient deposit. It is relatively flat on top, and
has not been heavily eroded, which suggests that it has been above the main wash
175
channel for centuries. Because of its shape, the only runoff it receives comes from the
precipitation that falls directly on it. This makes the site relatively ideal in terms of
establishing a protected site. Only one of the three sectors of the site has had any serious
damage due to erosion.
Most of the architecture at Site 49 is simple. With the exception of one structure,
all of the buildings are defined by one or two courses of stacked local stone. There is
some indication that the site was not finished before it was abandoned. Its most puzzling
feature is its location in the valley. It lies some 300 m from Site 46, and there are no
Figure 5.18 Vessel type frequency at Site 49
obvious resources to be found near the site. It is near the neck of the quebrada, which
narrows sharply just to the east of the site, and steeply rises up the side of Cerro Talambo.
176
However, ground surveys found no natural springs or other sources of water, so water
would have had to be brought to the site, or it was only used during wet years.
Although the majority of the structures are crude, there are significant quantities
of Late Horizon ceramics across the entire surface of the site.
Six 5x5 m surface
collections were placed within the three areas, and a total of 548 ceramic fragments was
recovered (Figure 5.18). Most of the ceramics were domestic wares such as plates and
cooking vessels, but there were significant amounts of storage jars as well. Although the
general ceramic assemblage suggests that the site was some sort of residential area, no
faunal remains were visible on the surface.
No marine shell remains were seen or
recovered in the surface collections. Land snails were not common in the area, either.
There is some indication (discussed below) that chicha may have been produced at the
site, or at least stored there in limited quantities, which could explain the presence of
large quantities of utilitarian ceramics but no other evidence of domestic activities.
Area 1
Area 1 is the heart of the site, and contains the most important structure. This is a
single rectangular room (Room 1), measuring eight by five meters. It is striking in its
apparent contrast to the other architectural remains at the site. The walls are only one
course high, made of local stones. The northwest and northeast rooms are 80 cm wide,
with stone facing and a rubble/dirt core. The room opens at the southwestern end. The
interior of the room is clean, with the exception of a few ceramic fragments and a stone
cobble chopper. Several lithic remains were found at the site, although their provenience
is unclear. A biface recovered in Area 3 appears to be the midsection of a Paijan point.
177
Several early Archaic sites have been found in other areas near RA 1, so it is possible that
the site sits on top of an earlier occupation.
The southeastern part of the room connects to a stone platform (Room 2)
approximately the same size as Room 1. It is upslope from the room, and it is defined on
three sites by two levels of low stone retaining walls. The interior of this room is rocky
and not well-defined. It appears that some stones and debris have been washed in, but it
is possible that either the platform was never finished, or it was not significantly
elaborated. A large open area lies 7 m northwest of these two rooms. It is located in a
narrow wash that leads towards the edge of the alluvial mound where Site 49 is located.
Two stone retaining walls have been built, and the interior either filled naturally or
through human agency. The upslope wall is a simple alignment of large rectangular
stones 40 to 60 cm long. The downslope wall is more significant, although it is not well
preserved. It was a pirka stone wall, make with local field stones, and probably stood 50
to 60 cm high. The interior of the wall contains small stones perhaps 10 cm across. The
area measures 9x5 m. The sides of the area are not formally defined, but the room is
rectangular. The interior is clean.
Two other two-roomed structures, located directly to the east and 10 m northeast
of these three main buildings, also make up Area 1. Each of these contains simple
stacked-rock structures two to four courses high. Rooms 6 and 7, which lie to the
northeast of Rooms 1 and 2, are open on one side and form a large ' 3 ' . Four meters to
the west is a small stone circle measuring 1.2 m in diameter.
178
Two 5X5 m surface collections were placed in Area 1, one directly west of Room
1, and the other to the north of Rooms 1 and 2. A total of 179 ceramic fragments, along
with the stone cobble chopper from Room 1 were found in the two units. All of the
fragments come from Late Horizon utilitarian wares. Several diagnostic features are
present among the fragments, including 'duck head' handles, small appliques found the
necks of cooking pots. These are associated with Late Horizon occupations at Farfan
(Mackey 2006).
Area 2
Area 2 is located 26 m to the south of Area 1. It contains the remains several
structures which have been partially damaged by erosion. At least five rooms are present,
but it is difficult to understand their exact layout and function. The rooms are built into a
shallow, narrow wash, and most of the walls are actually retaining walls built along the
sides of the wash. It appears that the rooms were never completely enclosed, and may
have functioned at open patios.
Small stone circles are placed in the center of the
southern wall of three of the rooms. The circles are very small, only 50 cm across. There
is no evidence of burning, so it is not clear if they were some sort of hearth
The surface of Area 2 is littered with ceramic sherds. Three surface collection
areas were placed within and next to the structures. Two hundred and fifty one pottery
fragments, as well as several lithic flakes were recovered. The most common types were
cooking pots (57%), storage jars (24%) and plates (14%). A few fragments of large
tinajas were also found.
179
A solitary stone circle 1.4 m in diameter sits 30 m to the east. It features a single
large triangular upright stone as the back, with several smaller stones circling around.
The interior of the circle is slightly depressed, and several dozen fragments of a large
storage jar sit on the surface directly next to the feature. It seems possible that the vessel
was once housed within the circle. To judge from intact examples of these jars, it would
fit exactly within the rock outline. The large upright rock is slightly blackened, but it is
not clear is this is from burning or due to exposure to the elements.
Area 3
The smallest of the three areas is Area 3, which is located 75 m to the southwest
of Area 1. It contains a single square room which is defined only by a single course of
local stones. Like in Area 2, a small stone circle is within the center of the southern wall.
It is 45 centimeters across. Area 3 contains a large number of ceramic fragments on the
surface, as well. One hundred and eighteen sherds were recovered from the one surface
collection unit. Part of a stone biface and several flakes were also found. The majority
of the remains were utilitarian wares, but several fragments of a small, finely polished
reduced-fired pot were also found. A stone circle similar to that found near Area 2 is
located 20 meters to the south. It is 1.2 m in diameter, and several fragments from a
storage jar are on the surface nearby.
Other stone circles
Three other small stone circles are found at Site 49 in addition to those mentioned
above. They are grouped together approximately 85 m west of Area 1. Two are within 5
m of one another, while the third is located 12 m to the south. Like the others, they are
180
all a little more than 1 m in diameter, and two of them feature a large upright stone with
several smaller stones around it. Two have fragments of ceramic storage jars nearby.
The third, while lacking ceramics, has not been filled in with sand, and three courses of
stones are clearly visible. The features are very similar to Feature 7 found in Area 2 of
Site 46, which was a semi-subterranean storage pit. It too had a large ceramic storage jar
within the pit itself.
The purpose of these circles is not clear. None of them is clearly burned, and
most are associated with ceramic storage vessels. While the vessels are not found
directly within and of the features, given the correlation between the two, it seems
plausible that the circles served as receptacles to hold storage jars. What would have
been placed within the jars, if anything, remains unclear as well, although it seems most
likely that they would have held liquid, probably chicha or water.
Site 70
Site 70 is a series of small rooms associated with a large ceramic scatter (Figures
5.19 and 5.20). The site lies within the center of the large quebrada that contains the
other sites associated with RA 1. The architectural remains consist of three distinct areas
with between four and seven rooms each, situated in a low narrow wash. Preservation at
the site is good, as it sits on a stretch of alluvial soils outside of the main wash channels.
The function of the site is unknown.
The architecture is quite different from the
residential remains found at other nearby sites, and although there is some evidence for
domestic activities, such as the presence of marine shells, the ceramic assemblage is
181
unique for the area. A large ceramic scatter is located approximately 50 m to the north of
the architectural remains.
The scatter itself is not associated with any buildings. Fragments of pottery are
spread over an area of at least 1 ha. The most unusual feature of the scatter is that it
contains great quantities of fineware ceramics, both Chimu-Inka styles, and some
fragments of polychrome provincial Inka wares. Several styles of ceramics, such as
Area 1
Surface Collection #3 \
\ j 3
'
^ r ^
Area 2
V-. x ^
Surface Collection # 4 \ , ^ f
Site 70
Hi ifees: Vsaii
Surface Coaectsci
1
3,
f
Room Muf^ce*
Sueo'Goa Channel
Meters
Area 3
1C.
Figure 5.19 Site 70 architectural area.
miniature ollas and cantaros, are found only at this site. There are also many fragments
of reduced-fired ceramics, most of which are stirrup-spout vessels or small arybaloid jars.
They feature typical Chimu motifs such as birds and fish as well as some
182
anthropomorphic designs. A total of 1,961 ceramic fragments were recovered from 6

5x5 m surface collections at the site. Two of them (Surface collections RC 1 and 5) were
taken from the ceramic scatter, and accounted for 81% (1,583 fragments) of the sample.
This gives some idea of the density of the main area of the ceramic scatter. Few of the
ceramic fragments from RC 1 and 5 are domestic. Only 8% of the sample is either plates
or undecorated storage jars.
Why this scatter of ceramics should be where it is presents something of a puzzle.
The area around the ceramics is heavily looted, and it appears that many of the ceramics
came from buried contexts. The densest concentrations of ceramics are near the greatest
number of looters pits, and ceramic fragments can be seen within the pits themselves. It
was originally suspected that the site was a cemetery. However, not a single faunal bone
of any species was recovered from anywhere in the site. The looters pits did not expose
stone-lined graves, as are present at site 71 (see below), and lack of any bone makes it
unlikely that the site was a cemetery.
Area 1
Area 1 is the largest of the three architectural units at the site. It contains seven
rooms divided into at least four separate structures. Each of the structures is U-shaped,
183
Extent of surface scatter of ceramics
3<ôee Ccafccfxy, M
S u i t o r Caltecte^ s2
>
'
Figure 5. 20 Site 70 showing the extent of the ceramic surface scatter.
with the open end of the U alternating between the northwest and southeast.
The
generally walls run the width of the low wash, which creates the effect where each
structure is not accessible directly from the room adjacent to it. The walls are low, but
well built stone pirka constructions averaging 65 cm wide and only 40-50 cm high.
There is no wall fall, so if the structures were enclosed, most of the walls would have
been made of perishable material.
Within each structure, there are generally two parts, an open area and a small
raised platform at the bottom of the U. Rooms 3 and 4 are the best examples of this. In
room 3, the raised area is a small stone circle approximately one meter in diameter. In
184
room 4, the raised area occupies the entire back of the room, and is raised 50 cm above
the floor. The platform is defined by a retaining wall made of small field stones. The top
of the platform appears to have been thoroughly burned. The soil is quite dark, and large
amounts of charcoal and burned ceramics can be seen on the surface. A very large cactus
grows in the center of the room, which suggests there may be more organic remains
present there than in the surrounding soils. The main portion of the room is not burned,
so it is assumed that the raised area was either a large hearth or represents some type of
offering structure.
Much of the area is covered with broken fragments of ceramics. Two 5x5 m
surface collections (RC 2 and 3) were placed at the northern and southern ends of the
area, where the ceramics were most concentrated. Across the surface of the site, plates
and cooking vessels, as well as storage jars and tinajas were present. However, what
makes Site 70 unusual is the large concentration of fineware ceramics. While a greater
portion of the ceramics found within the architectural area are utilitarian wares, a
significant amount are finewares, as well. In RC 3, at the northern end of the area, over
55% of the 85 ceramic fragments came from reduced-fired vessels. These fragments
come from at least eight different vessels. This is the area closest to the surface scatter of
ceramics, but the general topography of the area between the two regions makes it
unlikely that the fragments were carried from one area to the other. Moreover, several
fineware fragments are found inside the structures, and are probably in situ.
185
Figure 5. 21 Late Horizon ceramic fragments from Site 70. A) Aryballiod jar neck; B) Polychrome provincial
Inka vessel; C) Chimii-Inka Stirrup-Spout vessel.
It is not clear why so many elite ceramics would have been found in such small
structures. There are no wasters present within the site, so it seems unlikely that it was a
ceramic workshop. These types of ceramics are usually found in burial contexts, and are
not elite domestic wares (Mackey, personal communication 2006). As mentioned above,
however, no human remains were found at the site.
Areas 2 and 3
Area 2 is situated 10 meters to the southwest of Area 1. It contains two small
structures, which have been partially eroded. The rooms lie at the intersection of two low
186
washes, which have apparently washed out the northern half of the structures. The rooms
are all similar to Area 1, with the exception that they lack the raised area. The walls are
pirka fieldstone constructions 40 cm high. Several fragments of large tinajas were the
only ceramics found in the surface collection (RC 4).

Unknown
Bottle
7%
Paica
4 %
6%
,*,
jjJJJ;
'""-'-
Plate I
Cantaro
67%
Figure 5. 22 Ceramic type frequencies from Site 70.
Area 3 contains three small structures.
Two are badly preserved two-room
structures that are defined by two to three courses of loosely stacked stones. Room 2, the
larger of the two, has been looted, so that it is difficult to determine its size. The other
structure is small, and both rooms are less than two square meters. The base of a small,
Chimu-Inka style aryballoid vessel was found within the structure. The third structure in
the area is the most peculiar. It is a circular feature 2.3 m in diameter. It is only 15 cm
high, defined by a series of low stones arranged in a circle. Four large stones, each of
187
which measures 35-40 cm in length, are laid out near the cardinal directions. Several
smaller stones are placed between them. A round, flat stone 43 cm in diameter is located
in the center of the circle. The stone does not appear to be polished, and has not been
modified.
Site 71
Site 71 is a small cemetery located at the western end of RA 1, approximately 700
m west of Site 46, and about 150 m from Site 70. The main feature is a low, irregularly
shaped platform situated in the center of the large quebrada. The site sits on top of
compacted alluvial deposits similar to 'desert pavement' of the American Southwest.
The cemetery extends over an area of at least 0.75 ha and has been extensively looted.
The platform is roughly rectangular, laid out on an axis 25 east of north, similar to the
orientation of other Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon structures on the North
Coast. However, the eastern and western corners turn to the inside of the structure,
giving it an irregular appearance. The walls of the platform are 80 cm wide and about 50
cm high. There is some rock fall, but it does not appear that the walls were significantly
higher in pre-Hispanic times.
The interior of the platform has been completely looted, and human bone litters
the ground. The platform may have been internally divided, but it is difficult to be sure
given the poor state of preservation. There are few fragments of ceramic on the surface
of the site, which makes dating difficult.
However, the shape of the structure is
consistent with LIP and LH sites, and two diagnostic fragments found within the platform
are Chimu-Inka in style. The looters' pits have exposed several stone-lined pits within
188
the platform, and it appears that the burials were seated. This burial pattern is typical of
Late Period (Late Intermediate and Late Horizon) North Coast sites (Mackey 2006).
Site 71
_^-~
/
/
-... x
.
* T**,
\
] .^,
\
f
/
/
\
\
\
\
,
\
!
Looted atea
!
!
,
i,
\
\
\
!
"^---__
-""""
The cemetery extends over a much larger area than the platform itself. Looters'
pits with human remains cover a wider area, but few of the pits are without human bone,
so it is unclear if the looters destroyed the entire site. There are virtually no surface
artifacts at the site, which suggests that the individuals who were interred were probably
of low status. One 5x5 m surface collection was located in the northwest part of the
189
platform, which recovered nine ceramic fragments as well as six fragments of Spondylus
shell. One of the pieces of shell appears to be a core or blank used in making beads. It is
an elongated rectangle 1 cm thick and 4 cm long, with four main facets that appear to
have been sawed. No other structures are associated with the site.
Sites 67, 68, and 69

These three small structures are located to the south and east of Site 70 along the
pre-Hispanic road that runs through the area. The sites are single rooms, oval in shape,
usually open on one end. The walls are made of four to six courses of dry stacked field
stones. They are very similar to Site 19, which is located 200 m to the west of Site 20,
and they form a string of outposts that would have been able to monitor foot traffic along
the road. There were few ceramic fragments on the surface of the sites; however, the
ceramics that were present were usually small storage vessels, and are consistent with
ceramics found at other sites in the research area, implying that they were used at the
site's time of occupation.
Domestic and Political Economy
Assessing site function

As discussed at the outset of this chapter, one of the main goals of this dissertation
was to examine household and domestic economies at sites below the level of the
regional center. There were several questions that the project wanted to address as a way
of determining how the study sites fit into the rest of the valley socially and
190
economically. However, before we can begin to put the sites of RA 1 in their larger,
regional perspective, it is necessary to answer some of the questions posed at the
beginning of the chapter. Several important conclusions regarding the activities of the
inhabitants can be deduced based on the architectural remains and artifacts found at the
sites. It seems likely that the sites were built and occupied by residents of the North
Coast. While some of the architecture is somewhat irregular, such as the round and oval
rooms found at Site 46, there are no clear indications that the sites are anything but local
in style and layout. The rectangular layout of many of the rooms and the orientation of
25-30 east of north are found at Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon sites
throughout the North Coast (see Tschauner 2001). Additionally, there is little in the
material record to suggest that the inhabitants were not from the North Coast. With the
exception of some fragments of provincial Inka pottery, no foreign ceramic styles were
present. Moreover, the presence of Inka pottery does not itself imply occupation from the
highlands.
At least one ceramic workshop, located on the southern end of the
Jequetepeque Valley, produced a wide variety of Chimu-Inka ceramics, including some

provincial wares (Donnan 1997; see Chapter 7).
Most of the inhabitants of the sites in RA 1 seem to have been relatively ordinary
people. Only one possible elite residence, Area 1 at Site 46, was noted, and its overall
size and complexity are not substantially greater than many of the other residential areas.
Nonetheless, the structure is set apart from the rest of the community, both in terms of its
better quality architecture, and its artifact assemblage. The most striking feature of Area
1 is the relatively large and formalized patio area, with the small basin on the west side.
191
Although the interior of the plaza itself was clean, the two large kitchens, and the
abundance of cooking and serving vessels, as well as the diverse food remains suggest
that the area was the scene for elite sponsored feasts. The presence of metal objects,
including needles and a bronze spindle whorl, also points to the sector's relatively high
status (Figure 5.24).
Tnr
C
Figure 5. 24 Metal weaving tools from Site 46 Area 1. A) Spindle whorl; B and C) hook and needle.
It has been suggested that the sites could have been built as the result of local
people taking advantage of wet years, building sites to take advantage of areas that were
normally unsuitable for agriculture (T. Dillehay, Personal Communication 2006).
However, there are several reasons why this possibility seems unlikely. The construction
192
and maintenance of the sites would have far outstripped any potential economic value
they would have added to the valley economy. The land in and around the sites is rocky
and sandy, and not fertile. Additionally, the main washes of the quebrada are deeply
canalized, and it would have been extremely difficult to access most of the water that
would have been flowing through them during periods of heavy rain.
At the
archaeological level, although Site 46 contained large amounts of ceramics and other
artifacts, no agricultural implements were found in excavations or on the surface at any of
the sites. Perhaps the most telling, the analysis of ice cores taken from glaciers in the
Peruvian Andes indicates that there were few periods of any meaningful rain during the
Late Horizon (Shimada et. al. 2001). It seems unlikely, then, that the sites in RA 1 would
have been useful in agricultural production, and must have had another function.
When the sites in RA 1 are viewed in their entirety, a pattern begins to emerge. It
is clear from both the location and organization of the sites that they held several
different functions.
Sites 20 and 46 are primarily residential areas, and Site 46 was
heavily involved with the production of chicha. However, the lack of other nearby
domestic sites makes it unlikely that the brewery would have been supplying the chicha
to sites further afield.
It seems probable that most of the product would have been
consumed within the sites themselves. This production and consumption is linked to the
sites' other main function, which is tied to their location along the road that runs through
the center of the cluster of sites. The two main sites, 20 and 46, lay just to the west of the
road, and Site 20, located high on top of a hill, commands a view of the entire south side
193
of the Chaman. The small structures located along the road, sites 19, 67, 68 and 69, all
guard access to the larger sites, and help monitor people moving through the area.
Sites 20 and 46, the largest, and presumably most important, sites in the area
feature well-constructed architecture, which implies that the settlements were at least
partially planned. However, while the sites contain many traditional elements of North
Coast architecture, there are some unusual, seemingly foreign elements as well. For
example, Area 1 was by far the largest and most well-built part of the site, and the focus
on food preparation and consumption suggests it was probably associated with rituals or
ceremonial hospitality. The layout is in many ways different in structure from traditional
North Coast plazas. The general orientation of the structure is typical of the North Coast.
In fact, this is the only area in the site with this layout, suggesting its importance.
However, in contrast to many larger sites, there are no baffled entryways, nor any large
exterior walls around the compound separating it from the rest of the site (see Topic
Kolata 1990; Tschauner 1999). The walls around the plaza are similar to other walls at
the site, and stood roughly one meter high. Excavations within the plaza found no post
holes, which suggest the area was not roofed. This may be an example of a structure
built following broad local architectural styles, but because of the different context of its
use, many of the details we would expect to find are absent. Sites of similar small size to
Site 46 have not been regularly excavated on the North Coast, so it is difficult to know if
the architectural elements present at the site were common at other small sites.
The expansion and construction of settlements in uninhabited areas was a
common practice by both the Chimu and the Inkas. In many cases, the goal of the
194
construction of new communities was to expand existing agricultural complexes, and

open new areas for development.
Other sites were often constructed as a way of
demonstrating new political realities within subjugated provinces.
Similar, hybrid
architectural styles are present in Late Horizon contexts at the provincial capital of
Farfan. While the site grew during the Inka occupation, it lacked the typical symbols of
Inka imperial architecture, such as trapezoidal wall niches and doorways. Instead it was
marked by a hybrid style, one that was neither completely Chimu nor Inka. Mackey
interprets this as a type of 'conciliatory architecture' (2003:335), a style that while
reflecting the new political hierarchy, did so in a less invasive way than traditional
imperial designs.
The sites in RA 1 share several similarities with certain types of tampus, or way
stations. There were a number of different kinds of tampus, from large, regional centers
to small administrative centers that were built by the Inka at regular intervals along the
vast Inka road system (Hyslop 1984). Many of the tampus, along with other imperial
installations, were sometimes constructed in barren areas that had no strategic or
economic value. Their purpose was for administration and support, not for resource
extraction. They also had the effect of marking the territory as Inka, illustrating the
area's incorporation into the Empire.
While the size of tampus varied considerably, many shared several important
architectural and functional similarities.
Most tampus contained two important
structures, the kallanka and kancha. Kallankas were long, rectangular structures found in
many different Inkas installations. Their primary function seems to have been as a
195
meeting hall, or administrative location, but the exact activities carried out within them
are unknown (Hyslop 1984, 1990: 18). Kanchas were enclosures of between three and
eight rooms organized around a central patio. They were a staple of Inka architecture,
found in the smallest hamlet to the largest palace. As with kallankas, the activities
conducted at kanchas could vary. Many likely served as domestic spaces, but other
activities undoubtedly took place within them (ibid: 16).
While the sites in RA 1 lack anything approaching kallankas and kanchas, they do
have buildings that could have served similar functions. Area 1 in Site 46, as noted
above, was likely the central architectural complex for the entire research area. It is the
largest, and most well constructed architectural unit, and its association with feasting
makes it a likely center of public activities. Similarly, the residential compounds at Site
20 and 46 contained several rooms organized around walled patios. While the layout of
these areas was very different from kanchas, they probably served similar purposes.
Another important architectural element at tampus was storage. The size of the
storage units could vary greatly. At large tampus, vast storage facilities were common,
and were used to support the Inka armies moving throughout the empire. Two storage
areas were identified at Site 46, one about Area 1, and the other at Area 17. While
relatively small, they could have easily contained enough supplies to support the
residents of the site for months.
The storage areas had a combined footprint of
approximately 45 square meters. This corresponds roughly to three or four typical Inka
storehouses (see D'Altroy and Hastorf 1992). While hundreds of storehouses could be
196
found at a single large site, the amount of storage found at Site 46 is impressive for such
a small site.
In the highlands, way stations and tampus are generally located at regular
intervals, usually associated with the distance a group could expect to travel in a day.
The sites in RA 1 are just 4 km north of the larger administrative site of Calera de
Talambo. While an important site (see Chapter 7), Calera de Talambo does not contain a
great deal of residential architecture, so the sites in RA 1 could have been associated with
administrative duties at their larger neighbor. As Hyslop and others (1990; D'Altroy
1992) have suggested, there were often many different layers of settlement organization
present within a single region, including administrative areas, workshops, storage
facilities, and military outposts. These were often separate sites, located where they
functioned best to fulfill their particular task, and need not have been grouped together in
a single location. While it is unclear if the sites actually functioned as tampus, the sites of
RA 1, built in an otherwise unoccupied part of the Chaman Valley, had a similar effect as
highland Inka way stations, serving both as a control point along the road, and as a means
to physically mark new political boundaries within the valley.
The Domestic and Political Economies
One of the main goals of the CCAP was to examine household and domestic
economies at sites below the level of the regional center. As discussed above, many of
the archaeological studies that have focused on political and economic organizations on
the North Coast during the Late Horizon have been conducted at large administrative
centers. As such, we have very little archaeological data about these topics from rural
197
communities, which ethnographically, were cornerstones in these organizations.

Rostworowski (1961; 1975; 1977) has proposed that communities on the North Coast
specialized in the production of specific goods and traded with other communities in
complex webs of interaction. While specialized production areas have been found in
lower class barrios at Chan Chan, none of those areas was specialized in the production
of specific types of goods.
Instead, many different kinds of goods were produced
together in individual residential compounds.
This has led some to question the
applicability of the ethnographic model to the prehistoric past. However, many of the
results from excavations at Site 46 seem to support such models for community
specialization and interdependence.
Economically, there is good evidence that Site 46 was tied to many communities
throughout the valley. The residents of the village relied on trade for all their basic daily
needs. The food remains from Site 46 suggest a reliance on marine resources (mollusks
and fish) and a diverse agricultural assemblage based on maize, zapallos {Cucurbita
moschata), chilies, and fruit trees like guava, guanabana, lucuma and avocado. None of
those foods could have been grown or acquired in the immediate area. Site 46 and the
other surrounding villages are located at least 15 km inland, in areas that are not suitable
for agricultural production. Thus, the residents of these sites would have either had to
travel a distance to work farms and acquire marine resources, or get them through trading
or another direct line of supply from other sites in the valley. Given the relatively small
storage areas at Farfan, direct provisioning from the capital seems unlikely (Mackey
198
2003, 2006). This pattern implies a wide network of interaction with sites throughout the
valley, with food being brought in from both the coast and interior agricultural areas.
The ceramic assemblage further points to this expansive network. The majority
of the ceramics found at the site are plain wares. Of the 10,000 ceramic fragments
recovered from excavations and surface collections, only a few fragments of decorated
black wares were identified. There is no evidence for ceramic manufacturing at Site 46,
so all of these vessels were brought to the site from other parts of the valley. The
assemblage suggests at least two sources for the ceramics. The majority of the plain
wares have very simple decorations, consisting of palletada imprints or simple slips of
lines and dots (Figure 5.25). These designs are quite common in the Late Intermediate
Period and Late Horizon on the North Coast, and could have come from any number of
communities. Donnan (1997) has identified a Late Horizon period ceramic production
facility approximately 8 km to the west, near Limoncarro. This facility produced a wide
variety of ceramics, including many of the vessel forms found at Site 46. At least one
type of ceramic vessel, however, was probably produced at a different site.
Carol
Mackey and her team have excavated a ceramic kiln at the site of Farfan, 10.5 km to the
west of Site 46. The kiln is located in an administrative compound occupied during the
Late Horizon.
Among the ceramic types produced at the site are the large tinajas
associated with the production of chicha at Site 46 (Mackey 2006). These tinajas are not
reported among the ceramic types produced at the site described by Donnan. Indeed,
many rim fragments from Site 46 have the same circular imprint designs found on tinajas
at Farfan (Figure 5.26).
199
Figure 5. 25 Ceramics from Research Area 1. A) Cantaro with simply paletteada design; B) Olla with moldmade design; and C) Cantaro with simple cream slip around the neck.
Figure 5. 26 Figure 5. 26 Large tinaja with circular impressions around the rim, similar to tinajas found at
Farfan (see Mackey 2004 Figure 15B).
While the residents of Site 46 required most of the basic goods to be brought into
the community, some large-scale production did take place. The most widely produced
product at the site appears to have been chicha beer. This conclusion is based on the
200
large quantities of maize and the fruit guanabana found within the site, especially in
Areas 1 and 5 (Figure 5.27). Chicha is a fermented beverage made from a variety of
different plants, but it is most commonly made from maize.
It was the common,
everyday beverage, but was also used in a variety of ritual and social settings (Cutler and
Cardenas 1947; Jennings, et al. 2005; J. D. Moore 1989: 685; Morris 1978, 1979; 1982:
166-68; H. Nicholson 1960).
Outside of daily consumption, chicha was critically
important in two spheres of Andean life: the political and religious. Chicha's political
importance was tied to the fundamental Andean notion of reciprocity.
Examples of
reciprocal hospitality are well documented for the North Coast. Several early historical
sources discuss how local lords provided chicha and food to groups working on public
corvee labor projects (Netherly 1977: 214; Rostworowski 1977: 241-242). In addition to
its political importance, chicha played a central role in religious ceremonies. Early
Spanish historical sources suggest that this was true of the smallest to the largest and
most grandiose public spectacles in the Inka empire (see: Garcilaso de la Vega 1966
[1609]: pt 1 bk 6 ch 21; Sancho de la Hoz 1917 [1532-33]: 148, 161, 163).
Remains of seeds, raquis, and cobs from maize dominate the botanical
assemblage (52% of macro remains; n=61; flotation 30.8%). Two different types of
maize are present. One has eight rows, with deep cupulas and straight rows, typical of
Alaza'n and Pagaladrogra maize, two prehistoric races from the North Coast of Peru and
known from historical sources to be used for the preparation of chicha (GroBman et. al.
1961). The second type has 10-12 rows, with discontinuous rows, and deep and wide
cupulas, more characteristic of sierra types (such as the Cuzco or Chullpi races, brought
201
in by the Inkas). The presence of Inka-related maize varieties further strengthens the
dating of the site to the Late Horizon.
Figure 5. 27 Guanabana seeds and maize cobs from Site 46, Area 5.
Fruits such as guanabana were often added to chicha for flavor, or to make special
varieties of the drink (Moore 1989). Given the large quantities of guanabana found at the
site, especially in Areas 1 and 5, it is likely that the fruit was used in the manufacture of
the beverage. The final distribution and use of the chicha produced at Site 46 is not
currently understood. Unfortunately, the poor organic preservation at the site does not
permit calculations similar to Moore's (1989) analysis of a chicha brewery at Manchan,
so the exact scale of production is unknown. However, given the size of the site, and the
scale at which it was produced, the site had the capacity to serve many more people than
actually lived there. This beer may have been consumed by people living in communities
near Site 46, or it may have been brought to villages in other parts of the valley.
202
Conclusions
There is good evidence that the sites in Research Area 1 were built and occupied
sometime during the Late Horizon, in a part of the Chaman valley that was not previously
occupied. The sites in RA 1 were associated with the road that runs through the research
area, and heads east, towards the neck of the valley. This road connects the lower
Chaman drainage with the sites located far up the valley mentioned in Chapter 3. These
sites are located near a pass between the Chaman and the Tembladera region of the
Jequetepeque. The sites also follow the course of the Talambo Canal, the major canal
system connecting the Jequetepeque and the Chaman drainages. Although the sites were
located in a relatively bleak and remote landscape, they were far from isolated from the
rest of the valley. A wide variety of marine and terrestrial foods, as well as other goods,
were found in excavations, surface collections and flotation samples from Sites 46 and
20. These remains show that the sites were well-provisioned with an array of goods from
all over the Jequetepeque Valley.
While the sites contain many architectural elements typical of the North Coast,
important features suggest that the sites were not ordinary coastal settlements. The sites'
locations in a barren area unsuitable for agricultural production the presence of storage at
Site 46, and evidence for relatively large-scale chicha production indicate the sites likely
functioned as an administrative area, probably associated with the road that passes
through the middle of the research area. The sites probably functioned as a type of
tampu, associated more with the control over the movement of people than serving as an
actual way station.

The small and simple sites of Research Area 2 (henceforth RA 2) stand in sharp
contrast to the relatively large and complex settlement organization of Research Area 1.
As noted in the previous chapter, when the sites were first surveyed in 2001, it was
thought they were small villages, perhaps built in their remote locations as a result of the
Chimu conquest of the valley. This belief was based in part on the relatively complex
ceramic assemblages found at the sites. With the exception of Site 70 in RA 1, the main
sites of RA 2 have considerably more fine wares, which belie their small and simple
architecture. The original aim of the research was to compare and contrast the two
groups of sites to explore local responses to the Chimu occupation of the Chaman Valley.
However, as excavations commenced in 2003, it became clear that the sites in Research
Area 2 were not villages, but something quite different.
Research Area 2 contains seven sites built during the Late Horizon (Figure 6.1).
They are spread out over a narrow area slightly more than 2 km long. The four main sites
are not grouped together, but rather are divided into two groups of two. They are located
on the northwestern and southwestern flanks of a large and steep-sided pinnacle called
Cerro Talambo-Tantarita and are separated by slightly more than 1.5 km. Three smaller
sites are located below the hills, to the north, west, and south of the larger sites. The
hillside around which the sites are located juts out towards the center of the valley floor,
and marks the transition between the wide coastal plain to the west and the narrow
midsection of the valley to the east. This point also marks a major shift in the Talambo
204
canal. Up to this point, the canal runs slightly to the northeast as it traverses the south
side of the Chaman. At the point where it reaches RA 2, the canal makes a hard turn to
the northwest, an aspect change of nearly 80. From here, it crosses the main channel of
the Chaman Valley, and heads north towards the Zafia Valley.
Figure 6.1 Research Area 2 (source: Servicio Aerofotographico Nacional de Peru)
This turn in the canal is important for the Chaman because it marks the limit of
major irrigation agriculture in the lower portion of the valley. The area upstream from
the canal is virtually devoid of major settlements for almost 14 km, until the upper
portion of the valley where water flows intermittently at the surface of the river channel.
A group of two small Moche domestic sites and some associated agricultural terraces can
be found 3 km further to the east of RA 2, up the valley, but they are the only ceramic
sites found in this part of the valley. The turn in the canal therefore, and the associated
sites in RA 2, mark the de facto boundary of the southern portion of the Chaman Valley.
205
The sites of RA 2 are relatively isolated from the rest of the valley. Both pairs of
sites are located at least 1 km from the closest point of the canal, and the nearest sites
with Late Horizon occupations are at the closest, 2 km to the west of the canal. While
modern agricultural practices may have destroyed smaller hamlets, no major settlement
with monumental architecture and residential compounds is closer than 4.5 km. This
fact, coupled with the sites' rugged surroundings, makes them all the more secluded.
In contrast to RA 1, the sites of RA 2 are located in small and remote canyons,
which have been formed by millennia of erosion, primarily through rains and flash
flooding racing down the sides of mountain where the sites are located. Most of the
canyons begin as small quebradas and washes near the summits of these peaks, which
reach a height of more than 1500 m. The canyons are quite rocky, and uneven, and there
is no suitable agricultural land. Surveys by geologists have not found any valuable
mineral resources in the area directly around RA 2 (Carlos Bustamonte personal
communication, 2004).
To judge from their locations, there seems to have been a concern for limiting
access to the sites in RA 2. In one of the two groups, the sites sit atop high hills, and
have a commanding view of the surrounding countryside. Small, single room sites, much
like those found at Site 20, in RA 1, are located in and around the sites of the second
group.
The sites themselves are not directly visible from the canyon floor or from the
road that passes in front of them along the southern margin of the valley. In other words,
there would have been few indications of the presence of the sites from the rest of the
206
valley, and people who approached the area would have been seen long before they came
close.
The architecture of the sites in RA 2 is quite different from the sites in RA 1 or
most other Late Horizon sites in the valley. Only one small room, at Site 29 (see below),
contains anything approaching the pirka stone constructions found at other sites. Most of
the structures at the sites in RA 2 are small platforms made with stone retaining walls, or
simply feature one or two courses of dry stacked stone outlining the foundation of the
rooms. Generally, there are no distinct zones of architecture, as there are in Sites 20 and
46, although this does vary based on the size and steepness of the canyon in which any
particular site is located. In three cases, none of the architectural units is separated into
individual sectors. In the fourth site, structures are more spread out, but not over a
significantly large area. The rooms at all the sites are small, and with the exception of a
handful of structures, none is over 7 m in area. It appears that the sites were constructed
very quickly, and were not used for very long.
This situation clearly has several
important implications for their function and use, which will be discussed below.
The four main sites in RA 2 share another common element to their location and
layout. They all lie directly at the base of large, dry 'waterfalls'. These waterfalls are
large, prominent cliffs located within large washes along the sides of Cerro TalamboTantarita. While no water flows through the washes on a regular basis, during ENSO
events, heavy rain would have turned the cliffs into impressive waterfalls. In three cases,
the sites lie directly in the channel that has been created by the running water that
occasionally flows through the canyons. The fourth site is located on a hill slope above
207
the main channel. The waterfalls are all quite similar. They are between 20 and 25 m
high and at least 15 m wide. Although dozens of large quebradas and washes flow down
from the mountain sides throughout the valley, surveys did not find any other large
waterfalls close to the valley floor. Additionally, there are no other sites similar to the
sites of RA 2 anywhere in the valley, and the only other sites in the south site of the
Chaman are those belonging to RA 1. It seems likely that the locations of the sites in RA
2 are related to their proximity of the dry waterfalls. The reason for this proximity and
the role it played in the function of the sites will be discussed at the end of the chapter.
As in the previous chapter, the remainder of this chapter will first describe the
sites in the Research Area as well as the artifacts and features encountered during
excavation and surface collections. The last portion of the chapter will focus on the
analysis of the remains and relate them to larger processes taking place in the valley.
Site 32 is the best-preserved of the four main sites in RA 2 (Figure 6.2). Because
of its relatively high state of preservation, the site was chosen to be excavated as a
comparison with Site 46. Site 32 sits on top of a small ridge, approximately 60 to 70 m
above the floor of the valley. The site itself is located behind a taller extension of the
ridge which runs 100 m to the west. Its position effectively blocks direct views of the site
from the valley. The site is most easily reached by traversing a narrow canyon that
begins to the south of the site and runs for 250 m. From the valley floor, the canyon
makes a snaking S turn to the north, and passes in front of sites 30 and 31. As such, there
is no direct way to access the site without first passing in front of either settlement. The
208
site can also be reached from the north, by ascending first a canyon and then climbing the
steep side. While this approach is possible, it seems likely that the main point of access
was from the south.
I
Natural Rock
Obtaap
\
f Area 7
'
<%
V*s
Strfacs Collection #7
3
Surface collection #6
fc
"*,(&
5uface
** Surtace Cclei.ton #2
^fflÂrea8
Co,lec.,on *5
Surface Collector # !
<_>
*"^*
"*N^
Aro 5>p*-- * S ^ T i - - "

KX<ram
Mxm
Cft
>>> ITwfl
tWKZ
^ f a r > ^ _2z'wrflEJ
'tffiilj/yirt
P-~m!k~JLt
Area 1 v "
* "
A-..'
y
-. 5^!ace Cotection #3 " .
"-^XJ
'-si
' *'"4^5^
AretfS*'" "
<"*>* Area 2
;'x
SfX1
Figure 6. 2 Site 32
The ridge on which Site 32 sits is comprised mainly of small gravels and windblown sand, which has accumulated over the rocky outcrops. There are two main parts to
the site, an area of architectural remains to the south, and a rocky prominence with an
associated ceramic scatter to the north. The two areas are separated by a low saddle 25 m
209
wide. There are a total of 54 distinct rooms and platforms within the architectural area.
With the exception of Rooms 51 - 54, the rooms form a small arch of semi-agglutinated
structures that stretch 85 m east to west. The four rooms mentioned above lay just to the
north of the main room block.
There are two main types of structures present within the architecture. The rooms
at the eastern and western ends are primarily platforms.
They were created by the
construction of retaining walls 40-80 cm high. The fill behind the platforms is composed
of yellow soil and small rocks that contrasts with the natural brown bedrock around them.
The platforms usually feature a weathered surface that suggests they were open to the
elements. Although excavations were carried out in several different areas, post holes
were found in only one structure, which further supports the idea that the platforms did
not have walls or roofs. Most of the platform surfaces are oval to round and the uphill
sides are not defined by rock alignments or other architecture. The second type of
structures consists of small rooms defined by low walls made of dry stacked rocks.
Generally, the walls are not more than three courses high. These rooms are found most
often in the center of the site, and are slightly larger than the platforms. The interiors of
these structures are not as level as those found in the platforms.
A total of 83 m2 was excavated, mostly in large block units that exposed
architecture and surfaces both inside and outside the structures. The thin deposition of
fill allowed for large areas to be excavated relatively quickly. All excavated materials
were screened with 1/4" screen, except features, which were screened with 1/16" screen.
Flotation samples were taken from all features, such as hearths, ash lenses, and pits, as
210
well as from floor surfaces. Botanical and faunal material were analyzed by Dr. Victor
Velazquez and Theresa Rosales of the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueobiologicas y
Paleoecologicas Andinas at the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, in Trujillo, Peru. In
addition to the excavations, seven surface collections were taken from unexcavated areas
to be used as a comparative sample.
The excavations at Site 32 were divided into eight distinct units of between two
and 29 m . The size of the excavation units depended on the size of the platforms that
were excavated, and the overall preservation of the area.
Generally speaking, the
platforms were larger and better preserved as one moves downhill (to the west). Seven of
the excavation areas were placed within the area of architecture while the eighth was
located to the north, around the rocky prominence and associated surface scatter of
ceramic fragments. The numbering of the excavation areas reflects the order in which
they were excavated, and not any perceived differences or division between them.
The archaeological deposits at Site 32 were very shallow. Many of the platforms
had essentially no overburden or alluvial material on top of the prehistoric surfaces. The
deepest deposits were only 15-20 cm deep. The shallow nature of the deposits is due to a
combination of factors. Many of the platforms are supported only by a retaining wall,
and have no architecture above platform surface, so wind and water borne sediments had
no place to accumulate. Additionally, water flowing from rains brought on during ENSO
events has washed some of these surfaces, keeping accumulations to a minimum. Rooms
that feature deposits generally have low walls that help trap sedimentary materials.
Faunal Taxa
Canis familiaris
Cavia porcellus
Dicrodon
guttulatum
Donax
obesulus
Lama sp.
Muridae
Paralonchurus
Peruanus
Scutalus
proteus
Unidentified
Mammal
Common
Name
Domestic
Dog
Guinea
Pig
Lizard
Count
19
Annona muricata
Gossypium
10 barbadense
40
Clam
Camelid
Rodent
Banded
Croaker
Land
Snail
-
Botanical Taxa
3
4
22
211
Common
Name
Count
Guanabana
Cotton
Phaseolus vulgaris
Bean
Zea mays
Maize
3
2
1
3
1
917
33
Table 6.1 Counts of faunal and botanical taxa at Site 32
Site 32 has very few faunal remains, most deriving from wild animals that
probably died at the site in more recent times. Excavations recovered only three shells of
marine mollusks (Donax obesulus), but the assemblage contained a very high number of
land snails (Scutalus proteus). Similarly, there were very few botanical remains recovered
(see Table 6.1). While this scant recovery is no doubt in part due to poor preservation,
the amount of site excavated was comparable to that of Site 46, so one would expect a
similar amount of botanical materials if the sites were used in similar fashions. However,
only seven specimens, from four species, were recovered during excavations.
The
species and their provenances are listed below. Maize, cotton, and a single bean were the
only botanical elements recovered. Interestingly, while the cotton and maize were found
within platforms, the bean seed was found in Area 7, which was the excavation area near
the large rock outcrop several m to the north of the architectural units. This area
212
contained the dense scatter of Scutalus land snails already described above.
The
significance of other types of food remains present in this area will be discussed below.
In addition to the excavated faunal and botanical remains, nine flotation samples
were taken from directly on top of platforms in various areas of the site. As with the
other excavated materials, very few specimens were recovered from the samples. The
vast majority of the plant remains found were wild species. Fragments of two Guanabana
seeds were the only cultural material discovered. The only cultural faunal remains found
in the flotation samples were fragments of Scutalus snails, the majority of which were
found in Area 7, which contained a dense scatter of these snails on the surface. The
flotation samples also included the remains of other terrestrial snails, especially the small
gastropod Pupoides sp., which inhabits ground covered with vegetation, especially hill
vegetation.
The platforms, while weathered, are in generally good condition, and most of the
ceramics that were once within them are found either in, or directly below them,
indicating that the site was not heavily washed.
The data from the ceramic and
architectural analyses, as well as from excavations, indicated that the site was used
primarily for storage. All the botanical and faunal evidence supports the conclusion that
these platforms were not involved in any domestic activities.
Moreover, they help
establish what activities were not conducted at the site. It has been suggested that the
platforms could have been used for farming during rainy years, taking advantage of the
site's location near a dry waterfall (T. Dillehay personal communication, 2006). While
this argument will be discussed in more depth in Chapter 7, the botanical analysis found
213
Site 32 V essel Type Frequency

F,|atflBoUr&nown
Bowl 4% ?% 1 *
2%
Cantaro
38%
Figure 6. 3 Vessel Type Frequency from Site 32, all areas.
essentially no remains from agricultural activities. Flotation samples and excavations

found virtually no evidence at all for cultivated plants. This evidence, along with large
numbers of storage vessels and the dearth of artifacts associated with agriculture, seems
to discount the idea that the sites were used as a base from which to cultivate plants.
One of the most intriguing aspects of Site 32 is the large ceramic assemblage. As
mentioned earlier, the assemblage is divided into two distinct collections, one coming
from the architectural sector, and the other from a separate surface scatter located around
a natural bedrock outcrop.
Generally speaking, the ceramics found within the
architectural areas are either large storage vessels (cantaros) or cooking pots (ollas)
(Figure 6.3) that have been fired in an oxygen rich environment. Most of them are either
214
undecorated, or are adorned with simple designs such as paleteada impressions, usually
either one of several varieties of 'net' or raised bump motifs. Most of the vessels feature
a sloppy painted stripe of yellow or brown slip around the rim or neck (Figure 6.4).
Figure 6. 4 Ceramic vessel from Site 32 featuring crude slipped decoration.
The ceramics from the second surface scatter are different. While much of the
assemblage is composed of cantaros and ollas, sherds from several fmeware vessels were
also recovered from surface collections in the area (Figure 6.5). The majority of these
forms are Chimu-Inka designs, and similar examples have been recovered from burial
215
contexts at Farfan and other Late Horizon cemeteries in the valley. The area at Site 32
where these ceramics are found, however, does not appear to be a cemetery. The surface
Figure 6. 5 Reduce-fired Late Horizon fine-ware ceramics from Site 32; A) highly polished plate; and B)
decorated bowl.
scatter is quite dense, and perhaps 10-12 looters' pits are within the scatter, yet there are
no human bones associated with them, nor any other evidence for burials. It seems likely
that the ceramics were left on the surface, and have since been displaced due to erosion.
In addition to the local finewares, there are several examples of vessels that are not
typical of North Coast ceramic traditions. At least one fragment has a kaolin paste and a
finely polished red slip, which may be from the highlands around Cajamarca. The other
examples are of unknown origin, but do not appear to be colonial designs (Figure 6.6;
Donnan personal communication 2005).
216
In addition to the varied proveniences for the varied ceramics, the assemblage is
intriguing because there is evidence that many of the vessels were intentionally
destroyed. Sherds from at least 32 different vessels feature puncture marks caused by a
10 cm
Figure 6. 6 Ceramic fragment from Site 32. This fragment is not a typical North Coast ceramic style.
thin instrument such as an awl (Figure 6.7). The puncture holes are circular and vary in
diameter between 1.5 and 0.5 cm. They are found either near the neck of the vessels, or
towards the lower portion of the body. A complete cantaro found at Site 46 in RA 1 has
three such marks in similar positions. It does not appear that these are natural breaks, but
rather resulted from an attempt to prevent these vessels from further use. The reason for
this high percentage of intentional breakage will be discussed at the end of the chapter.
217
Area 1
The excavations at Area 1 are the largest set of excavations at the site (Figure
6.8). A total of 29 m2 was opened in seven different rooms. The rooms are all of a
Figure 6. 7 Fragments of intentionally broken cantaros from Site 32.
similar shape and size, roughly oval and 5-6 m2 each. They radiate out from a central
area on the south side of the site. The rooms were covered in 15-20 cm of fine sandy
deposits over a compact yellow-orange soil. The sandy overburden was mixed with
several rocks that have fallen into the rooms from the hillside. Because of the low walls,
the debris has tended to accumulate within the structures. The rooms were generally not
well preserved, and the floor surfaces were more difficult to define than in other parts of
the site.
218
In spite of the poor preservation, two features were identified during excavations,
a small burned area (Feature 1), and a series of three postholes (Features 2a-2c). The
burned area was a shallow area of intense burning that was located directly on the surface
at the east end of Room 33. It was small, only 15 cm in diameter and 6 cm deep, and
contained a matrix of ash on top of burnt orange earth. The postholes begin 45 cm to the
west of Feature 1, and it is possible that they represent parts of burned posts. However,
the feature is very shallow, and does not have well defined vertical side that would be
expected for a post hole, so it is unclear what was burned. A soil sample found only
219
carbonized pieces of wood, most likely sapote {Capparis angulata) a shrub common on
the North Coast that is often used as fire wood. No botanical or faunal remains were
found in ash matrix. The posthole features were in a line across the southern portion of
the room. They are spaced approximately 45 cm apart, and are 10 cm deep and 4 cm
across. The fill of the holes was clean sand that contained no artifacts or botanical
material. Room 33 was the only room to feature post holes, so it is not entirely clear if
they supported a roofed structure or were associated with some other type of low wall.
Vessel Type Frequency from Site 32, Area 1

and Surface Collection 1
Figure 6. 9 Vessel type frequency from Site 32, Area 1 and Surface Collection 1
Five hundred and twenty six ceramic fragments were recovered from the
excavations in Area 1 (Figure 6.9). The entire assemblage from the area consists of
220
A
f.
-V
^
10 cm
10 cm
10 cm
Figure 6.10 Ceramics from Site 32 Area 1 that are similar to ceramics found in Late Horizon contexts from
Farfan. A) jug-handle jar; B) Cantaro with neck decoration; C) Olla with open-caranated rim.
cooking pots and storage vessels. While this is consistent with a domestic assemblage,
none of the cooking pots feature use-burning from cooking fires, and do not appear to
have been used in domestic contexts. Rather, all of the ceramics seem to have been used
as storage vessels. The average rim diameter of both the larger storage jars and cooking
pots is only 10.5 cm, which is typical of closed-mouth storage jars. Similarly, there are
221
no plates in the assemblage. Across the site as a whole, only three plates were recovered.
All were finely polished and appear to be associated with the assemblage of fine wares
that are found at the site, rather than the storage vessels.
Several fragments of ceramic vessel lie in a shallow water channel that runs just
to the north of the architecture. It runs for 2/3 of the length of the room blocks, and is
connected with a larger channel past the west end of the site. The ceramics must have
washed out from the rooms and collected in the channel. A 10x4 m surface collection
(RC 1) was located directly north of the excavations of Area 1. An additional 186
ceramic sherds were collected from this area; this assemblage is similar to pottery found
in the rest of Area 1. The collection contains exclusively unused cooking pots and
storage jars that are typical of late North Coast utilitarian wares. Several of the rim types
are found only in Late Horizon contexts at Farfan (Figure 6.10).
Areas 2 and 3
Areas 2 and 3 are small excavation units located at the eastern end of the site and
targeted some of the smaller platforms found there (Figure 6.11). Area 2 is a 1><2 m unit,
while Area 3 is a 1x3 m unit. They were placed in Rooms 7 and 9, respectively. Room 7
is a small platform that measures 3x1.6 m. Room 9 is slightly larger and measures
4.5x2.5 m. They are both defined on their northwest edges by a low retaining wall 45 cm
high, built from small local stones. Both rooms have alignments of single stones on their
shorter sides that help to define them. The two rooms are separated by approximately 4.5
m.
r*^
Si
222
""? JJBllBiiiBlr
Site 32 Areas 2 and 3
Jf / i
5
A
CZ3 Excavation Area

Surface Collection
Area
I Room Number
' ! S ^ tef*.Area 2
Metes
Jr.
Figure 6.11 Site 32, Areas 2 and 3.
Thirty four ceramic sherds were recovered from Area 2 while Area 3 contained
117. Several of the fragments from Area 3 came from a single cooking pot that had been
smashed on the surface of the platform. The vessel was small. It had a diameter of 11.5
cm, and the 114 fragments recovered weighed a total of 331 gm, which comprised
approximately two thirds of the vessel. The extremely shattered nature of the vessel is
somewhat surprising, and suggests that it may have been intentionally destroyed. The
average weight of each sherd is less than 3 gm, which is smaller than what would be
expected if the vessel had been destroyed by natural breakage.
Area 4
The excavations in Area 4 targeted two rooms (Rooms 39 and 40) 10 m to the
west of Area 1. A total of 10 m were excavated, roughly evenly split between the two
223
rooms. The rooms each measure approximately 3.5x2.5 m and are oriented north/south.
The architecture in each room is relatively simple: the walls consist of uncoursed drystacked stones 35-45 cm high and there is a single alignment of stones with no rubble fill.
The rooms are separated by a relatively poorly constructed wall, consisting of mainly
small stones 10-20 cm in length, piled in a low mound.
The rooms are located on the south side of the site, up against the same steep
hillside as Area 1. They have therefore been buried under approximately 35 cm of soil
and rock fall, especially on the southern end of Room 39 (Figure 6.2). A surface was
encountered beneath the overburden, and was similar to the surfaces from other areas of
the site. It was composed of a yellowish silty sand and featured a clearly weather-worn
surface. A single feature was found during excavations, a larger circular depression in
the middle of Room 39. The depression was steep sided and measured 25 cm deep. Its
flat bottom showed signs of a weather-created surface, suggesting that it had been open to
the elements. The fill of the feature was clean, and no artifacts were found within the pit
itself, so it is unclear whether it is a cultural or natural feature.
A total of 95 ceramic sherds was recovered during excavations. As in other areas
of the site, the assemblage is composed completely of unused cooking and storage
vessels, with one exception. This exception is several fragments of a polished red stirrupspout vessel. The sherds come from the spout and feature a monkey at the joint between
the stirrup and the spout (Figure 6.13). This placement is found in vessels dating to the
Late Chimu and Inka period. Polished red-ware vessels are not common on the North
224
Coast during these periods, and are more typical of the southern Chimu provinces
(Mackey personally communication, 2005).
Figure 6.12 Monkey applique on Chimu-Inka ceramic fragment from Site 32 Area 4.
Area 5
Area 5 is the second large excavation area at Site 32, and is located at the western
end of the architectural group. The area contains six platforms, of which five were
excavated (Rooms 44, 45, 47, 48, 49). A total of 23 m2 was excavated, and 212 ceramic
sherds were recovered. The platforms in Area 5 are very similar to those in Areas 2 and
3. They are defined on their northern ends by low retaining walls, usually between 15
and 25 cm high and composed of small field stones. The platforms themselves feature
little to no architectural superstructure on their surfaces, and are generally defined only
by a single row of small stones along their sides.
Like Areas 2 and 3, only a few cm of loose, windblown sand had accumulated
above the surfaces of the structures. Eight m were excavated at Room 49, the largest
room in the area.
Two excavation units were excavated below the surface of the
225
platform, to a depth of 30 cm. These cuts exposed the construction sequence of the
structures.
The fill behind the retaining walls contains yellowish sands with small
rounded and angular stones where were normally not larger than 4-5 cm in length. The
small size of the stones enabled a smooth surface to be constructed on the platforms.
All of the ceramics fragments excavated in Area 5 belong to either storage jars or
unused cooking pots. The platforms appear to have been in good condition as several
large ceramic fragments were laying on the surfaces of the structures. A single feature
was found in the area, in Room 45. The feature was similar to Feature 1, found in Area
1. It is a shallow area of ash directly on top of the surface of the platform, which has
been intensely burned. A soil sample did not recover any botanical or faunal remains
besides small pieces of charcoal, which came from either local Sapote {Capparis
angulata) or Algorrabal {Prosopis pallida) trees.
There were no postholes or other
features associated with the burned area.

A large ceramic scatter lay directly to the north of Area 5, and a 10><10 m surface
collection was placed there to sample this material. A total of 344 sherds from at least 18
vessels were collected. These 18 vessels are either cantaros (n=9) and ollas (n=9). This
material was located in and around a shallow ravine that runs to the north of the main
architectural area, and it is likely it washed into the area from Area 5 during small
flooding events.
Area 6
Area 6 is located in an open area five m north of the architectural area, between
Areas 1 and 4. It is a 1><3 m trench which runs along the side of a shallow erosional
226
channel that begins near Area 1 to the east. The excavations were placed to test an area
outside of the architectural areas as a way to compare site use within and outside of the
platforms. During excavations, it was noted that ceramic fragments had accumulated
within the shallow channel, and it was assumed that they had been washed out of the
platforms by rains. The trench was placed to see if there were other features associated
with human activity outside of the platforms.
The trench was excavated to a depth of approximately 45 cm below ground
surface, until it reached sterile soil. The soil was primarily a silty sand with small gravel
inclusions.
A few larger rocks were also present.
Three different surfaces were
encountered during excavations, which seem to be areas of compacted sand created in the
presence of water. The surfaces were very thin and delicate, so it does not appear that
they were created during extensive periods of rain.
A total of 130 ceramic sherds was recovered during excavations, which were all
cantaros and ollas. The majority of the ceramics were located in the top 15 cm of the
excavations. No archaeological features were identified and it seems likely that the
ceramics have accumulated gradually during several episodes of rain since the site was
abandoned.
A 3x10 m surface collection area was located directly north of the
excavation unit. The surface collection area was placed in this area to supplement the
material recovered from excavation. Three hundred and thirty one additional ceramic
fragments were collected. The entire collection was similar to the excavated material,
and consisted exclusively of ollas and cantaros. At least 17 different vessels were
identified in the collection.
227
Area 7
Area 7 is a 2x2 m excavation area located adjacent to the bedrock outcrop that
seems to be the center of the surface scatter of ceramics found at the site. The main
outcrop of rock is approximately one m tall and one m wide, and is roughly pyramidal in
shape, and the total area of bedrock exposure extends for approximately 10 m2. This
forms the apex of a short ridge that runs 15 m north/south. The top of the ridge is 5 m
wide. The area immediately to the north of the outcrop drops off steeply to a deep
narrow canyon that forms the northern boundary of the site. To the southwest, the slope
is gentler, and most of the ceramic surface scatter was found in this area. The main
architectural area is 25 m the south.
Figure 6.13 Left, Scutalus snail shells on the surface of Site 32, Area 7. The central rocky outcrop in the center
of the photo. Right, Scutalus snail shells from Site 32.
The excavation unit was located three m southwest of the main bedrock outcrop.
The matrix was almost completely sand, which seems to have been carried by the wind
and accumulated along the hillside over many centuries.
The entire 2x2 area was
228
excavated to 50 cm, and the southwest quadrant was excavated an additional 50 cm. No
features were encountered during excavations.
A total of 38 ceramic fragments were found during excavations, which all came
from the top twenty cm of the unit. The top of the ridge is lightly scattered with
ceramics, which were primarily cantaros and ollas, with several fragments of at least two
black polished stirrup spout bottles directly next to the bedrock.
In addition to the
ceramics, the surface of the ridge is completely covered in shells from the land snail
Scutalus proteus. This is a common snail in the north coast, and was often depicted in
ceramics dating to at least Moche times (Donnan 1976). While there are live snails in the
area around Site 32, the density of shells on the ridge top is unparalleled. Five hundred
and forty three shells were recovered in the first 40 cm of the excavation area, and 76%
(n=413) were from the top 20 cm. The concentration of shells extends over an area of at
least 20 m2 of the ridge top, which, if the concentration of shells is consistent, would
mean a total quantity of approximately 2,700 shells. This accumulation is far above the
natural distribution of shells in the area around the site, or in other areas of the valley.
The only likely explanation is that the shells were brought to the site by humans, and
either consumed there, or left as an offering.
Area 8
Area 8 is the last area excavated at the site, and is located in a small cluster of
platforms 10 m to the north of the main architectural area. The area contains three
platforms and a fourth room that has been partially destroyed by looters. It measures
5><2.5 m, and contains small rock alignments connected to another bedrock outcrop. The
229
center of the room has been looted, but there are no indications that there were burials or
other features. The excavations targeted one of the two largest platforms, Room 52. A
3x4 m excavation area was placed in the platform, which covered the entire room.
Room 52 is D-shaped, and is defined on the north and south by low retaining
walls. The shorter sides on the east and west are not delineated by architecture. Like
many of the other platforms at the site, there was only a thin accumulation of material
over the original platform surface. A total 25 ceramic fragments were recovered from
excavations, which were entirely from ollas and cantaros. A single burned feature,
Feature 4, was found in the eastern end of the platform. It was very similar to the other
two burned features at the site. It was 21 cm across, and consisted of a very shallow
accumulation of ash on top of a heavily burned surface.
A 5x5 m surface collection area (RC 2), was located directly west of the
excavation area.
It was noted during excavation that the majority of the ceramics
associated with the platform lay at the foot of the structure, and had probably been
removed from the platform through erosion.
Ninety-one ceramic fragments were
recovered in the surface collection, almost four times the amount found in excavations.
The majority of vessels were medium sized cooking ollas, with rim diameters roughly 1214 cm, and body diameters between 25 and 35 cm. Several body fragments from larger
storage jars were also found.
Surface Collections
In addition to the area excavations conducted at the site, seven surface collection
areas were located throughout the site. The majority of these collections targeted ceramic
230
scatters near adjacent architecture. The four collections near Areas 1, 5, 6 and 8 have
been described earlier in the chapter. It appears that during periods of heavy rain, many
of the ceramics that had been inside of the platforms were washed out. Because of this,
the ground immediately north (and down slope) of most of the platforms contained dense
surface scatters.
Out of the 2,564 fragments of ceramic recovered at the site, 54%
(n=l,390) were recovered from the surface collections.

Two additional 5x5 m surface collection areas (RC 3 and 4) were located between
Areas 1 and 2. This area has poorly preserved architecture, but significant quantities of
surface artifacts, so surface collections were conducted in place of excavation. Both units
had similar ceramic fragment sample sizes (RC 3 = 92; RC 4 = 106), and similar
compositions made of ollas and cantaros. The majority of these are from Late Chimu and
Chimu-Inka vessels, typical of assemblages found at other Late Horizon sites in the
Jequetepeque.
However, three fragments from one vessel deserve special mention
(Figure 6.15). The fragments are the neck and rim of what was probably a cantaro. In
most cantaros from Late Horizon contexts, the rims are smooth sided and rise from the
vessel neck at angles between 45 and 75 degrees. The only exceptions to this are the
Chimu-Inka style aryballoid jars, which have narrow vertical rims that flare widely at the
mouth.
The vessel found in RC 3, however, is a unique form for the sites in both
Research Areas 1 and 2, as well as at other Late Horizon sites in the valley. The rim is
8.5 cm tall and 8 cm wide, and rises vertically from the vessel body, until it flares slightly
at the mouth. In addition to the unusual shape, the sides of the rim are not smooth but
231
rather feature three undulations giving the entire surface a corrugated appearance. This
vessel type is not typical of the North Coast for any period. At present it is not clear if
the vessel is from another part of Peru, or if it belongs to a later time period. However, as
will be discussed below, several other unique vessels were recovered from various
locations at Site 32, some of which are probably from the Cajamarca area of the sierra.
The importance of these finds will discussed at the conclusion of the chapter.
Figure 6.14 Unusual ceramic from Surface Collection 3, Site 32. The neck form is a unique specimen not found
at any other site examined in this study.
As mentioned earlier in the chapter, the surface scatters of ceramic sherds at Site
32 fall into two clusters: those sherds directly in and around architecture, and those near
the large bedrock outcrop at Area 7. Six of the seven surface collections were placed to
sample the ceramics that had washed out of the platforms and have already been
described.
Surface collection 7 (RC7), as well as 12 point-provenienced collections,
targeted the ceramic scatter around the bedrock outcrop.
232
Surface Collection 7 contained 224 ceramic fragments, almost all of which belong
to medium sized ollas. The collection area was placed on the southern side of the hill
where the bedrock outcrop is located, and measured 5><10 m. It was placed in an area
uphill and across the saddle separating the bedrock outcrop from the architectural area.
The ceramics in this area could only have washed down from the hillside, and not from
Vessel Type Frequency from Surface

Collections, Site 32
Gintjro
2S%
Olla orCantaro
58%
Paica
Plate 4%
1%
Figure 6.15 Vessel type frequencies from surface collections at Site 32.
any platforms or other structures. Seven of the at least nine diagnostic vessels were ollas
measuring 12 to 16 cm in rim diameter and 20 to 34 cm in body diameter. The two other
diagnostic vessels were a cantaro rim, and a section of a shallow bowl. This is one of
only four bowls or plates found at the entire site.
233
Figure 6.16 Three unique ceramic fragments from Site 32. Top, Kaolin paste vessel neck with highly polished
red paint; middle, jar with wing-like applique; bottom face neck jar.
In addition the surface collection area, several point-provenienced surface

collections were taken from parts of the hillside area not covered by Surface Collection 7.
234
One of these, Surface Collection Point 3 (RCP3) contained 15 complete and partial rims
from five cantaros, nine ollas, and one fragment of a highly polished plate. This cache of
broken ceramics was found 10 m to the west of the bedrock outcrop, below the crest of
the ridge. The entire collection contained pieces found in LIP and Late Horizon contexts
in other parts of the valley, and two of the cantaro rims are diagnostic to the Late
Horizon. Of these 15 vessels, at least three show clear signs of intentional breakage,
which continues a pattern seen throughout the site.
The other 11 point collections contain single fragments of ollas, bowls, jars and at
least one plate. The plate is a highly polished, reduced-fired vessel approximately 25 cm
in diam. It is incomplete, and was recovered at western base of the hill, below the
bedrock outcrop.
Two of the vessels are strap-handle vessels, large bodied jugs with
short necks and narrow mouths. An elongated handle connects the rim of the vessel with
the body. These vessels are quite common in the Chaman Valley during the Late Chimu
and Inka Periods. Two bowls, one of which is a reduced fired vessel with two fish
represented in shallow relief, date to the Chimu-Inka Period.
Three vessels
from
the point provenienced collection deserve
special
consideration, as they seem to be unique pieces to the Chaman Valley, and perhaps other
valleys of the north coast (Figure 6.16). The first is the neck and rim from what appears
to be a small cantaro (see also Figure 6.7). The rim is 11 cm in diameter, and rises 13 cm
from the neck. None of the body is present on the fragment. The majority of the neck of
the fragment contains a face, with a curious upturned nose. The flaring rim appears to
mimic a hat, especially those worn in the southern part of the Andean highlands, near
235
Puno and Lake Titicaca. Comparisons with published collections and anecdotal evidence
from archaeologists working on the north coast indicated that the fragment is likely
imported, probably from somewhere in the highlands.
Another small rim fragment from a cantaro appears to be imported as well. The
fragment itself is unimpressive; it is small at four cm tall, and only half of it is preserved.
However, the piece is highly polished and features a bright red and very brilliant slip.
This is not a typical decorative style from the North Coast during the last few centuries
before the arrival of the Spanish. Moreover, the vessel is made from kaolin clay, the
nearest source of which comes from the Cajamarca area in the highlands above the
Jequetepeque drainage.
The third fragment mentioned above does not appear to be from the Chaman
either. The fragment is roughly half of a rim and neck fragment from either a cantaro or
olla. It is 16 cm in diameter, and seven cm high, and features a yellow slip. The unusual
feature of the fragment is a long narrow 'wing' that protrudes from the neck and runs
most of the way around the side. It is two cm tall, and extends 0.5 cm from the side of
the vessel. The top of the 'wing' slopes away gently from the side of the neck before
cutting back abruptly at the bottom. The sloping side is decorated by several incised lines
made while the clay was still wet. In contrast to the other two fragments described
above, this piece is relatively crudely made. The incised lines are roughly cut and not
parallel, and the 'wing', which is an applique, is somewhat irregular. Nonetheless, no
similar examples of this decoration have been found within the Chaman Valley.
236
The area around the bedrock outcrop appears to have been a focus of activity at
the site. While the architectural sector of the site contained mainly plain or simply
decorated storage vessels, the area around the outcrop contained a much wider array of
vessel forms. The majority of the vessels were storages containers, but many of them
featured more detailed ornamentation, including applique decorations.
The most
interesting aspect of the ceramic assemblage from the outcrop is the implication that
some of the vessels were not made in the valley. While ceramic offerings are quite
common in the North Coast, both before and during the Late Horizon, the inclusion of
foreign ceramics implies the event leading to their disposal at the site was marked by
relatively high status activities.
The second interesting feature of the bedrock outcrop is the presence of the
Scutalus shells.
intervention.
The density and location of the shells is clearly due to human
The area immediately surrounding the outcrop contains snail shells in
quantities that are at least 10 times higher than the surrounding area. It seems likely that
the shells were intentionally placed at the site, and may have been part of an offering.
Site 29
Site 29 is in reality composed of two small sites that are located in separate
narrow quebradas separated by a small saddle of bedrock and alluvium (Figure 6.18).
The two sectors are called Site 29 North and South. When the site was first surveyed in
237
"3
Ajâ^
l.> Area 10
> ^
\
Gicsos
V
^ & "
v7
-<, 'Area
Area A
Surface Cofecfian # 5
~ \"
'
V
^ w2
Surface Cofeefen #2 aq0 3
)'
Area 3
xr
u3
\^
a 4rea 5
"
kirn i
fteo S
^
%oci 1
"^l .
Area 4
*
^
SurfooS Collection # 1
Area 11
Surface CotfecRosi #<
'
/
/
- '
'
"
'
*>î
i
"**"
Figure 6.17 Site 29
2001, it was assumed that the entire unit functioned together. However, after more
intensive fieldwork during the 2005 field season, it became apparent that there were
several redundant elements within each quebrada group, and it was decided that the two
areas, while certainly occupied during the same time, represented two examples of the
same kind of site. The sites are located on the southwestern flank of Cerro TalamboTantarita and sit approximately 1.2 km to the south of Sites 31 and 32. A long ridge
separates them from their northern counterparts.
The site is much less well preserved than Sites 31 and 32. This is primarily due to
the fact that the architecture at Site 29 is located within the main channels of the
quebradas. While the architecture is similar in size and composition as that found in Sites
31 and 32, the rooms have been repeatedly washed and much of the architecture has been
238
partially displaced. There are also significantly fewer ceramic fragments on the surface
of Site 29. This could reflect a different or smaller occupation than Sites 31 and 32, but it
may also be due to the heavier erosion. One hundred and ninety nine ceramic fragments
were recovered from six surface collection area and five point-provenienced artifacts
were also recovered.
Several ceramic fragments were found outside of the sites
themselves, but within the main wash channels, which suggests that at least some of the
material was removed during flooding.
Site 29 North and South each lay in a narrow quebrada that is bounded on both
sites by steep bedrock and sandy hillsides. A large dry waterfall is located at the neck of
each canyon, to the east, and both open to the broad alluvial plain to the west through
narrow openings much smaller than channels themselves. Both quebradas are roughly Sshaped, and, combined with the narrow quebrada entrances, the architectural elements
within the sites are completely hidden from the rest of the valley.
Site 29 South
Site 29 South is the larger of the two parts of the site. Architectural elements are
spread over an area approximately 120 m long and 45 m wide. They are laid out in the
center of a narrow quebrada that runs roughly 250 m and 50 m wide and its greatest
extent. The quebrada runs southwest until the last 30 m when it makes a sharp turn to the
south and narrows considerably until the exit point which is 7 m wide. The quebrada
canyon is bounded by steep bedrock outcrops and large accumulations of sand alluvium.
The eastern portion of the canyon was defined by a large dry cataract. The canyon
239
continues as a deep, narrow channel further up the Cerro Talambo-Tantarita mountain to

the east.
The architectural units are divided into five main sectors, although in reality the
remains form a continuous chain of small groupings of four to six rooms that runs the
length of the quebrada. Generally, the structures are most closely packed at the eastern
end and become larger and more spread out towards the west.
Areas 1-4
Area 1 is the first grouping of structures; it lies to the extreme east of the
architectural complex at Site 29 South. It contains a total of seven structures arrayed in
two groups. The first group contains Rooms 1 and 2, both of which are small rectangular
rooms defined by a single alignment of small field stones. Both rooms are approximately
two m2. The second group of structures contains Rooms 3-7, which are a series of small
platforms.
Rooms 3 - 6 are small interconnected structures located behind a large
retaining wall that extends for seven m. Room 7 lies just below this, and is defined by a
retaining wall on its western end and a low alignment of field stones behind it. With the
exception of Room 6, all of these structures are roughly the same size, just over 2.5 m .
Room 6 is slightly larger at 4.5 m2.
All of the architecture is very simple. Most of the walls are alignments of one or
two courses of dry stacked field stones. The retaining walls in Rooms 6 and 7 are 45 cm
tall and are uncoursed. A 5x5 m surface collection area was placed over Rooms 3, 4, 5,
and 6. Only 14 ceramic fragments were recovered, which all belonged to cantaros and
ollas.
240
Area 2 is another area of seven rooms divided into two parts. The first contains
Rooms 1-4 while the second contains the remaining Rooms 5-7. The overall size and
construction techniques of the rooms are very similar to Area 1, with one important
exception. Several of the rooms contain small stone circles much like those found in Site
49 in Research Area 1. The circles are all small, generally between 40 and 60 cm in
diameter, and are defined by a single row of small field stones.
The first structure is a series of interconnected platforms. Rooms 1 and 2 lay
directly above and to the east of Rooms 3 and 4. Room 1 is accessed from the north,
which leads to the interior doorway of Room 2, which is its only access. Rooms 3 and 4
are reached from other exterior entrances. Two small stone circles are found on the
exterior walls of Rooms 3 and 4.
The second group of rooms, termed Rooms 5-7 here, lies three meters to the
north.
The three are all separate structures that are spaced closely to one another,
separated by only about one meter. Two of the structures, Rooms 6 and 7 are larger, at
about 6 m each, than Room 5, which is only about 2.3 m square. Room 5 also contains
two small stone circles, one at each end.
The two larger rooms are subdivided into two parts. In each room, a low line of
rocks runs through the center, separating the two halves. They are not walls, and seem
instead to divide a slightly higher area from a lower one. The walls themselves are made
from dry-stacked, uncoursed field stone, and probably stood 40 to 50 cm high. It is not
clear why these two rooms are subdivided. There are almost no ceramics on the surface
241
in Area 2, and no surface collections were placed within them. The lack of artifacts
makes it difficult to determine if there was any special function to these rooms.
Six meters to the west of Area 2 sits another collection of rooms, Area 3. Area 3
is a collection of five poorly preserved rooms ranging in size from 1 -6 m . All of the
rooms are similar to other structures at the site in terms of size and construction, but have
been badly eroded by flowing water. Room 2 features a single small stone circle on the
southeast corner. In contrast to Area 2, however, there were several ceramic fragments
on the surface in this area. Two 5><5 m surface collections were placed in the center of
the area, and a total of 42 ceramic fragments was recovered. All of the fragments were
from either cantaros or ollas.
Area 4 is the last of four tightly clustered architectural units at Site 29 South. It is
made up of three small structures, each measuring approximately 2.5 m in area. They are
located 6 m to the west of Area 3, and like these rooms, they are badly eroded. Both
Areas 3 and 4 sit slightly lower and more directly in the channel of one of the two washes
that flow through the site. As such, they have been more extensively eroded than Areas 1
and 2. Very few ceramic fragments were found on the surface of Area 4, and no surface
collections were conducted.
Area 5
Area 5 sits 35 m to the west of Area 4 and contains five total rooms divided into
three structures. The first room, Room 1, is located 12 m north of the others, and has
been almost completely destroyed by erosion. The northern wall has been washed away,
and the original size of the structure is impossible to determine. The main structure,
242
which contains Rooms 2-4 has also been heavily damaged, and two of the rooms are
partially destroyed. Rooms 3 and 4 have been cut by the quebrada as well, and two of the
walls in Room 2 have been partially displaced. All of these rooms contain simple walls
with dry-stacked, uncoursed masonry. A 5x5 m surface collection area recovered 15
ceramic fragments from two cantaros and an olla.
The main structure at Area 5, Room 5, sits atop a natural alluvial bench one m
about the rest of the rooms. The structure is semicircular in shape, open on the north end.
Although it is only a partial structure, the masonry is more substantial than the other
structures in the area. The walls are composed of dry-stacked, uncoursed masonry, but
they stand 65 cm high, and when taking into account the amount of rock fall in the
structure, they may have approached one meter in height. No artifacts were recovered
from the room.
Area 12
Area 12 features the largest single construction at the site, and it may have been a
residence, or other more substantial structure.
It features dry-stacked, semi-coursed
masonry built using pirka style construction techniques, which employ two masonry
faces with a rubble core. The walls currently stand 55 cm high, and when in their
original conditions, would have approached 75 - 80 cm. The structure runs southwest to
northeast, and contains at least three rooms. While the structure is relatively well built,
the entire southeast side of the room has been destroyed by erosion, so the exact size and
layout of the structure is unknown.
243
Area 12 is located in the far southern part of the site. It appears to have had at
least three distinct rooms, two larger areas separated by a smaller one. The two larger
rooms measure at least 6x3 m, while the smaller room is at least 3x3 m. There were no
artifacts of the surface of Area 12, but this part of the site has been extensively eroded,
and it is possible that any materials that had been present have been washed away. The
function of the building is not clear, but it seems to have been used in a different way for
the small platforms found throughout the site. It clearly contains a greater amount of
labor expenditure, several times that of any of the other structures at the site.
Other areas
Two other architectural areas are located within the wash of Site 29 South. The
first is a single small platform, Area 11, which is located in the southern margin of the
quebrada, 27 m south of Area 2. The platform is small, only 2.5 m2 in area, and is
defined by a well-built stone retaining wall 54 cm high, which wraps around the eastern,
northern and western edges. The structure is unique at Site 29 South, as it is the only
structure to be located at the margin of the wash. No artifacts were associated with it.
The second area is Area 13, which contains the remnants of two rooms made from
low alignments of stone. The area is the most westerly of the architectural units, and is
located 45 m to the west of Area 5. Both rooms are semicircular and heavily damaged.
The first room, open on the east side, measures 8x4 m; the second is much smaller and
measures 4x2 m. Both rooms are located next to the same wash as the rooms in Area 5,
and have been eroded to a similar degree. A single stone circle lies 15 m to the west of
244
the two rooms and measures 1.3 m in diameter. No artifacts were associated with the
area.
Site 29 North
Site 29 North is the smaller of the two sectors. The quebrada is approximately
120 m long, and is accessed from the north through a narrow opening barely 5 m wide. It
runs south for 25 m before turning to the east towards the dry waterfall. There are two
main architectural areas in addition to two small rooms that appear to control access to
the site. These are referred to as Area 6-10. Areas 1 - 5 are found in Site 29 South. The
majority of the architecture lies along the hillsides directly below the waterfall.
Area 6
The larger of the two main areas in Site 29 North is Area 6, which contains 13
rooms, all of but one of which are platforms similar in composition to those found in Site
32. The platforms spread down the hillside and saddle that separate from Site 29 North
and South into the main course of the quebrada. As is the case in Site 32, the smallest
platforms are located farthest up the hillside and they increase in size as they descend to
flatter terrain. They are defined by retaining walls made of dry stacked, uncoursed field
stones. They vary in height from 35 to 45 cm in the smaller platforms to approximately
one meter in the larger platforms at the bottom of the hill. The smallest platforms have
an area of roughly 2.5 m2, while the largest are more than 35 m2.
In addition to the platforms, a small room with coursed masonry was located
halfway up the hillside, near the other platforms. Room 6 measures 2.5x4.5 m, and has a
245
doorway on the southeast wall. The walls are 55 cm wide and feature pirka stone
construction. They are much lower than similar structures found at other sites studied in
the project, and only reach a height of 40 cm. There is little rock fall, and it seems as
though the walls were not higher than their current stature.
Two 5x5 m surface collections were placed within Area 6 and a total of 87
ceramic fragments was recovered. With the exception of two fragments of a decorated
bowl, the entire assemblage consists of cantaros and ollas with simple palletada designs.
None of the sherds show evidence of having been used in a cooking fire.
Areas 7 and 8
Areas 7 and 8 lay to the west of Area 6, within the course of the quebrada. While
they are recorded as two separate areas, in reality they are very close together, and
probably were part of the same set of rooms. The architectural remains consist of a
single large enclosure, Room 1, and several small stone circles similar to those found at
Site 49 (see previous chapter). The main enclosure measures 5><7 m, and is roughly
rectangular in shape.
Two smaller circular rooms are located in the northern and
southern corners of the room. One measures 2.5 m in diameter while the other measures
one meter in diameter. The room is accessed through a door near the eastern corner.
Five meters to the west of Room 1 are several small stone circles. Four of the
circles are formed against an outcrop of bedrock on the north side of the quebrada, while
a fifth is free standing in the middle of the valley. Each circle measures between 80 cm
and 1.2 m in diameter and is defined by a single course of small stones. While they are
very similar in size to the circles found at Site 49 in RA 1, no ceramic vessels were
246
associated with them. Two more circular stone features, located 10 and 20 m to the west,
comprise Area 8. These two features are located at a bend in the course of the quebrada,
where it turns to the north to exit its narrow confines. Because of their location, they
have been particularly heavily eroded. Both are relatively incomplete as elements have
been washed away.
Architecturally, Room 1 and the rest of Areas 7 and 8 are very simple. The walls
of Room 1 contain uncoursed dry-stacked field stones, and probably reached a height of
only 40 to 50 cm. There is very little rock fall in the room, which suggests that the walls
were not significantly higher than they currently are. All of the stone circles are simple
alignments of dry-stacked stone as well.
Figure 6.18 Ceramic from Site 29, Area 7 that is identical to ceramics from burial contexts at Farfan.
247
There were no large scatters of ceramics within Area 7 and 8. However, two
point provenienced collections were taken from the area around the small stone circles in
Area 7. The first collection consists of a single fragment of a finely polished reduced
ware stirrup spout. The spout is rectangular in cross-section, which is typical of Late
Chimu and Chimu-Inka styles. The second collection contains fragments from two
reduced ware vessels. The first is vessel (Figure 6.19) is a small bowl similar to vessel
3135 found in Burial 2 and 3009 in Burial 5 from Cemetery J in Compound II at Farfan
by Dr. Carol Mackey and her colleagues (Figures 22 and 30 in Mackey nd). It had a
diameter of 11 cm and a height of roughly 13 cm. The bottom half of the vessel is round
and finely polished while the upper half contains two panels separated by small handles.
The panels feature 'piel de ganzo', or small raised bumps, and a series of smiling faces
connected by abstract arms. Ten fragments of the vessel were recovered but it was not
possible to reconstruct the vessel.
The second vessel was broken into more than 70 pieces, and approximately 80%
of the vessel could be reconstructed. It features a mix of both Chimu and Inka elements.
It is similar to small Chimu-Inka aryballoid jars, but it is larger, with a body diameter of
22 cm and an estimated height of 27 cm (Figure 6.20). The base of the vessel is also flat,
another divergence from the normal cone-shaped form. The upper portion of the vessel is
divided into four panels. The panels are pairs of scenes which are similar but not exact
repetitions. The first pair features a hummingbird in the center of the panel that is
flanked by two smaller seabirds at its shoulders. The main difference between the two
panels is that in one instance the wings of the hummingbird are decorated with lines,
248
while in the other, they are not. Donnan (1992: 133, Figure 220) shows an identical
example from an unprovenienced collection of Chimu-Inka ceramics.
The second pair of panels contains a scene with terrestrial animals. The main
element features what is probably a viscacha (Lagostomus maximus), a large nocturnal
rodent of the chinchilla family. Both of the panels are incomplete. However, in one
instance, the main element is accompanied by a smaller, perhaps infant, viscacha to the
lower left and a camelid to the upper right. In the second panel, the area with the camelid
is missing, but there is clearly no second smaller viscacha present.
Figure 6.19 Chimu-Inka ceramic from Site 29, Area 7.
In both cases, it appears that the vessels were intentionally destroyed. They were
broken into many small pieces, more than would be expected from breakage due to
falling. The distribution of the pieces was tightly constrained over an area of just one
249
square meter, suggesting they had been broken in that spot. It is unclear why the vessels
were destroyed where they were, but they are located near the entrance to the quebrada,
which may indicate that they destroyed as part of a ritual to either commemorate or
ceremonially close the site.
Areas 9 and 10
Areas 9 and 10 are two single-roomed structures that likely acted as points of
control for access to Site 29 north. Area 9 is located at the top of the hillside that defines
the northern boundary of the canyon that contains Site 29 North. It is at the top of a
narrow wash that flows down the other side of the hill, towards the north. The wash is
significant because it represents the only other possible entrance to the site, as it bypasses
the main canyon entrance at Area 10. The room measures 2.5x3 m, and is accessed in the
southeastern corner. The walls are relatively tall for the site, and stand at least 80 cm
high. They are made from dry-stacked uncoursed field stones, some of which are over 40
cm long.
In addition to controlling access up the small wash, the room also probably
functioned as a lookout for the site, as it commands a view of much of the area north and
west of the site. Any person approaching from these directions would have been noticed
long before they arrived at the site. No ceramics or other artifacts were found within the
structure itself. However, a fragment of a lug-handled container was found in the wash
15 m to the north, and most likely came from Area 9.
Room 1 of Area 10 is located in the entrance to the narrow canyon that contains
the site. The structure measures 2.5><3.5 m, and is open on the eastern side. The canyon
250
appears to be heavily eroded on the eastern side, so it is not clear if the open architecture
represents its original form, or it part of the structure was destroyed. The room also
contains a small stone circle at the northern corner, which measures 45 cm in diameter.
The entire structure is made from dry-stacked uncoursed masonry. The walls are very
dilapidated, but could have stood approximately 50 cm high. No artifacts were recovered
from the area.
Site 31
Site 31 is located in a small wash directly below the canyon leading to Site 32
(Figure 6.21). The site is similar to Site 32 in layout and architecture, but is much
smaller and does not contain the same amount of broken ceramics on the surface. The
site itself runs southeast to northwest, and covers an area of approximately 0.25 hectares.
The site is approximately 90 m long and 20 m wide. It lies in a strategic position, nestled
in a playa next to the wash, but behind a large sand dune that faces the Chaman Valley.
Its position is hidden from the rest of the valley, yet a lookout structure on top of the dune
could have monitored any people approaching the site.
The site consists of a main group of 28 small stone rooms and platforms along
with a second group of four rooms located across the wash. The architecture is very
simple, and consists mainly of small platforms and retaining walls.
Seven surface
collections recovered 549 ceramic fragments, which were primarily ollas and cantaros, a
pattern similar to the other sites in RA 2.
251
Area 3
Site 31
#
RockWal
I B Rocky Bench
Surface Collecflon
J Room Number
5
Meters
10
i
i
.jj
y
Surface dollec+ion
Surface Collection # 4 _ ^
25
i
s i
Area 1
''
'
Ho,= mi_= IMI_= ilii =
I * v
* J i . ^ i f - Jhi = surface t
V' /? A V i lllr=Tnr=1
The main cluster of rooms consists of several agglutinated platforms and rooms
flowing down a gently sloping sandy playa. The architecture is separated from the main
252
channel of the wash by a 15 m wide rocky shelf. This has given the site a measure of
protection from flash flooding, but the site is still eroded in some areas. In addition to the
erosion, parts of the site have also been buried by sand. The structural features of the site
create a small natural amphitheater that has trapped wind-blown sand. Some of the
retaining walls at the site, especially those on the southwestern margin, have been almost
completely buried.
The platforms are usually made from natural alluvial benches that have been
shaped and defined by retaining walls. They stand between 35 to 50 cm above the
ground surface. The retaining walls are made using uncoursed, dry-stacked field stones.
Some of the platforms are subdivided by linear alignments of stones, usually just one to
two courses high. The other rooms at the site are of similar construction. Rooms such as
9, 10, and 11 are defined by alignments of rocks placed in the otherwise sandy substrate.
Three circular stone features are also found at the site. Two are slightly larger
than similar features found at other sites in the study area, and measure 2.2 m in diameter.
The third is smaller, and measures 1.14 m. Two looters' pits are found near Rooms 13
and 14, and the stone circle 16 contains some firewood and modern trash, suggesting that
the site has been used recently.
Although the material is not as dense as at Site 32, Site 31 does contain a
substantial amount of surface ceramics.
Seven surface collection areas collected
approximately 600 fragments. Like other sites in the study area, it contains fragments
exclusively from Late Horizon contexts. At noted earlier, nearly all of the sherds come
from either unused cooking ollas or cantaros, large jars used for storing liquids.
253
However, there is some evidence that chicha preparation may have taken place at the site
as well. Several fragments of large tinajas were found at the site, as well as fragments
from at least two rayadores, a type of mixing bowl that features a roughened interior clay
surface used to grind maize or other tough vegetable material. These vessels are found at
Site 46, and other sites where chicha was produced, but within RA 2, they are only found
at Site 32. No faunal or botanical remains were found at the site, and only a few
fragments of a reduced-fired plate were recovered, which suggests that the site probably
did not contain a residential domestic component.
Vessel Type Frequency, Site 31
Figure 6. 21 Vessel type frequency at Site 31.
The most interesting structure at Site 31 is known as the 'Guard House' (Figure
6.23). This is a single-roomed building that sits on top of the sand dune separating the
site from the Chaman Valley. The room measures 5x5 m, and is open on the north side.
254
Although its walls have now collapsed, it was the most substantial structure at the site.
There is a large amount of rock fall, some of which was fallen back towards the site in
neat lines, suggesting that the walls may have contained coursed masonry. The walls
probably stood around 75 cm tall, and appear to have been dry-stacked field stones.
Figure 6. 22 View of the entrance to the quebrada from the "Guard House" at Site 31. Site 30 is in the quebrada
in the foreground and Cerro Sapo (see Chapter 7) is in the distance.
The room has an unobstructed view of much of the area directly west of the site.
The main canyon that leads to both Site 31 and 32 begins 200 m to the west of Site 31.
At it runs east, it turns sharply to the north directly in front of Site 31, and continues up
the steep, narrow canyon to Site 32. The room could have functioned as a point of
control, monitoring anyone moving towards the sites. The view to the west looks directly
255
towards Cerro Chepen and Cerro Sapo, the larger hills in the middle of the Chaman
Valley. Several large LIP and Late Horizon sites are located around its flanks, and are
the closest large habitation areas to RA 2.
Other Outposts
In addition to the four main sites found at RA 2 described above, three other
single-structure sites are found in and around the canyons leading to the sites. Although
one of the structures has been almost completely destroyed, the two others are more fully
Figure 6. 23 Part of the platform at Site 28.
intact. Like the single-roomed structures found along the Prehispanic road that passes
through RA 2, these structures appear to have been placed in positions where they could
monitor access to sites in the research area. They are found along the northern, western,
256
and southern margins of the area, and together monitor the entire region. The largest of
these is Site 30, which lies near Sites 31 and 32. Site 33 is located north of Site 32, and is
the most disturbed of the three. Site 28 is a large low platform located 300 m southwest
of Site 29, and appears to have been aligned with the Prehispanic road. This section will
now briefly describe these three sites.
Area 1
Area 2
4
JLL
V"T
Site 30
%
I... 5 %
Rock Wall
j | Surface
Collection Area
sctton #1
1 Room Number
10
jtm.
%K
2 r \
Area 3
Figure 6. 24 Site 30.
Site 28 is a stone platform located on top of an alluvial ridge located on the

southern side of Cerro Talambo Tantarita (Figure 6.24). It is located approximately 300
m from the entrance to the quebrada that contains Site 29 South. The platform is only 30
257
cm high, and is defined by a retaining wall made of rectangular field stones in one to two
courses along all four sides. It is quite similar to the main lookout room found at Site 20
in Research Area 1. The platform measures 4 m on a side, but unfortunately has been
looted. A large hole has been dug in the center of the platform. Three ceramic fragments
were recovered from a 5><5 m surface collection. They include two sherds from a small
cooking vessel and the rim from a large cantaro.
The site is in alignment with similar structures found in RA 1. The Prehispanic
road is not visible in this part of the valley, but if it keeps a straight course as it runs
between RA 1 and RA 2, then it would pass a few hundred m to the west of Site 28, and
people passing from the south could been seen from a great distance from the site.
Site 30 is a small cluster of three apparent residential units located to the west of
Site 31 (Figure 6.24). The site sits at the opening of the canyon that leads to both Site 31
and 32. The structures contain between four and seven rooms, usually a larger main
room and several smaller areas. They are unusual for North Coast constructions as they
feature mostly round architecture. Only 23 ceramic fragments were recovered from the
site. They were part of three cantaros that were found broken on the surface.
Each of the three structures measures 12 to 15 m long and approximately 7 m
wide. Two of the three have been disturbed by erosion and are poorly preserved. Area 1
is the most well-conserved of the three. Its main room, Room 1, measures 7x5 m, and is
accessed from a doorway in the west. Four circular rooms, each measuring 3 m in
diameter, are accessed along the southern end of Room 1. The structures are all crudely
built, and feature dry-stacked, uncoursed field stone walls.
258
The walls are in poor
condition, and have collapsed, but probably stood 60 to 70 cm high.

Site 33 contains a single structure that has been badly damaged due to erosion.
When it was in use, it was similar to one of the units found at Site 30. It lies within a
narrow arroyo that leads up to Site 32. This wash is the main outflow from the water fall
above the site. Although it is quite narrow and steep, the canyon could be used to access
Site 32. It seems likely that the site was placed in a position to monitor access to Site 32.
The main room measures 4x5 m, and has three circular rooms budding off along the
western, northern, and eastern walls. The circles all measure between 2.5 and 3 m in
diameter. The site has been heavily eroded because of its location at the mouth of the
canyon. The walls, when intact, would have stood approximately 40 - 50 cm high.
Conclusion
The sites within Research Area 2 are quite distinct from those of RA 1. While the
sites within RA 1 are primarily domestic sites, those in RA 2 had a very different
function.
The architecture at these sites is smaller, less diversified, and less well
constructed. The main sites are generally composed of small platforms less than 3 m in
area. This stands in contrast to settlements such as Site 46, which features rooms of
varying size, shape, and layout, some of which are over 100 m . In terms of artifacts, the
differences are just as striking. The sites of RA 1 contain a wide variety of ceramic
vessel types, as well as artifacts associated with textile production and other domestic
activities. All of the excavated compounds contained a wide variety of faunal and
botanical remains pertaining to both food consumption and industrial production of
259
chicha. However, in RA 2, the ceramic assemblages at every site were composed almost
exclusively of larger storage jars and a small but significant percentage of fine-ware
ceramics. There were virtually no plates and no vessels showed evidence that they had
been used in cooking fires.
While it is clear that the sites of Research Area 2 were not residential areas, their
exact function is more elusive. There are several potential roles they could have played
within the valley. Some have suggested that the sites were merely ephemeral agricultural
sites that were constructed and used by local groups during relatively wet years (Dillehay,
personal communication 2006). The explanation holds that farmers built the sites at the
base of dry waterfalls and used small canals to bring water to the platforms, which would
have served as small fields. While at first this appears to be a reasonable explanation, the
details of the sites' location and organization call this into question.
At the individual site level, there is no evidence that the sites were ever associated
with agricultural production. Soil samples taken from the platforms of Site 32 during
excavation found virtually no botanical remains associated with domesticated plants.
Also, no agricultural implements such as hoes were found at any of the sites. Moreover,
ice core data from Quelcaya indicate that the general climate during the period of
occupation was relatively normal (Shimada, et al. 1991). The two centuries before the
Spanish conquest were not particularly wet or dry in terms of annual rainfall, which
suggests that the sites' overall environment would have been similar to today's hot, arid
landscape. While individual El Nino events, which often bring heavy rains to the North
Coast are difficult to study in the prehistoric climatic record, the evidence indicates that
260
there would not have been any water flowing through the quebradas that would have
supported agricultural production.
At a larger scale, several features of the sites' organization are not indicative of
agricultural sites. The four main sites in the research area, Sites 29 north and south, 31,
and 32, are all located in small, narrow canyons below dry waterfalls. The canyons are
ill-suited to agriculture for two reasons. First, the floors of the canyons are extremely
rocky and uneven, and contain very poor soils. The area of land that could have been
tended would have been very small, and low-yielding, and it seems unlikely that the
amount of food that could have been grown would match the amount of labor that would
have gone into constructing and cultivating the sites.
Additionally, much of the architecture within the sites is not located in areas that
could have been easily reached by small canals, as the rooms and platforms sit in high
areas above the level of canyons' water channels. The rooms, if they served as small
agricultural plots, could have been located in areas that would have been closer to any
water that would have been running through the canyons.
The second factor that makes the sites unlikely locations for agriculture is their
location. All four sites are located in canyons with very restricted accesses, and several
points of control surround the sites. The sites are also relatively difficult to get to, and
are located a great distance from any neighboring domestic sites. The four quebradas that
contain the research sites represent only a fraction of the total number of quebradas and
washes that flow down the hills along the south side of the Chaman Valley. The majority
of the other canyons are more accessible and contain a greater area where plant
261
cultivation is possible. These would have been far better locations for farmers taking
advantage of any relatively high rainfall years.
Figure 6. 25 Photos showing the four principal sites of Research Area 2 and adjacent waterfalls. A) Site 32; B)
Site 31; C) Site 29 North and; D) Site 29 South.
While it is relatively easy to say what the sites are not, it is more difficult to say
determine what their actual function was. The main factor that links the four sites is their
location directly beneath dry waterfalls (Figure 6.26). Other canyons within the Chaman
that are similar in size and layout but do not contain dry waterfalls do not contain any
archaeological remains. The presence of the waterfalls does not make the sites any easier
to cultivate land in the canyons, and it seems that a simple economic functional
explanation does not adequately explain why the sites were built where they were, and
262
what their functions were. The sites' locations at the base of dry waterfalls, situated near
a major turn in the main intervalley canal may have a more symbolic meaning, related to
the changes in political power taking place in the valley following the Inka conquest, a
topic that will be explored in more depth in Chapter 8. The following chapter will
explore Andean visions of the natural world and the role landscapes played in the
expansion of the empire.
Chapter 7: Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Late

Horizon
The previous two chapters have described two areas in the southern part of the
Chaman Valley that were built and occupied during the Late Horizon. While the
construction and use of these dates to the Inka occupation of the valley, the sites appear
to have been local constructions. The vast majority of the architecture and material
culture found at the sites are typical of North Coast societies during the last few centuries
before the arrival of the Spanish. These two areas are only a small part of the great
expansion that took place in the Chaman following the arrival of the Inkas. This chapter
will examine some of these other Inka period constructions, and put the sites described in
Chapters 5 and 6 in a wider context.
To understand the nature of the Inka occupation of the Chaman, and understand
how it was different from the earlier Chimu occupation, we must answer two questions:
what were the goals of the occupation and what was the nature of the relationship
between the Inkas and local lords? During the Late Horizon, several new sites were built
in the Chaman Valley, and other sites were changed in important ways. This chapter will
show that, far from an ad hoc expansion, the Late Horizon constructions realized in the
Chaman Valley were part of a deliberate strategy by the Inkas to control certain parts of
the valley.
Many
of the newly
built
sites were
located
in
previously
unoccupied regions and are associated with an expansion of agricultural areas on the
Chapter 7: Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Late Horizon
264
north side of the valley (Figure 7.1). Other important changes took place at existing sites
that had implications for the political organization of the valley.
Area of Agricultural
Expansion
Pacanguia !
\ -A
\
\\ o
\\ a^
\
Research Area 2
Figure 7.1 Sites in the Middle Chaman built during the Late Horizon.
265
The Inka Occupation of Conquered Provinces

The Inkas used the resources and manpower of conquered territories in many
different ways but were these were all based on the traditional concept of mit'a labor
obligations. Groups were required to give service to their lords. This tax could be 'paid'
in many ways; through military service, work on farms owned by the state or lord, or
through the production of specific goods, such as cloth or ceramics (Guaman Poma 1980:
183; Munia 1986: 402-4).
The Inkas transformed and enhanced traditional labor
obligations in conquered territories. They claimed that all conquered territory was the
property of the Inka and gave people access to their traditional lands on condition they
pay taxes to the state. Censuses were conducted in recently conquered territories to
assess both the size of the local labor force and the available resources.
Labor service could be determined through several ways, depending upon the
disposition of the local groups towards the Inkas and the resources available in the
region. In the highlands, where many of the conquered groups were politically and
economically less complex than the Inkas, the empire chose to intensify production, often
times resettling entire communities to work on state lands or produce goods for the
empire (D'Altroy 2002: 271). In contrast, many coastal societies, including the Chimu,
were at least as politically and economically sophisticated, if not more so, than the Inkas,
which limited the changes the empire could make.
Often times, an entire ethnic group would be enlisted for a single type of work.
The Qolla of Lake Titicaca, for example, were renowned stonemasons, and the Kanari
and Chachapoyans were used as warriors (Rowe 1946: 257-9; Espinoza Soriano 1980).
266
More often, however, obligations were based on local factors and left to the discretion of
regional administrators. During the later years of the empire, there was a greater
emphasis on specialization instead of rotating corvee labor, especially in large
agricultural estates run by the state (Murra 1980: 183-6; D'Altroy 2003: 267).
State farms were an important element of the Inka state economy. When the
Inkas entered a newly conquered province, they set aside a percentage of the land to the
state and the Sun Temple. Many of the largest tracts allocated for the state and temple
were located near major administrative centers with ample storage sites (D'Altroy 2002:
271), but this was not always the case. Large tracts of land given over to the state and
temple were found throughout the empire, but some of the most well studied areas are
from the southern half of Tawantinsuyu. The state farms were often worked by local
groups as part of mit'a labor obligations. Communities would have been responsible, on
a rotating basis, for supplying manpower to tend and harvest the fields as part of their
traditional obligations to their lords, in this case the Inkas. The Inkas, in turn, would have
been responsible for supplying the material and seeds needed, as well as for sponsoring
feasts as a ceremonial recognition for the services they were to receive from their
constituents.
An analysis of Late Horizon settlement patterns in the Jequetepeque offers strong
evidence for an intense Inka occupation of the valley, centered around the development
of Inka state farms along the northern margin of the Chaman. The distribution of sites
built or modified during the Late Horizon and sites with no modifications give clues to
the nature of the Inka occupation of the valley. While the northern margin saw the
267
construction of a single primary site associated with a large expanse of agricultural field
systems, additional important political and economic transformations were concentrated
at a small number of sites in other parts of the valley. These transformations suggest that
the nature of the relationship between the Inkas and local lords was different from the
preceding Chirmi occupation of the valley. The following sections review Late Horizon
settlement patterns in the Jequetepeque, focusing on sites where changes occurred, sites
where they did not, and how some of the sites functioned.
Most of the sites in the
Jequetepeque that were either built or extensively modified during the Late Horizon seem
to have been associated with agricultural production, marking Inka territory, and
administration and control.
Settlement Pattern Changes during the Late Horizon

During the Late Intermediate Period, Chimu sites were found throughout the
Jequetepeque Valley. The majority of the sites occupied during the Late Intermediate
Period were existing sites that either the Chimu co-opted and occupied, or were
remodeled by local groups who incorporated some Chimu architectural elements. Some
sites such as Farfan were significantly expanded, but there does not seem to have been an
increase of new sites within the valley as a whole. This pattern changed during the Late
Horizon.
Most of the older sites occupied during the previous period continued to
flourish, but several new sites appeared as well.

Late Horizon Sites with no Late Horizon Remodeling
Many sites in the Jequetepeque Valley occupied during the Late Intermediate
* ^ x * ^^x'JDe
Hucco Ucupe^N
Huoca Teodora A \
'-'
.?
rJ y
* ''"
\
\
f-"
"
v\
'
268
\^
Cc C !~!vv- *vr
^X
\
\
/
1
f
\
vt^
<!t-'7
'Kar.a -JotolechuzoA
jki,,*
opVC^
San Jose ae Nice V /*1f\CJT^
\
-' **
^V
. .*,
\ -,,
N.\
^*
/ Cripen
^^Guaaoluee
^
A ''uaca Slgnan
\
\^
\
' ' ,)
\
r<*r-ss
""' ' ^
A*t'Ofnpo,c Ht/Hi
.>"'*'-,
OfClOr
,.
\ A tar*an
?G^'c
,.eMo^
.& l a ' ^ i - ^ '
/
\
.-,. ACabur
il<CHoco!,
<, -., V " '

âirX^r 0 ' 001 i S K
\
\
A Hvaca 0 sner
Ko!o
'":* sa- f'odro de Lfoe

*
,..,..
A '1
\
V
\
"" "
~ "" "
' "
rope
\
Figure 7. 2 The Jequetepeque Valley, highlighting Cabur
i
\
269
Period continued to be occupied during the Late Horizon. However, depending on their
location, most of these sites were not significantly altered. No additions were built, nor
were any existing areas closed off. A good example of this continuity can be found at the
site of Cabur (Figure 7.2), on the south side of the Jequetepeque drainage. The site
contained the palace of an important local noble who ruled a large section of the valley
during the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period (Sapp 2003).
The palace continued to be occupied into the Colonial Period, but no major
construction phases date to the Late Horizon. Investigators have concluded that the lack
of new constructions or alterations implies that the Inkas did not have significant
interactions, or at least held no direct control of the local lord who lived at the site. The
lack of architectural modifications suggests that no new activities were conducted at the
site. Likewise, the Inkas did not stop any traditional activities that may have taken place
there. In other words, life for both the nobles at the site, as well as their people, did not
significantly change.
This contrasts with changes found in local palaces in other conquered Inka
provinces. In the Mantaro Valley, for example, D'Altroy and his colleagues found that
following the Inka conquest, many activities, such as feasting, which had been sponsored
by local lords were now centered at Inka facilities. This shift implied that the Inkas had
direct control over time-honored rituals and ceremonies, and refocused traditional
relations between elites and commoners (D'Altroy 2001). The Inkas, instead of local
elites, had become both the sponsors and recipients of local agricultural and craft
production.
270
Sites in the Northern Margin

The Chaman Valley contains several sites that were built during the Late Horizon
in addition to those described in Chapters 5 and 6. Many of those sites were concentrated
on the northern margins of the valley, and were associated with vast agricultural fields.
Site 14
The largest new Late Horizon construction in the Jequetepeque was located on the
north side of the Chaman Valley, approximately 5.5 km north of the modern town of
Pacanguilla (see Figures 7.3 and 7.4). This site, and the area around it, is the best
evidence for Inka state fields in the Chaman. The site is principally composed of a large
rectangular compound measuring 325 x 250 m.
It is flanked by two small adobe
platforms on the southern end, and a cemetery and associated small mound sit roughly
100 m to the southwest. Despite the site's size, very little work has been done there.
Wolfgang and Gisela Hecker visited the site as part of their survey of the Jequetepeque
(Hecker and Hecker 1988), but they include very few details about it. They call the site
Cerro Blanco, in reference to the large beige crag situated 1.5 km to the north. For the
purposes of this dissertation, the site will be called Site 14, the number assigned to it
under the Chaman Valley Survey Project in 2001, to avoid confusion with other sites
with the same name.
Site 14 is located near a bifurcation of the main segment of the Talambo Canal,
just a few kilometers past the main channel of the Rio Chaman. Up to this point, the
canal runs through the valley as a single channel, with smaller feeder canals branching
off the western side to irrigate the center of the Chaman drainage. However, upon
271
Bh ArediA
Figure 7. 3 Map of the Middle Chaman.
crossing the center of the valley, the canal reaches the northern margin (see Chapter 3),
which opens up into a large dry pampa, the Pampa de Colorado. At this point, the canal
splits into several smaller sections, watering an area of at least 10 km2. The pampa is
relatively steeper than the valley bottom, and it is it likely that several main branches
were need to water smaller sections, to control the speed of the water and avoid canal
erosion.
272
The layout of the main compound at the site is typical of late North Coast
constructions. It is divided into two main parts, with one section being slightly wider
than the other, so that the entire structure does not form a perfect rectangle (Figure 7.4).
The northern section is approximately 25 m wider than the southern section, and the two
are separated by an interior wall. The compound is also divided along its north south axis
by a road stretching the length of the building. It is approximately 10 m wide, and is
defined by low adobe walls on each side.
Figure 7. 4 Site 14
This type of structure was common throughout the North Coast beginning in the
Middle Horizon.
These huaca quadrangles, as they are called have been found at
numerous sites throughout the North Coast. The ciudadelas at Chan Chan, for example,
are large versions of this same form (Day 1982). Within the Jequetepeque, the six main
273
compounds at Farfan built during the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon are
similar in size to Site 14, as is the main compound at Cabur (Conrad 1990; Mackey 2003,
2006; Sapp 2003).
Site 14 is located in an extremely sandy area just north of the main area of Late
Horizon agricultural expansion, along the northern margin of the valley. The area is
inclined at about 15, and water erosion has damaged parts of the site. Windblown sand
has also buried some of the walls. In comparison with other huaca quadrangles, the
exterior walls of Site 14 are extremely low, only 1.3 m high. Normally, the walls of
huaca quadrangles can reach impressive heights, up to nine meters (Day 1982:55).
Similarly, while most similarly shaped compounds contain numerous interior structures
and subdivisions, Site 14 contains few. All of the interior structures are found in the
northern half of the site, with none found in the larger southern section. Two low adobe
mounds site just outside the southern wall, near the southwest corner. They are both
approximately 25 by 10 m and 1.5 m tall. The southern-most of the two contains a Ushaped structure on the summit. It is unclear why there are so few interior structures, but
it is possible that the site was never completely finished. The mounds may have been
temporary administrative structures in use until the site was finished.
Although the site has not been excavated, and no radiocarbon dates are available,
the Late Horizon date has been determined through adobe forms. Research throughout
the North Coast has shown that adobe forms changed through time, and today can be
reliable indicators of cultural affiliation (Donnan 1992; Shimada 1992). Adobe forms
from the Late Horizon are generally loaf-shaped, with high rounded tops, instead of
274
rectangular forms. The adobes at Site 14 are all loaf-shaped. This determination is based
on examination of samples from five different locations on the exterior walls (Figure
7.5). Moreover, the low walls and lack of interior architecture show that there were no
episodes of remodeling.
Figure 7. 5 East wall of Site 14, showing loaf-shaped adobes
The huaca quadrangle tradition generally belongs to the Middle Horizon and Late
Intermediate Period, the time when local lords were constructing palaces and expanding
states and empires.
New construction of such structures is not well documented,
probably reflecting, at least in part, the Inka control of the North Coast. While Farfan
contains several constructions dating to the Late Horizon, they are additions and
275
expansion of existing structures. However, Chiquitoy Viejo, located approximately 110

km south of the Jequetepeque, is another Late Horizon huaca quadrangle on the North
Coast that is comparable to Site 14 in size and layout.
Chiquitoy Viejo is situated in the pampa between the Moche and Chicama
Valleys, along the main north/south road that runs through the North Coast (Conrad
1977). The main section of the site is a huge rectangular compound measuring 200 by
220 m. It is divided into two sectors, an internal court surrounded by a larger outer court
(see Figure 4 in Conrad 1977:6).
The inner court contains an administrative area,
featuring a U-shaped audiencia, along with a burial platform, typical of other North
Coast quadrangles. The outer court is relatively empty with the exception of four small
residential areas for retainers. Excavations at the site showed that it was built entirely
during the Late Horizon. Although the site contains no classic Inka architecture, Conrad
concluded that Chiquitoy Viejo was the seat of an Inka governor who monitored and
controlled the movement of people and goods along the coast.
Although others have called into question the likelihood that the site was the
palace of an Inka governor (e.g., Hyslop 1990:250), there is no question that the site was
built during the Late Horizon. The most likely explanation is that Chiquitoy Viejo served
an administrative function, but was largely built and occupied by local people.
Its
location along the principal highway, and its Late Horizon date, do suggest that the site
furthered Inka control of the region.
Instead of direct control, however, the Inkas
achieved this through the use of local lords.
Site 14 shares many characteristics with Chiquitoy Viejo.
276
Site 14 is slightly
larger and divided into two main sectors, although it is not entirely clear if their uses were
similar to those at Chiquitoy Viejo. However, while a road passes through the center of
the site, it does not seem likely that the site was used to monitor goods and people
passing through the area. Large sites to the west, at Cerro Colorado, and at the neck of
the valley (see below, and Chapter 4) were located at strategic points along roads and
would have been better suited to control the movement of people.
"1
l
-m
'
I ' ^____^\r\r=^k\i
V t\,Y J-Di
AW
iMMbColoradO
V KJr
-7
V
Site 14
>jf
Sites lager than 5 ha
N- r, jufation Sites 1 io 5 ha
fl> -tab " T 'n Ve$ 1 to S ha
\
m Non r a c i t ^ i m Sites iess than 1 ho *
Hooi'a'O'" bi'es less than 1 ha
\
- "* D ei" opa" r j o n c l
"" ~ P'ehw an u Road
Eicon* o' ** rt ispanic
Aqr ft,<
'.
'
!
'
' *qri< J ' j p ,?65)
Figure 7. 6 Agricultural area west of Site 14
Site 14 instead seems to be associated with a vast area of agricultural land (Figure
7.6 and 7.7). This land stretches for more than 7 km to the west of the site, past the
fortress of Cerro Colorado, located at the northern border of the Chaman Valley along the
277
main north/south road running along the coast. This stretch of agricultural land is not
associated with any residential structures.
Only a handful of two- or three-roomed
structures are found within an area of over 15 km2.

This agricultural area is defined on the north by the canal that passes in front of
Site 14. This same canal continues for another seven km before ending in the desert to
the west (Eling 1977). Site 14 itself marks the eastern end of the state lands. To the
south, the tract begins at one of several smaller canals that fill the agricultural area of the
northern margin of the Chaman Valley.
Several small sites, including residential
structures and larger adobe mounds can be found to the south of the canal, while virtually
no sites exist to the north (Figure 7.8).
Figure 7. 7 Air photo showing the extent of the Prehispanic agricultural fields (source: Servicio
Aerofotographico Nacional de Peru)
278
The lack of residential sites and other structures within the state-owned lands is
not uncommon. In the Mantaro Valley in central Peru, most of the agricultural land
within a 5-km radius of the Inka provincial center of was empty of villages. The few
sites that could be found contained only farming equipment, and none of the implements
associated with normal household production, such as weaving and potting (D'Altroy
1992: 154-78; D'Altroy 2002: 273).
\^?4&.vm**'*-****'
-'-". . i:
'^43
\Mtk-
Far
jtf3f^>
ji':v
Figure 7. 8 Small stone structure In Prehispanic agricultural area near Site 14
279
Cerro Colorado
Cerro Colorado is a broad hill located at the northern boundary on the Chaman
Valley. A large site known by the same name dominates the southern side of the hill.
Cerro Colorado
N
20
50
Meters
Platform and
Ramp
Figure 7. 9 Main compound at Cerro Colorado
The site is located along the main north/south coastal road, and functioned as a point of
control for people moving between the Jequetepeque and the lands to the north. Like Site
280
14, Cerro Colorado appears to have been built primarily during the Late Horizon (Carol
Mackey, personal communication, 2006). This inference is based on analysis of adobe
forms and ceramic styles, and further excavation will be needed to confirm the
chronological assignment.
There are two components to the site: a walled fortress and a huaca quadrangle
compound with associated structures. The fortress is quite large, with at least four
concentric perimeter walls reaching up towards the highest point of the hill, which is 150
m above the valley floor. The lower wall has a perimeter of almost 3000 m. The hillside
is steeply sloped, and several small platforms are found within the walls but no large
structures are present.
The main compound is located on the south side of Cerro Colorado, outside of the
fortress perimeter wall. It measures 150 x 200 m, and is divided into four courts (Figure
7.9). It is very similar in terms of layout and size to Chiquitoy Viejo, with the exception
of the location of the main platform, which is outside of the main court. The largest court
measures 150 m on a side, and contains a main interior room measuring 50 by 75 m. At
least three other rooms with smaller walls are found within the main court. Two smaller
courts are on the southeastern side of the compound. The larger of these two contains the
main platform, to which access may be gained by a ramp on the southeastern side.
While no excavations have been carried out at the site to date, the overall layout
makes it likely that Cerro Colorado had functions similar to those of Chiquitoy Viejo.
Although the main north/south road does not pass directly through the compound at
Cerro Colorado, it does run just to the south, and it seems clear that the site controlled
281
movement between the Jequetepeque and the valleys to the north. The presence of the
fortress component is an interesting feature, as it implies a need for defense along the
border. Chiquitoy Viejo has no such defensive features. Whether this part of the site
dates to the Inka occupation or earlier will need to be borne out by excavations.
Sites Marking Inka Territory
Several sites throughout the valley seem to be markers of territory claimed by the
state. These sites have no administrative or habitation structures, but instead contain
offerings of ceramics and shells, and appear to have been used only occasionally. Like
the sites in Research Area 2, many were built in areas with unusual landscape features.
Still others were placed in ancient site, no longer occupied, but still significant wak'as.
These sites have been built both over existing sites and in new areas in the valley.
Cerro Sapo
The large site on the north side of Cerro Chepen (Site 17, see Chapter 4)
continued to be occupied into the Late Horizon, and numerous Chimu-Inka style ceramic
fragments litter the ground. The site itself does not appear to have been significantly
remodeled, but the Inkas did occupy another portion of the Cerro Chepen area, This site,
called Site 18, is located in a quebrada at the far east end of the hill, approximately 1 km
to the east of Site 17 (see Chapter 4). The quebrada is located at the base of the long
ridge that extends eastward for the summit of Cerro Chepen, which rises at the western
end of the hill. The eastern end of the ridge is known locally as Cerro Sapo, or 'Frog
Hill', and is named for a large rocky outcrop at the summit that looks like a crouching
frog in profile. The quebrada is triangular, 550 m long, and 470 m wide. The area
282
appears to have been relatively undeveloped until the Late Intermediate Period, when a
huge cemetery was constructed in the center of the quebrada. The cemetery is marked by
a large, low mound 60 m long and 45 m wide. It reaches a height of 2.5 m. The area has
been heavily looted, so much of the platform and the surrounding area has been
destroyed. However, the surface is littered with Late Horizon ceramics, including several
forms of Chimu-Inka wares as well as provincial style Inka aryballoid vessels.
The cemetery at Cerro Sapo contrasts with most of the other new Late Horizon
sites in the Chaman because of its location in the center of the valley, near established
sites and prime agricultural land. The placement of the site may be related more to the
symbolic aspect of the location than its agricultural or economic value. Cerro Sapo is
located in the center of the valley, near some of the most fertile agricultural land in the
Chaman and several large settlements. The Inkas regularly built structures in conquered
territories at symbolically important local points. The presence of Inka constructions at
these local shrines had the effect of transferring symbolic power and authority to the
Inkas, reinforcing the new political order.
Site 62
A similar Chimu-Inka intrusion is found at the far end of the agricultural lands
around Site 14 and Cerro Colorado. Site 62 is a large adobe huaca dating to the Middle
Moche Period (AD 200-450). The principal mound measures roughly 75 by 30 m, and is
5 m tall. A lower patio of approximately the same size is located on the northern side of
the huaca. The site is located in the desert pampa between the Chaman and Zana Valleys
283
(Figure 7.10). Much of the area around the site has been buried by windblown sand, so it
is unclear how large the entire site is.
- -4'-
-' .-VL " :

'
*.
"
f
*
'
J. J.
<d^&r
SeeondqiS.Hgoctf
. *>-
** " , v '
Lowe*Platform . js^.
j
>
Mr.
Figure 7.10 Site 62 (source: Servicio Aerofotographico National de Peru)
Site 62 has two occupation phases, the first of which dates to the Middle Moche
Period. The site is littered with Moche and Gallinazo ceramics, which have been found
together at several North Coast sites (Shimada and Maguifia 1994; Willey 1953). A
second occupation dating to the Late Horizon is found only at the top of the central
huaca. Chimu-Inka and provincial Inka ceramics can be found around the looters' pits
that dot the structure.
284
The main huaca has been badly looted, and the pits afford a good view of adobe
forms. The Moche era appears to be the only time during which the site was actually
inhabited. The adobes are typical of Middle Moche styles found elsewhere in the valley,
such as at San Jose de Moro. The Late Horizon ceramics seem to have been left as
offerings, and do not reflect an actual Inka or local presence.
Kr
Figure 7.11 Large boulder with Late Horizon ceramics, located in the lower Chaman Valley
285
At least one other site with Inka offerings is located in the lower portion of the
Chaman. The site is centered on a huge boulder located along a hillside in the San
Ildefonzo range, a string of large hills that run north to south just inland from the coast.
Profile of the large boulder in the lower Chaman Valley. Notice the similarities between the
profiles of the boulder and the hills in the background.
In Moche and Chimu times, an important canal passed through the area, which was
controlled by two small sites (Johnson nd). The shrine is approximately 1 km west of
these sites, in the Pampa de Chercape (see Figure 7.1).
The boulder measures nearly 15 m long and 8 m high. It stands out from the
surrounding hillsides and is by far the largest outcrop in the area. The base of the boulder
forms a shallow rock shelter, which has been delineated by a low stone wall, made of
286
simple dry-stacked field stones (Figure 7.11). The area around the rock shelter is littered
with hundreds of fragments from Inka and Chimu-Inka wares, as well as numerous pieces
of Spondylus shell. The top of the boulder somewhat resembles the profile of the summit
of a nearby hill, but there does not appear to be any intentional modification (Figure
7.12).
The adoration of such boulders was common in the highlands (Bauer 1992, 1998;
Cobo 1990; Rowe 1946), and they were just a part of the wide variety of natural objects
revered by the Inkas and other highland cultures. On the coast, however, these shrines
are not well described, and the site's location in a remote area several kilometers from the
nearest major site is unusual. However, the ceramic assemblage leaves little doubt that
the site dates to the Late Horizon. The site was likely built and visited by locals, instead
of the Inkas themselves, and it may represent local groups participating in Inka state
ideologies.
The Late Horizon Occupation of Farfan
Farfan (Figure 7.13), the main administrative center in the valley during the last
few centuries before the Spanish Conquest, underwent major changes during the Late
Horizon. Several field seasons of research at Farfan have shown that there was a
considerable Inka presence at the site, and that the relationship between the Inkas and
local lords was very different than that imposed by their Chimu predecessors. The Inka
occupation of Farfan was centered at two of the six main compounds that make up the
core of the site. The other compounds are not sufficiently well preserved to determine
the nature of their occupations. These compounds, II and VI, were occupied during the
287
LIP, but were extensively modified during the Late Horizon. Those modifications reflect
major changes in the political system brought about by the Inka conquest. The Inkas
established several different administrative positions, corresponding to specific activities.
Compound VI
Compound V
Compound IV
Panamerican
Highway
Burial Platform E
pompound III
Mound G
Unitl
ipound II
Compound I
1 Kilometer
Figure 7.13 Farfan (after Mackey 2006, Figure 11.5)
288
Excavations at Farfan have identified at least three different ranks of

administrative structures, Elite A, B and C (Mackey 2003, 2006). These ranks have been
determined by examining several different variables, including building location,
architectural features, and the materials used in construction. Elite A and B buildings are
generally found within the large walls of the Compounds II and VI, and contain large
roofed areas. Elite C structures, on the other hand, are found outside of the main exterior
walls, and contain only small roofed areas. Additionally, higher class structures feature
walls made exclusively from adobe bricks. Lower class builds are made with both adobe
and tapia, a cheaper technique that employs thick sections of mud stacked on top of each
other.
Several architectural styles found only during the Late Horizon are also found in
these structures. These include 'double walls', internal walls that have been doubled
from traditional 30-40 cm thicknesses to 60-80 cm, and pirka construction, where two
walls of adobe brick or rock surround a rubble core. This same type of wall construction
is found at all the sites in Research Area 1 (see Chapter 5).
The analysis of these three classes of elite architecture has shed light on the
political and economic organization of the valley under the Inkas. Two major changes
found at Farfan following the Inka conquest are the substantial increase in craft
production, and the expansion of storage facilities. When combined with the increase
and diversification of administrative architecture, it seems likely that the Inkas were
much more directly involved in some aspects of the political and economic organization
of the Jequetepeque than were the Chimu.
289
There is very little in the way of craft production during the Chimu occupation of
Farfan. However, during the Late Horizon, the site became the center for both ceramic
and textile production.
Manufacturing areas for both have been found in various
compounds at the site. Compound IV, one of the few preserved areas in the structure,
featured several basins that contained tools used for wool and cotton spinning and
weaving. Compound II featured a ceramic industry that produced huge tinajas, or paicas,
measuring more than 50 cm in diameter. The vessels were expertly made and finished
with several different styles of decoration. Many of the tinajas found in Research Areas 1
and 2 appear to have been constructed at Farfan. The ceramic workshop was located
inside the Elite C structure of Compound II, indicating that this production was overseen
by this class of administrators.
Storage was one of the most important aspects of Inka imperial administration.
Vast storehouses are known throughout the highlands, from Argentina to Ecuador
(Levine 1992). Not surprisingly, following the Inka conquest, storage became a central
focus of Farfan. Storage capacity at the site doubled, and included both long and short
term storage areas, making Farfan the largest storage area in the North Coast during the
Late Horizon (Mackey 2003: 338). The storage areas are different from the large Inka
storage areas known in the highlands. Whereas many Inka storage areas were located
outside of inhabited zones, often on hillsides overlooking sites, most, if not all, of this
storage was located in the elite compounds described above.
It appears that Farfan was converted into a huge storage area. This assessment is
supported by Cieza de Leon's account (1959 [1553]:322; see also Mackey 2003: 336)
290
that states that the Inkas accumulated the tribute of the Jequetepeque at an unnamed site
and then dispatched the material to the provincial capital.
It seems likely that the
unnamed site was Farfan, and the material was probably sent to Cajamarca in the
highlands above the Jequetepeque.
The Inkas radically altered the political impact of Farfan as well. In Chimu times,
the main elite compounds were centered on burial platforms.
The largest, found in
Compound II, is the earliest and was used only once. It likely represents the resting place
on the first governor of the Jequetepeque, certainly a noble associated with the ruling
family in Chan Chan.
The Inkas closed off access to this and other Chimu burial
platforms and created their own.

Additionally, they constructed a large ushnu in Compound VI. Ushnus were the
ceremonial center of Inka plazas, often associated with offerings of liquids, such as
chicha beer. The ushnu at Farfan measures 17 by 15 m, and is 2 m tall. Instead of being
located in the central plaza, it was instead located in a smaller area between Elite A and B
compounds. It appears as though access to the structure was strictly controlled, and
reinforces the notion that there were several layers of political organization at the site.
While access to the ushnu was restricted, there is good evidence that the Inkas did
put on great feasts at Farfan.
Several large, low platforms were found in three
compounds, (IV, V, and VI), and all date to the Late Horizon. They were not burial
platforms, but instead contained numerous large jars built into the structures. They are
usually associated with hearths, guinea pig pens, and cooking vessels. The platforms
vary in size from 50-60 m long, and are usually 2-3 m tall. It appears that they were giant
291
kitchens, and could have produced enough food and beer to support several hundred
people (Mackey 2003: 340).
One of the most striking aspects of the Inka occupation of Farfan is how little
Inka architecture is present at the site. In most other conquered provinces, Inka buildings
stand in stark contrast to local architectural forms (Hyslop 1990). The Inkas often built in
open areas, which both shifted the political focus of the conquered territory away from
traditional centers and allowed the Inkas to build impressive structures in their own
unique style.
This conspicuous architecture dramatically displayed Inka power,
reinforcing the new political landscape of the area.
In Farfan, however, most Inka
architectural canons are absent. The ushnu is present in Compound II, but there are no
trapezoidal niches or other 'classic' Inka forms.
Carol Mackey sees this as a compromise made by the Inkas. She calls the Late
Horizon styles at Farfan 'conciliatory architecture,' implying that the Inkas made political
concessions to the local lords in exchange for cooperation. The downplaying of Inka
architecture, and the existence of residences for local lords at Farfan all point to a closer
relationship between the local lords and the Inka than with their Chimu predecessors.
This inference has important implications for the use of the Late Horizon sites discussed
in Chapters 5 and 6. These issues will be further explored in the next chapter.
Other Late Horizon Sites
Other newly-built sites within the Chaman speak to the changing relationship
between local groups and the Inkas in the Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon. A
ceramic production area near Farfan was constructed during the Late Horizon that
292
Donnan (1994) has interpreted as a state controlled facility. The site produced a wide
variety of wares, including domestic cooking and storage jars as well as some elite wares.
The site was located approximately 6 km to the east of Farfan, near the site of Canoncillo.
The site produced a large quantity of vessels, and many of the ceramics excavated from
sites in Research Areas 1 and 2 were likely produced at the site.
IH
H~u~
r
Up-Valley site 1
I""""
-7
r~
]
1
*m
'- -
M!
25
Figure 7.14 Up-Valley Site 1, located in the upper portion of the Chaman Drainage.
The site was likely occupied for only a brief period of a few dozen years, as no
ceramics dating to before or after the Late Horizon were found in surface collections. No
excavations were conducted at the site, so it is unclear whether the facility was staffed
293
with local people or was a type of state controlled colony comprised of people brought in
from elsewhere in the empire.
The implications of the ceramic production site at Canoncillo are important
because they suggest that the Inkas may have altered some of the traditional relationships
between communities.
Ethnographic sources have indicated that many coastal
communities were specialized producers and exchanged goods with other communities in
complex networks of interaction (Rostworowski 1989). The presence of the new facility
described by Donnan, if it is an Inka facility, suggests that the state had assumed control
of the production of some goods.
One of the most important new constructions within the Chaman drainage is not
within the main agricultural area, but at the neck of the valley, near the pass leading to
the Jequetepeque drainage at Tembladera. Several sites dating to the Chimu period and
earlier were mentioned in Chapter 4. The Inkas were also interested in this important
crossing, and occupied at least one of the largest sites in the area. The site, called Upvalley Site 1, measures approximately 125 x 50 meters and contains a number of
rectangular enclosures and open areas (Figure 7.14). Chimii and Chimii-Inka ceramic
fragments litter the surface of the site, and local people have reported finding provincialstyle Inka polychrome vessels at the site and in the surrounding area.
A number of small, rectangular structures were found to the south and east of the
main portion of the site. The rooms sat on a low hillside overlooking the main part of the
site. These were single-roomed structures with stone foundations and likely featured
walls and roofs made from perishable materials. They all measured approximately 3 x 3
294
meters, which would put them at the small end of residential structures. The rooms were
devoid of artifacts on the surfaces, and no internal features were noted. While it is
possible the rooms were domestic structures, their location above the main site, regular
size and layout, and lack of domestic wares, indicates the rooms may have been used for
storage. Although the overall storage capacity would have been small, the presence of
storage would have been atypical of coastal sites and suggests the site was occupied, at
least for a time, by highland groups.
Up-Valley Site 1 is one of five sites located on the southern margin of the
Chaman Valley near the pass to the Jequetepeque. The sites are all roughly similar in
size and layout, and were occupied by at least the LIP, and possibly earlier. Other sites in
the area contain a mixture of local, coastal and highland ceramic styles, suggesting the
groups in the area were continually interacting with their neighbors both on the coasts
and in the highlands.
Conclusions
The Inka occupation of the Chaman valley was very different in both scope and
scale in comparison with the earlier Chimii period. To understand the nature of the
occupation and how it differed from the Chimii, this chapter has looked at two related
questions: the goals of the Inka occupation and the relationship between the Inkas and
local lords and their communities. The answers to these questions help to explain the
settlement pattern changes found during the Late Horizon. They also help us begin to
answer the larger questions set out at the beginning regarding who built and administered
295
these Late Horizon sites. Were they local lords, working for themselves or the Inkas, or
were the sites built by the Inkas themselves?
With respect to the first question, the Inkas seem to have been primarily
concerned with control over agricultural lands and access to water within the Chaman
Valley. Large sites that have been excavated within the main part of the Jequetepeque
show no major periods of remodeling, or any indications that the Inka conquest of the
valley radically altered their power (e.g., at Cabur). However, several new sites have
been found within the Chaman Valley. When we look at the location of sites within the
Chaman drainage built during the Late Horizon, we see the majority are either located
along the Talambo canal, such as the sites in Research Areas 1 and 2, or next to vast
tracts of farmland, such as Site 14. A few other important sites, such as Cerro Colorado,
Site 18, and the valley neck sites also date to this time.
The layout of Site 14 is similar in many ways to that of Chiquitoy Viejo in the
Chicama Valley and the site likely functioned as an administrative center. The size of its
main compound is second only to those found at Farfan, the principal site in the valley,
indicating that it was one of the most important valley centers. However, its location
away from the major north/south road and near vast tracts of agricultural land implies that
its primary function was not controlling the movement of people, but rather administering
the production of agricultural goods for the state.
The location of sites such as Cerro Colorado and the up-valley sites indicates that
the Inkas, like their predecessors, were interested in controlling access to the valley.
Cerro Colorado has the double function of both monitoring people moving through the
296
northern half of the valley as well as monitoring the western half of the lands controlled
by Site 14.
Inka control over the pass between the Chaman and Jequetepeque at
Tembladera was important as well, because shipping agricultural goods to the highlands
was made much easier by moving through the pass. Traveling through the pass instead of
diverting through the main Jequetepeque Valley cut the trip from Site 14 to Tembladera
from approximately 43 km to 32 km.
In terms of Inka and local interactions, excavations at Farfan have shown that the
Inkas had a very different sort of relationship with the local population than did the
Chimu.
As Moore has pointed out, the differences in Chimu and Inka corporate
architecture can tell us a great deal about how these two empires dealt with their subjects.
Chimu elite architecture can often be described as an architecture of separation, in that
the large walls and controlled accesses of elite compounds kept the lower classes from
direct contact with their leaders (Moore 1992). Chimu architecture features large plazas
that would have been used in ceremonies. However, the plazas were located within elite
compounds and indicate that the Chimii controlled who had access and who could
participate in these events.
The Inkas, in contrast, incorporated large, public plazas into many of their sites.
Sites ranging from Saqsaywaman in Cuzco to major provincial centers such as Huanuco
Pampa in the central highlands to the ritually important Isle of the Sun in Lake Titicaca
all contained open plazas used in ceremonies in rituals (Bauer and Stanish 2001). While
the plazas were often divided into sectors to differentiate people by class and status,
people of different classes did use these structures together on at least some occasions.
297
The Late Horizon administrative centers in the Jequetepeque, and throughout the
North Coast generally, seem to be a mixture of the two forms. In comparison with the
Late Intermediate Period, the Late Horizon occupation of Farfan was much larger, and
contained a much greater diversity of administrative staff, which may have been
overseeing a larger number of activities, including craft production, chicha brewing and
food preparation. Moreover, the number of actual Inkas at Farfan seems to have been
low, implying that the majority of the people working there were locals. This is the
opposite of what transpired during the Chimu occupation, when Farfan contained a small
population of Chimu administrators.
It was not just the increased population that distinguished the Chimu and Inkas at
Farfan.
The interaction with the people within the rest of the valley seems to have
increased as well. This is best seen in the massive kitchens found at Farfan that date to
the Late Horizon. These kitchens could have been used to feed dozens if not hundreds of
people. The implication for the presence of these kitchens is clear: the ceremonial role of
patron and provider had switched from the local nobles to the Inkas. The Inkas assumed
the role that had traditionally been part of local leadership not just in the North Coast, but
throughout the Andes. As stated earlier in this chapter, lords traditionally provided feasts
and other rewards to their constituents as payment for their participation in work projects
organized by the lord. There is no evidence that such feasts were conducted by the
Chimu when they occupied Farfan. The implication is that they did not sponsor a great
number of large-scale building projects, or otherwise assume a direct role in
administering political or economic activities in the valley.
298
The fact that the Inkas seem to have sponsored substantial feasts held at Farfan
suggests that they more substantially usurped existing local political networks than their
Chimu counterparts. This has important implications for the nature of Inka rule in the
Jequetepeque, because if true, it means that the Inkas had incorporated sections of the
valley into the empire more intensively than elsewhere on the North Coast. Historical
and archaeological evidence suggests that the Inkas had relatively little direct oversight
on the North Coast and instead ruled indirectly through local lords. It also suggests that
the Inkas had at their disposal more manpower in the valley than the Chimu did.
If we assume that the labor obligations mandated by the Inkas to local groups
were similar to those known in other parts of the empire, different communities within
the Chaman would have been responsible for working Inka lands and producing goods
for the Inkas throughout the year. This would explain the lack of residential sites around
Site 14 and the surrounding farm land. There was no full time labor force present
working the fields, but rather local groups would have done the work on a rotating basis.
The answer to the question regarding who built the Late Horizon structures in the
Jequetepeque seems to be that the Inkas had them built and headed the administration of
the valley, but most of the people in positions of authority were locals acting on behalf of
the Inkas.
Chapter 8: Inka Imperial Strategies in the Jequetepeque Valley

The expansion of the Inka Empire brought about many changes to the Andes, but
the nature of these changes, and the manner in which they were carried out varied greatly
from region to region. As many have noted, this variability is in part the result of two
seemingly paradoxical elements of Inka rule (D'Altroy 1992; Murra 1975, 1980). On the
one hand is the apparently profound penetration of Inka rule into various elements of
local communities. Labor taxes were levied, which sometimes resulted in a significant
proportion of local populations being away from their homelands for parts of the year to
serve in the army or other work. Likewise, whole communities were moved sometimes
great distances throughout the empire, in part as punishment for unruly subjects but also
to better use their labor in other areas. Whatever the exact form, many of the early
chronicles detail the breadth of tax obligations put upon subject societies by the Inkas
(Cobo 1997; Guaman Poma 1980; Murua 1986; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1999;
Rowe 1946).
At the same time, however, there is ample evidence, both archaeologically and
historically, that daily life for many local communities remained unchanged following the
Inka conquest. In the Mantaro Valley in the central highlands of Peru, for example, local
economic systems remained virtually unchanged after the arrival of the Inkas (D'Altroy
1992; D'Altroy and Hastorf 2001; Earle and D'Altroy 1989).
Likewise, social
organization remained centered around the ayllu, the traditional unit of kinship and
community organization.
300
These two seemingly contradictory patterns have been explained in part as the
logical outcome of the negotiation between imperial interests and local conditions. The
Inkas needed to keep local communities intact in order to effectively utilize local labor
and resources (Murra 1980). While much of the variation within the empire in terms of
dealing with subject societies has been seen as part of the Inka mindset (e.g., Rowe
1946), archaeologists have also shown that these variations were also the result of the
great diversity in the resources found throughout the Andes as well and the relationships
and degree of resistance of local groups to the expansion of the Inkas (Burger, et al. 2007;
D'Altroy 1992; Gifford 2003). In other words, the Inkas adapted their strategies of
imperialization to fit with the specific local conditions they encountered, but many
aspects of those strategies were variations on common themes, and not completely
distinct forms of governance.
The work detailed in this dissertation builds upon these views of Inka strategies of
imperialization, and focuses both on the deliberate Inka actions in the Jequetepeque as
well as the intentional and unintentional consequences of these actions in terms of the
Inkas' relationships with subject groups. As such, this chapter explores three related
themes that have been touched on throughout this work, examining both strategies of
imperialization and local reactions to them. First, how are the changes described in the
Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon best explained?
Are these changes best
understood as the results of local or imperial actions, or some combination of the two?
Secondly, how do the sites described in Research Areas 1 and 2 fit into the changes in
settlement patterns found in the valley during the Late Horizon? And finally, how did
301
local communities deal with the changes brought about by the arrival of the Inkas and the
vanquishing of the Chimii? The chapter concludes with a discussion of how these topics
fit into wider anthropological studies.
The Nature of Late Horizon Changes in the Jequetepeque

The preceding chapters have presented an argument and supporting data that
contend that the nature of the Inka occupation of the North Coast, specifically in the
Jequetepeque Valley, was different from that which has previously been described by
archaeologists and historians. The sites located in Research Areas 1 and 2 were all built
and occupied during the Late Horizon, after the Inka conquest of the North Coast. While
at first glance, it may seem likely that the appearance of those sites is linked with the Inka
conquest, that conclusion cannot automatically be assumed. There are, in fact, several
possibilities that could account for the great building boom seen during the Late Horizon.
The first is that the Inkas in fact did extensively occupy the Jequetepeque, and built the
sites themselves. The second possibility is that local lords built the sites while taking
advantage of a kind of pax Incaica brought about from the conquest.
From this
perspective, local nobles exploited the power vacuum left when the Inkas vanquished the
Chimu and removed direct imperial oversight of the valley. Local leaders built the sites
as their local power bases expanded and they regained control over the entire valley.
While they were still subjects of the Inkas, developments within the Jequetepeque were
relatively unsupervised, as long as local leaders kept the peace.
302
The third possible scenario that could account for the Late Horizon building boom
is a composite of the first two. In this view, the sites were built and occupied in large
part by local groups, but the planning and locations of the sites were dictated by the
Inkas, and the functions of the sites were to directly support Inka imperial goals in the
valley. Whereas the second possibility saw local lords as essentially their own masters,
deciding where and what to built, this third option sees them more as agents of the Inkas,
putting into practice what the Inkas had ordered.
Of these three possibilities, the first is the most easily discounted. As has been
noted archaeologically for a century, there is very little in the way of Inka material
culture on the North Coast. Within the Jequetepeque in particular, some fragments of
Inka polychrome ceramics have been found, these have been in small numbers, and little
true Inka architecture exists. Sites 70 and 32, in Research Areas 1 and 2 respectively, did
both contain some Inka polychrome and other foreign ceramic styles. However, these do
not prove that ethnic Inkas ever visited these sites. In fact, the Late Horizon ceramic
workshop described by Donnan (1997) on the southern side of the Jequetepeque
produced some Inka polychrome wares, so that many of the Inka ceramics found in the
valley may be locally produced.
It seems unlikely, therefore, that the Inkas were directly involved in a large scale
imperial occupation of the Jequetepeque.
Distinguishing between the other two
alternatives, however, is more complicated, since in both cases it is local groups who
were building and occupying the Late Horizon sites. When we begin to examine the
layouts of the sites, and the contexts of their use, an argument can be made for the third
303
possibility outlined above: the Inkas, while using primarily local agents, were actively
engaged in the Jequetepeque and most of the sites built during the Late Horizon were
built to support Inka imperial activities. The aim of this chapter is to put together the
elements presented in the previous chapters to understand how the sites studied for this
dissertation functioned within the strategies of Inka imperialization.
Major Transformations in the Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon
With the conquest of the lords of Chimor, the Inkas incorporated a vast area of
great agricultural production and complex social organization into their empire.
Traditional models of Inka statecraft of the North Coast have concluded that the Inkas
took the Chimu emperor and his family hostage in Cuzco, and ruled the valleys of the
coast indirectly, through puppet lords.
In comparison with the Chimu model of
occupation, this was a very low cost strategy, in what is often referred to as a hegemonic
form of imperialization (see D'Altroy 1992; Hassig 1988; Luttwak 1976).
A closer examination of settlement patterns in the Jequetepeque, however, shows
that some important changes took place during the Late Horizon, and it seems likely that
these changes were brought about by the Inkas. Many sites outside the Chaman drainage
remained virtually unchanged during the Late Horizon. In the palaces of local lords such
as at Cabur, few changes in architecture or site layout have been observed (Sapp 2002:
122). But within the Chaman, several important changes took place, which, when viewed
together, appear to be the result of Inka imperial expansion.
The changes at the site of Farfan outlined in the previous chapter are the most
telling. During the Late Horizon, Farfan greatly increased in size, and several of the
304
compounds were expanded. The addition of several new elite residences, comprising at
least three different types, suggests to Mackey (2003, 2006) that the bureaucratic
complexity of Farfan greatly expanded during the Late Horizon. Similarly, new plazas,
and the discovery of large kitchens able to produce significant amounts of food and drink
point to a changing relationship between the Inkas and local groups. The appearance of
these features at Farfan indicates that the nature of local/imperial interactions changed
after the Inka conquest. Valley-wide organization became much more centralized than
during the Chimu realm. Whereas the Chimu largely excluded local elites from positions
of power, the Inkas employed traditional relationships of elite/subject obligations, and
appear to have brought local elites into the imperial fold (see Murra 1980).
The reason for this increased centralization was also outlined in the preceding
chapter. The great abundance of agricultural land and the relative ease of transporting
agricultural products made the Jequetepeque a good choice for imperial activities. The
agricultural zone at the northern end the Chaman was the prize of the Inka conquest of
the valley.
It is perhaps not surprising that Site 14, built during the Late Horizon,
appeared within this zone, as it provided an excellent point of control for the farmland
behind it. On the other side of the Chaman lay the 16 sites that are the main focus of this
dissertation. While these sites were built and occupied only during the Late Horizon,
their functions are much less clear than those of their larger neighbors. However, when
we look at processes of Inka imperialization in other parts of the Andes, we can begin to
understand the strategies employed by the Inkas in the Jequetepeque.
305
Inka Landscapes: Land, Water, and Imperial Control

The strategies of Inka imperial control in the Jequetepeque combined elements of
both direct political control, as exhibited by the changes that took place at Farfan, and
ideological control. This situation is best seen in the placement of different Late Horizon
sites in the valley, particularly those found in Research Areas 1 and 2. While the sites in
Research Area 1 also fulfilled other functions, such as the control of the movement of
people through the valley, they also served to occupy space, which in turn redefined the
physical political landscape in the valley.
The idea of a natural realm separate from the human one did not exist in the
Andean world, and particularly within the Inka Empire. Rather, human and natural
environments were intertwined, at times both opposing and complementary forces. The
landscape thus could mean many different things to different people depending on the
time and the context of the situation. The Inkas used this great variability in landscape
meanings to their advantage. As Martin Van de Gutche (1999: 151) has argued, the Inka
cognition of landscape blended mythology, history, geophysical reality, and political
ambitions. As a result, there was not a single, static landscape of fixed positions, but
rather myriad flexible and shifting strategies for the control and management of space.
Inka landscapes, therefore, could at the same time mark imperial territory, map
historical and ideological relationships between people and the land and rewrite those
relationships as social and political relationships changed through time. The sites within
the study areas examined in this dissertation encompassed many of those elements. They
306
controlled both the physical movement of people and goods through the valley, and also
symbolized Inka territorial control.
The Inka occupation of the Jequetepeque was as much an occupation of place as it
was space. The expansion of the architectural compounds at Farfan helped to structure
the Inka reorganization of the valley. However, Farfan is the only site with a pre-Inka
occupation studied to date in the Jequetepeque that was significantly altered during the
Inka period. Rather, the Inkas chose to build in areas that had not been previously
occupied. This strategy of occupying empty land was a common practice by the Inkas
throughout the Andes (Burger, et al. 2007; Gifford 2003; Hyslop 1984, 1990; Morris
1970; Morris and Covey 2006). While the occupation of empty space was no doubt in
part a convenient one, it was also a deliberate strategy to remake a conquered region to fit
their imperial mold.
The sites in Research Areas 1 and 2, while different in function and organization,
served similar purposes in defining the extent of the Inka domain in the Jequetepeque.
The sites in Research Area 1 occupied a strategically important part of the southern
Chaman drainage, near the juncture of the Chaman and Jequetepeque Valleys. The main
sites were Site 46 and Site 20, which likely functioned together as a type of Inka way
station, or point of control, controlling movement along the southern margin of the
Chaman, as people crossed between the Chaman and the Jequetepeque, and from sites
higher up the Chaman, near the pass with Tembladera.
The organization of Sites 20 and 46, when viewed together, fit the pattern of an
intrusive Inka facility, as opposed to an ephemeral local community. The sites feature
307
several residential compounds, the most well-built of which (at Site 20), are separated
from the more utilitarian parts of Site 46. The large kitchens and chicha brewery, found
in Areas 1 and 5 of Site 46, provided the food for the complex, as well as linked the sites
economically with the wider valley. As Hyslop (1984) found in his survey of the Inka
road system, many Inka installations had some type of economic function beyond their
role as a way station.
The location of the sites in an empty part of the valley gave the Inkas a blank
canvas on which to overlay their imperial constructions. The sites therefore not only
functioned as points of control, but redrew the boundaries of political control in the
valley. In this sense, what mattered for imperial control was not so much what was done
at the sites, but that the sites were built at all. The fact that an apparent ritual site, Site 70,
was located within Research Area 1 further supports the concept that those sites were as
much about visual presence as they were about physical control.
Much of Inka
architecture is intimately tied to ritual and historical traditions. Places, objects, and
actions become manifestations of history; and as such, they become visual cues to
symbolize historical truths. The performance of ritual or action, the viewing of a work of
architecture, or the experience of an important place serves to confirm the truth of the
narrative and to validate its historical claims (Niles 1999: 45). Thus, both the daily
functioning of the sites and occasional rituals carried out within them served to establish
and confirm the presence and power of the Inkas in the Jequetepeque.
The sites in Research Area 2, while distinct in layout and organization, functioned
in a manner similar to those in Research Area 1. The four principal sites of RA 2 are
308
small, and nestled in defensible or otherwise hidden areas in the valley. While their
modest sizes and simple architecture might otherwise suggest more humble functions, the
sites in RA 2 played an important part in marking the extent of Inka power in the
Chaman. As with the sites of RA 1, it is not so much what was done at these sites that
was important but that they were there at all. The locations of these sites are key with
respect to several important elements of the Chaman, and the Inkas manipulated these
elements through the construction of the sites at RA 2.
As the dictum goes, location is everything, and RA 2 was located in a
symbolically important part of the Chaman. One of the most conspicuous elements of the
location of RA 2 was its association with a major course change in the Talambo Canal,
the main canal linking the Jequetepeque and the Chaman Valleys. At this turn, the canal
left its route along the south side of the Chaman and crosses north towards Site 14. This
turn marked the eastern limit of cultivated lands within the middle and lower portions of
the Chaman and as such defined the eastern extent of the main population and
agricultural area of the valley. As was the case with the sites in RA 1, the sites in RA 2
marked the Inka claim to the southern margin of the Chaman, and the road and canal that
ran through this region. Research Area 2, however, also directly links these sites with
Site 14, the largest Late Horizon site in the Chaman after Farfan. This link joins Site 14
and the extensive agricultural land around it with the southern margin of the Chaman.
This effectively delineated the land, as well as the water and people that pass through it,
as belonging to the Inka Empire.
309
While the sites in RA 2 may symbolically link Site 14 with the southern margin of
the Chaman, this situation in itself does not imply they were Inka sites. Rather, it is the
locations and landscape elements associated with the primary sites within RA 2 that
suggest a strong relationship with Inka ideological principles. While the specific layouts
and ceramic assemblages vary somewhat from site to site, all four sites are located
directly under dry waterfalls. In Chapter 6, the idea that they could have been ephemeral
agricultural sites was presented as an alternative interpretation. This alternative seems
unlikely given the lack of botanical remains and agricultural tools found during
excavation of Site 32, the remoteness of the sites and their location in hidden areas with
lookout posts controlling access to the sites, the location of larger, more easily cultivable
quebradas closer to population centers, the lack of any indication of significantly wet
years in climate data, and the extremely small size of the sites, which could have
supported perhaps one family. When taken together, these elements strongly suggest that
the sites in RA 2 were not agricultural sites.
If the sites were not intended for agricultural purposes, their associations with dry
waterfalls suggest they could have been wak'as, important points found throughout the
landscape. On the coast, the nature of symbolically constituted landscapes has not been
addressed to the degree it has in the highlands. During the Late Intermediate Period,
most Chimu decorative elements contain marine and land animals, such as birds, fish, and
camelids, or some more abstract designs such as nets and waves. There are no direct
associations with landscapes, particularly waterfalls. Moreover, shrines, such as those
described for the Cuzco zeq'e system (see Bauer 1998; Cobo 1997; Zuidema 1964) have
310
not been regularly described for the coast. Swenson (2007) has described local shrine
sites in the lower Jequetepeque, but they appear to have been communal installations and
are not associated with specific landscape features.
Wak'as were important points found throughout the Andes. They varied greatly
in their size and importance; innumerable small local shrines dotted the ancient
landscape, while several dozen more important shrines were found throughout the
empire. Another dozen or so sites were the most important shrines and were the focus of
vast state rituals throughout the year (Bauer and Stanish 2001). Wak'as attained their
special statuses in various ways. Some were famous for their relation to some real or
mythical event. The sites of battles, places where Inka emperors rested on their way to an
important ceremony or event, or where mythological deities performed specific actions
were all potential wak'as. Of this kind of wak'a, paqarinas, or places of origin were
some of the most significant.
A place could also become a wak'a because of a special property, often because
of a difference between it and its surroundings. Large, apparently out of place stones,
springs, or other natural peculiarities could all become imbued with significant social and
ritual powers. It appears that the crucial factor for the selection of a wak'a was its state
of difference, a visual characteristic or peculiar feature in an Inka aesthetic of alterity
(Van deGuchte 1999: 163).
Temples, palaces, and other elements of the built landscape could also be wak'as,
but many were never modified by human hands. Bauer's (1998) analysis of the Cuzco
zeq'e system records 96 springs or other water sources, 95 stones, 32 hills and mountain
311
passes, 28 royal temples and palaces, 28 fields and flat places, 10 tombs, 7 ravines, 3
caves, 3 quarries, 3 stone seats, 3 sunset markers, 2 trees, and 2 roads (list taken from
D'Altroy 2002: 163). Many of these features contain little or no sign of human presence.
In fact, some of the most important wak'as leave little indication of their status. Sites
such as Pacariqtambo, the cave that marks the mythical origin point, or paqarina, of the
Inkas, contained very little in the way or architecture or other artifacts. Wak'as were
connected through how they brought together myth, history, and ritual to create and
recreate socialized landscapes that demonstrated and defined imperial order. The fact
that some wak'as were portable, such as idols, or simply locations, complicates the secure
identification even further.
The four main sites in RA 2 are similar in important ways to highland Inka
wak'as. Most significantly is their connection with waterfalls. This is not typical of the
North Coast, but wak'as associated with water features are common in the highlands. Of
all the different landscape features that could be wak'as, springs and rivers, and other
water features were some of the most common in the empire. Of Bauer's (1998) list of
wak'as associated with the zeq'e system, 96 of the 312 (30%) were water features. The
dry waterfalls found above the four main sites in RA 2 suggest that the location of these
sites may have more to do with symbolism than economics.
Water was an essential element of all past and modern societies. No living thing
can survive without it, and water was a major factor in determining where people could
live in ancient societies.
In the Andes, water became more than just an important
resource; it was a symbol of life, rebirth, and a connection with ancestors long departed
312
for the spirit world (Sherbondy 1992). Throughout the Andean world and for the Inkas in
particular, water was thought of as a fundamental element, something that surrounded the
world. For example, the Milky Way was thought of as a river that cut through the
cosmos; likewise the oceans, the ultimate destination for all rivers and lake, was seen as
laying beneath the land (Hyslop 1990: 129; Urton 1978). Water is special because it can
be both natural and cultural. It manifests itself in a variety of forms, such as rain, springs,
rivers, waterfalls and lakes. Water permeates many aspects of Andean cosmology and
religion. It was tied to mountains and rainfall, which nourished the lands and made
agriculture possible (Reinhard 1985). These natural elements were transformed through
human agency into canals, drainages, fountains, reservoirs, and wells (Kaulicke, et al.
2003: 48). It is this transformative power of water that was important to the Inkas,
linking the material world of the present with the natural world of ancestors and deities.
Local Power and Identity

The preceding sections of this chapter have examined how the sites described in
Research Areas 1 and 2, as well as other sites with Late Horizon occupations in the
Chaman Valley, functioned as part of a strategy of Inka imperialization. The conclusions
drawn in these sections, and elsewhere in this dissertation, have been based on the idea
that the amount of imperial material culture in a region does not necessarily reflect the
intensity of imperial processes that took place there. In contrast to the traditional views
of the nature of the Inka presence on the Peruvian North Coast, which have seen it as
minor, the position taken here is that despite the dearth of Inka material culture, there
were significant Inka activities. However, this is not to say that the relationship between
313
the Inkas and the people of the Jequetepeque was a one-sided affair. The majority of
people who built and occupied the sites described in this dissertation were locals, not
foreigners. As such, it is important to remember that local conditions and actions played
as big a role, if not bigger, as Inka strategy in determining the nature of imperial
encounters on the North Coast.
For the Inkas, collaboration with local groups was the only practical option they
had if they were to maintain control over the coast. The variable strategies the Inkas
employed gave them great flexibility in dealing with subject societies. The intertwined
social and economic relationships of parcialidades that sometimes stretched over large
areas of the North Coast limited the ability of the Inkas to simply reorganize local groups.
The disruption of large segments of the population, perhaps moved as part of a mitimae
colony to another part of the empire, would have destroyed the political and economic
base of local groups. The Inkas wanted to preserve these systems when possible because
they needed a productive labor force able to fulfill tax obligations and local political
networks to help over see them.
The situation the Inkas came into gave them an opportunity to collaborate with
local lords in a situation that had benefits for both sides. During the Middle Horizon,
prior to the Chimu conquest, there were a number of competing lords in the
Jequetepeque. While there does not appear to have been a clear political hierarchy in the
valley, the vast site of Pacatnamu appears to have held some central position. The site,
which is much larger than any contemporary site in the valley, may have served as a kind
of quasi-politico-religious center, ideologically centralizing several otherwise competing
314
factions. During the Chimu rule of the valley, Pacatnamu was nearly abandoned, and
Farfan became the new center of the valley. Local lords continued to control their lands,
but central authority was in the hands of foreigners.
If the Inkas were going to capitalize on the vast resources of the Jequetepeque, it
is likely they would have to collaborate closely with local groups. While the Inka
appropriation of unoccupied land gave them a blank slate upon which to create imperial
landscapes, it also served to keep local polities in the Jequetepeque in control of their
own lands. This circumstance, coupled with the increased population of local lords at
Farfan, meant that local groups had achieved a greater level of self-rule than during the
Chimu occupation.
Despite these gains, local communities were still under the thumb of an
occupying empire. However, the nature of the Inka occupation in the Jequetepeque gave
these groups the ability to assert their own authority and symbols of power while serving
the Inkas. Although local lords were required to build and occupy sites within the valley
that helped to maintain Inka control, it was through the construction and occupation of
these sites that communities were able to resist and reframe the power relations of the
Inka occupation. While not as explicit as the "conciliatory architecture" of Farfan, the
sites found in Research Areas 1 and 2 also feature combined elements of Inka and local
architectural traditions.
In fact, beyond the way the sites functioned, there is little in Research Area 1 that
is explicitly Inka. The overall layout and organizations of the sites are typical of the
North Coast. Sites 20 and 46 have rectilinear structures with complex arrangements of
315
rooms and patios. These layouts are found throughout the North Coast dating back at
least to the Early Intermediate Period (see Bawden 1977, 1982; Donnan and Cock 1986,
1997; Keatinge 1974, 1977; Kolata 1990; Moore 1996; Shimada 1994; Topic and
Moseley 1983; Tschauner 2001). Additionally, the vast majority of the ceramics used at
the sites and the food consumed at them were all typical of the North Coast. A person or
people moving through the valley, while likely understanding the function of the sites,
would also have noticed the conspicuous displays of local authority.
Likewise, while the locations of the sites in Research Area 2 were associated with
the Inka interest in water and unique topographical features in the landscape, there are
many elements of local designs as well. In terms of their layout and overall architecture,
they are very similar to the Chimii period shrines described by Swenson (2007) in the
lower Jequetepeque. Those sites contained numerous simple platforms ~ usually places
around a central area that was the focal point of the site. While many of the platforms
were larger than those of RA 2, the overall layout and organization of the sites are
comparable.
Swenson sees the shrines in the lower Jequetepeque as a reflection of local elites
attempting to assert their authority by adopting elements of Chimii rule, but reinterpreting
them to fit local situations. The sites of Research Area 2 may reflect a similar situation.
Local lords, while building to mark Inka territory, embedded many elements of local
social organization in the layout of the sites. In fact, the physical placement of the sites
may represent the local political organization of the Chaman. Based on historical data,
there were at least three, and possibly four local lords in the Chaman drainage, based in
316
Talambo, Chepen, Moro Viejo and Guadalupe (Ramirez 1990). While there is no
historical information describing how these polities related to one another, the layout of
the four main sites in RA 2 reflects a dual and quadripartite organization. Such moiety
structures were found throughout the Andes and were particularly strong on the North
Coast (Netherly 1977, 1984, 1990; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1977, 1989a, 1989b).
The sites are grouped into two groups of two, with sites 29 North and South
comprising one group, and sites 31 and 32 making up the other. In each case, there are
two sites located below large dry waterfalls.
Additionally, each group consists of one
larger and one smaller site, with the larger sites topographically higher than the smaller
ones. In the case of the larger sites, Site 32 and Site 29 South, the architecture is
primarily small platforms grouped together. In Site 32 these rooms are closely spaced,
while they are somewhat more spread out into groups of three to six at Site 29 South.
The architecture is relatively more complex at the smaller sites, Site 31 and Site 29
North. In both cases, several small stone circles are present in addition to the simple
stone platforms.
Although this represents somewhat of a 'reach' in terms of the interpretation of
archaeological data, the patterning found at the sites in RA 2 may be the result of local
lords with the Chaman drainage participating in Inka religious and political institutions.
The dual and quadripartite divisions suggested by the locations of the sites may reflect
the sociopolitical hierarchy of the Chaman. The construction and use of the sites both
served to reinforce vertical ties made between local lords and Inka administrators and
reflect the continuity of local institutions and power structures.
317
The Late Horizon in the Jequetepeque Valley was a complex web of constantly
evolving political relationships brought about by the vanquishing of the Chimu Empire
and the dismantling of the political network its leaders had built on the North Coast over
the preceding two centuries. The consequences created a situation where the newly
conquering Inkas scrambled to acquire valuable agricultural land and local nobles
attempted to reassert their own political authority, which had been dramatically lessened
during the reign of the Chimu. The result was a compromise: the Inkas gained access to
the vast breadbasket that was the Jequetepeque, and built new sites that served both
administrative and ideological functions in marking out their new territory. Local lords,
however, also benefited from the arrangement. Those in the Chaman, at least, gained
access to new status and authority as seen in the flourishing of Farfan, and also used
many of the Inkas' own structures as symbols of their own new-found power and
prestige.
Conclusions: Landscape and Empires

This dissertation has attempted to bring together two lines of inquiry of
consequence to wider archaeological and anthropological studies. The first relates to
how the control of socially constituted landscapes can be used as a process of
imperialism.
The second focuses on role that collaboration between imperial
administrators and local lords plays in shaping imperial encounters. This study has also
touched on, directly and indirectly, the role of material culture in the study of ancient
empires.
318
The study of ideational and socially constituted landscapes has been a growing
part of archaeological study for over a decade. Many of the studies outlined in Chapter 2
focused on how landscapes could transcend the physical land they occupy, and become
imbued with meaning and history.
They were more than simply places; rather,
landscapes were dynamic, psychological constructions. This study has attempted to show
that landscapes, and the manipulation of socially constituted landscapes, could be
important elements in processes of imperialization. And while Andean landscapes, and
the complex social and political relations they are intertwined with, are relatively welldocumented, the importance of landscapes in empires and imperial situations extends far
beyond South America.
Landscapes within many imperial settings appear to have been socially
meaningful beyond their basic economic potential, and imperial agents were adept at
transforming these places to demonstrate new social and political realities.
These
transformations ranged from the macro level, such as the construction of the new Roman
capital at Constantinople (Ando 2001) to the regional and local levels, as illustrated by
the settlement pattern changes in southern Transcaucasia following the area's
incorporation into the Urartian Empire (Smith 1999), and the modification of local
shrines like the temple of Zeus Baetocaece in southern Syria (Steinsapir 1999).
While the acknowledgement that landscapes matter, and are important avenues of
power in empires has been increasingly widespread, outside of the Andes there is still a
relative dearth of archaeological examples of the imperial manipulation of socially
constituted landscapes. This is certainly due in part to the difficulty of studying features
319
that may have little or no human modification. Without textual sources, these sites are
difficult to identify and categorize. Much of the focus of study in the Aztec Empire, for
example, has centered on political and economic developments, which have left a variety
of material remains throughout central Mexico (Berdan et al 1996; Smith and Berdan
1992; Smith 1987; Smith and Montiel 2001; Smith and Price 1994). Imperial landscapes,
while an important part of Aztec ideology and strategies of imperialization, have not been
as thoroughly investigated (but see Brumfiel 2001; Carrasco 1999). This dissertation
shows that landscapes and landscape features, even ones with relatively minor
modifications, can at times be studied through the lens of regional analysis. In the
particular case here, several small sites, which by themselves were rather unimpressive,
were shown to have been part of an imperial endeavor in the Jequetepeque Valley when
viewed together with other Late Horizon sites in the valley. It is hoped that small or
seemingly minor sites in other parts of the world can play a more useful role in
archaeological studies through regional analyses as well.
Imperialization and Local Elites

The subject societies that comprised the Inka Empire formed a diverse patchwork
of social and political groups that could not be governed in a single, standard fashion.
The impact of the Inka conquest on these various societies was necessarily also a
patchwork, incorporating a variety of strategies that blended imperial interests with local
social, political, and environmental realities. The nature and degree of imperial conquest
varied considerably from one end of the empire to the other. In some areas, such as the
320
Cuzco basin, the Mantaro Valley in central Peru, and the Cochabamba valley in Bolivia,
the ubiquitous impact of the Inka state was readily visible in the archaeological record.
In other parts of the empire, such as in northwestern Argentina and the Peruvian south
coast, there is ample evidence of an Inka presence, but the intensity of this presence was
muted, and the depths to which the empire intruded into the daily lives of subject peoples
were less marked. In other areas, the Inkas were even less intrusive, as was the case on
the North Coast outlined in this dissertation.
Changes brought by the arrival of the Inkas thus varied from place to place, and in
all but the most intensely ruled parts of the empire most aspects of daily life and local
rule continued largely intact. At the local level, rule continued through local lords, who
were now agents of the Inka state. While these nobles were an invaluable resource to the
Inkas, they could also be a potential danger, as their true allegiances were certainly often
with their kin and not with their imperial supervisors. The lack of direct political control
at the local level presented challenges to both the Inkas and many other ancient states.
The strategy to rely on local nobles was born out of a necessity to balance control with
costs and as such posed a degree of uncertainty to imperial administrators who wished to
keep the flow of goods and materiel moving from provincial sites to the imperial core.
The nature of local collaboration was an important issue in all empires and the
wide-ranging roles local nobles play in imperial processes were explored early in Chapter
2. Many studies of the 'local' in empires are often broached from the perspective of local
elites balancing demands placed on them by imperial agents and their local constituents.
These authors have explored the careful maneuvering local lords exercised between these
321
two groups, as a way of gaining rewards and status from the empire and keeping
legitimacy with their local people.
This dissertation focuses on another element to this field of study. In many cases,
the study of local lords has focused on areas that were independent prior to their
incorporation into the empire (such as Alcock 1993; Berdan et al 1996; D'Altroy 1992;
Dietler 1997; Gifford 2003; Schrieber 1992). The case presented here deals with a
scenario in which one empire (the Inka) replaces another (the Chimu). This adds another
dimension, where subject elites must navigate new imperial relationships and adapt from
one form of imperialization to another. Likewise, the conquering empire must deal with
the varied social and political relationships present in the newly incorporated lands of the
former empire. The study of these empire-to-empire transformations is pertinent to many
other parts of the world. The Roman Empire, in particular, dealt with a stunning variety
of social and political forms as it incorporated provinces into its growing territory. Many
of the lands in northern Africa and the Near East had been empires and complex, multiethnic states in their own right, with their own strategies of imperialization and
administration.
Similarly, while many recent volumes have dealt with the imperial
incorporation of subject societies, the investigation of empires absorbing other empires

and complex states has not been regularly investigated (see Alcock et al. 2001; Cherry
1993; Sinopoli 1994). This line of inquiry presents another facet that is of potential
interest to other investigations of empires.
322
Material Empires
As imperial administrators often had limited resources with which to govern local
communities, they had to find alternative ways to further imperial interests.
This
dissertation has explored some of the ways imperial leaders could effectively govern a
subject society without drastically reorganizing the existing social landscape.
In
particular, it has looked at how these leaders manipulated socially constituted landscapes
to materialize their power in subtle but nonetheless potent ways.
One of the most
important considerations regarding the study of ancient empires brought up through the
course of this study is the role material culture plays in determining the nature of imperial
interactions. Archaeology, particularly the study of non-literate societies, relies heavily
on material culture, the pots and buildings and food remains, left behind by people in the
past. The presence (or absence) of material culture directly relating to imperial activities
is usually the easiest and most direct way archaeologists can assess the nature and
intensity of imperial-subject relations.
However, as this dissertation has attempted to show, significant, imperially
sponsored or sanctioned activities can occur in situations where no imperial material
culture is present and empires may instead have left traces of their presence in less
materially visible ways. A lack of imperial material culture can make it difficult for
archaeologists to examine the nature of imperial encounters in particular regions, but
there are alternative lines of inquiry that can help illustrate the extent of imperial actions.
In the case presented here, valley-wide settlement patterns were a key element
used to demonstrate that significant changes had taken place within the Jequetepeque
323
Valley following the Inka conquest. The changes that were observed, both in terms of
new sites that were built and changes to existing sites such as Farfan strongly suggested
that the Inkas had brought about important changes following their annexation of the
valley into the empire. Archaeologists had overlooked these changes in part because
there was little or no direct Inka material culture tied to their development. As Parker
(2003: 526) noted with the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the social, political, and economic
transformations that integrate subject territories into the imperial system are often
superimposed over existing systems. Depending on how the processes of imperialization
played out, the material remains indicative of imperial integration can be difficult to
define in the archaeological record. One of the important elements of this study was to
emphasize the need to take a regional approach to understand local transformations. Any
of the sites examined in this study, taken by itself, would show little evidence for Inka
imperial activities. Only when taken together can the individual pieces of the material
record begin to illustrate the larger processes that were at work.
Final Thoughts
In the end, it is difficult to know just how effective the Inka strategies in the
Jequetepeque were. The arrival of the Spanish conquistadores in 1532 put an end to Inka
rule and coastal societies once again found themselves subjects of a foreign empire. This
time around, however, the changes would be profound and permanent. The great plagues
that decimated native communities and the subsequent social reorganization that took
place under Spanish administrators and priests forever altered Andean societies. Several
sites within the Jequetepeque that date to the Late Horizon may not have been completed
324
by the time the Spanish arrived. The large Site 14 for example, which dominated an
extensive area of agricultural land, appears to have been still under construction. The
mighty walls, often more than 5 meters high, that separated similar structures along the
coast were at Site 14 only one to two meters high, and one meter wide at the base.
Similarly, there were few internal structures within the perimeter walls that would have
housed local administrators and other personnel at the site. As such, we may now see
only a fraction of the true extent of Inka changes in the Jequetepeque Valley, both from
modern site disturbances but also because many of the sites were never completed, and
are not as obviously part of imperial activities. And while numerous colonial documents
written just after the conquest allow us some understanding of highland societies, few
such manuscripts exist for the coast until almost a century after the arrival of the Spanish.
Thus the narratives we are left with give us only fleeting glimpse of what Prehispanic
costal societies were like. The hope is that through further research and fieldwork we can
begin to better understand the diversity of imperial forms both throughout world and
within the Andes in particular.
Bibliography
Abercrombie, N., S. Hill and B. Turner
1980 The Dominant Ideology Thesis G. Allen and Unwin, London; Boston.
Adams, R.
1965 Study of Ancient Mesopotamian settlement patterns and the problem of
urban origins. Sumer 25:111-124.
1979 Late Prehispanic Empires of the New World. In Power and Propaganda:
A Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by M. Larsen, pp. 59-73. Akademisk
Forlag, Copenhagen.
Adler, M.
1996 Land tenure, archaeology, and the ancestral Pueblo social landscape.
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 15(4):337-271.
Alcock, S.
1993 Grecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Alcock, S., T. D'Altroy, K. Morrison and C. Sinopoli (editors)
2001 Empires. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Cambridge.
Aldenderfer, M.
1989 The Archaic Period in the South-Central Andes. Journal of World
Prehistory 3(2): 11-58.
Algaze, G.
2005 The Uruk World System: the Dynamics of Expansion of Early
Mesopotamian Civilization. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Alva, W.
1986 Ceramica Temprana en el Valle de Jequetepeque, Norte del Peru.
Materialien zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archaeologie 32.
2001 The Royal Tombs of Sipan: Art and Power in Moche Society. In Moche
Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, edited by J. Pillsbury, pp. 233-246.
National Gallery of Art, Distributed by Yale University Press, Washington D.C.
Alva, W. and C. Donnan
1983 Royal Tombs of Sipan. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of
California, Los Angeles, Los Angles.
Bibliography
326
Anders, M.
1990 Historiay etnografla: los mitmaq de Hudnuco en las visitas de 1549, 1557
y 1562. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima.
Ando, C.
2001 The Palladium and the Pentateuch: Towards a Sacred Topography of the
Later Roman Empire. Phoenix, 55(3/4): 369-410.
Anschuetz, K., R. Wilshusen and C. Scheik
2001 An Archaeology of Landscapes: Perspectives and Directions. Journal of
Archaeological Research 9(2): 157-211.
Arnold, J. and A. Ford
1980 Statistical examination of settlement patterns at Tikal, Guatemala.
American Antiquity 45(4):713-726.
Ascher, M. and R. Ascher
1981 Quipu como lenguaje visible. In Tecnologia en el mundo andino: 1.
subsistencia y mensuracion. Universidad Autonoma de Mexico Ciudad
Universitaria, Mexico, D.F.
Ashmore, W.
1981 Historical introduction to the study of lowland Maya settlement patterns.
In Lowland Maya Settlement Patterns, edited by W. Ashmore, pp. 3-18.
University of Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
2004 Social Archaeology of Landscape. In A Companion to Social
Archaeology, edited by L. Meskell and R. Preucel. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Ashmore, W. and A. B. Knapp
1999 Archaeologies of Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives. Blackwell,
Maiden, MA
Aston, M.
1997 Interpreting the Landscape: Landscape Archaeology and Local History.
Routledge, London; New York.
Aveni, A.
1982 Horizontal astronomy in Incaic Cuzco. In Space and Time in the
Cosmovision of Mesoamerica, edited by F. Tichy, pp. 175-193. Wilhelm Fink,
Mtinchen.
Baretto, D.
Bibliography
327
1984 Las Investigacions en el "Templete" de Limoncarro. Beitrage zur

Allegemeinen und Vergleichenden Archaologie 6:541-547.
Barrett, J., R. Bradley and M. Green
1991 Landscape, Monuments and Society: The Prehistory of Cranborn Chase.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Barrett, J. and K. Fewster
1998 Stonehenge: is the medium the message? Antiquity 72(278):847-852.
Basso, K.
1996
Wisdom Sits in Places. University of New Mexico Press, Albuqueque.
Bauer, B.
1992 Development of the Inca State. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1996 Legitimization of the state in Inca myth and ritual. American
Anthropologist 98(2):327-337.
1998
The Sacred Landscape of the Inca. University of Texas Press, Austin.
2004 Ancient Cuzco: Heart of the Inca. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Bauer, B. and W. Barrionuevo Orosco
1998 Reconstructing Andean shrine systems: a test case from the Xaquixaguana
(Anta) region of Cusco, Peru. Andean Past 5:73-87.
Bauer, B. and R. Covey
2002 Processes of State Formation in the Inca Heartland (Cuzco, Peru).
American Anthropologist 104(3):846-864.
Bauer, B. and D. Dearborn
1995 Astronomy and Empire in the Ancient Andes. University of Texas Press,
Austin.
Bauer, B. and C. Stanish
2001 Ritual and Pilgrimage in the Andes: The Islands of the Sun and the Moon.
University of Texas Press, Austin.
Bawden, G.
1977 Galindo and the nature of the middle horizon in northern coastal Peru: a
thesis. Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University.
Bibliography
328
1978 Life in the Pre-Columbian town of Galindo, Peru. Bulletin, Field Museum
of Natural History 49(3): 16-22.
1982 Community Organization Reflected by the Household: A Study of preColumbian Social Dynamics. Journal of Field Archaeology 9:165-183.
1982 Galindo: A Study in Cultural Transition During the Middle Horizon. In
Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by M. Moseley and K. Day, pp. 285-320.
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
1995 The structural paradox: Moche culture as political ideology. Latin
American Antiquity 6(3):255-273.
1996
The Moche. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Beck, C.
1979 Ancient roads on the north coast of Peru. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of
California, Berkeley.
Bender, B.
1993a Landscape: Politics and Perspectives. Berg, Oxford.
1993b Introduction: Landscape - Meaning and Action. In Landscape: Politics
and Perspectives, edited by B. Bender, pp. 1-18. Berg, Oxford.
1998
Stonehenge: Making Space. Berg, Oxford.
Bender, B. and M. Winer (editors)

2001 Contested Landscapes : Movement, Exile and Place. Berg, Oxford.
Beorchia Nigris, A.
1985 El enigma de los santuarios indigenas de alta montaha. Centro de Investigacions
Arqueologicas de Alta Montana, San Juan Argentina.
Berdan, F., R. Blanton, E. Boone, M. Hodge, M. Smith and E. Umberger
1996 Aztec Imperial Strategies. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, Washington
D.C.
Bermann, M.
1994 Lukurmata : Household Archaeology in Prehispanic Bolivia Princeton
University Press, Princeton, NJ.
Bernuy, K. and V. Bernal
Bibliography
329
2005 Influencia Cajamarca en los rituales funerarios del Periodo Transicional en

San Jose de Moro. In Muerte y Evidencias Funerarias el los Andes Centrales:
Avances y Perspectives, edited by C. Cesar Olaya and M. Romero Bernales, pp.
61-78. vol. 1. Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal, Lima.
Betanzos, J.
1996 Narrative of the Incas. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Binford, L.
1982 Archaeology of place. Journal ofAnthropological Archaeology l(l):5-31.
Blake, E.
1997 Strategic symbolism: miniature nuraghi of Sardinia. Journal of
Mediterranean Archaeology 10(2): 151 -164.
1998 Sardinia's nuraghi: four millennia of becoming. World Archaeology
30(1):59-71.
1999 Identity-mapping in the Sardinian Bronze Age. European Journal of
Archaeology 2(l):35-55.
2004 Space, Spatiality, and Archaeology. In Companion to Social Archaeology,
edited by L. Meskell and R. Preucel, pp. 230-254. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Blanton, R.
1978 Monte Alban: Settlement Patterns at the Ancient Zapotec Capital.
Academic Press: New York.
1996 A Consideration of Causality in the Growth of Empire: A Comparative
Perspective. In Aztec Imperial Strategies, edited by F. Berdan, R. Blanton, E.
Boone, M. Hodge, M. Smith and E. Umberger, pp. 219-225. Dumbarton Oaks
Research Library, Washington D.C.
Blanton, R. and G. Feinman
1984 Mesoamerican world system. American Anthropologist 86:673-682.
Bonavia, C , M. Ochoa. and R. Palomino
2004 Archaeological Evidence of Cherimoya (Annona cherimolia Mill.) and
Guanabana (Annona muricata L.) in Ancient Peru. Economic Botany 58(4):509522.
Bowden, M.
1999 Unravelling the Landscape: An Inquisitive Approach to Archaeology.
Tempus, Stroud, Gloucestershire.
Bibliography
330
Bradley, R.
2000 An archaeology of natural places. Routledge, London; New York.
Brennan, C.
1978 Investigations at Cerro Arena, Peru: Incipient Urbanism on the Peruvian
North Coast. Ph.D. Disseration, University of Arizona.
Brumfiel, E.
1994a Introduction. In Factional Competition and Political Development in the
New World, edited by E. Brumfiel and J. Fox, pp. 3-14. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
1994b Ethnic groups and political development in ancient Mexico. In Factional
Competition and Political Development in the New World, edited by E. Brumfiel
and J. Fox, pp. 89-102. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Brumfiel, E. and J. Fox (editors)
1994 Factional Competition and Political Organziation in the New World.
Cambridge Univeristy Press, Cambridge.
Burger, R.
1992 Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization. Thames and Hudson,
London.
Burger, R., C. Morris and R. Matos Mendieta
2007 Variations in the Expression oflnka Power. Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library and Collection, Washington D.C.
Cabeo Valboa, M.
1951 Miscelanea antartica: una historia del Peru antiguo. Universidad
Nacional Mayor de San Marcos. Instituto de Etnologia y Arqueologia., Lima.
Calancha, A.
1638 Cronica moralizada del Orden de San Augustin en el Peru. P.
Lacavalleria, Barcelona.
Carmichael, D., J. Hubert, B. Reeves and A. Schanche (editors)
1994 Sacred Sites, Sacred Places. Routledge, London; New York.
Carneiro, R.
1970 A Theory of the Origin of the State. Science 169:733-8.
Casey, E.
Bibliography
331
1996 How to get from Space to Place in a Fairly Short Stretch:

Phenomenological Prolegomena. In Senses of Place, edited by S. Feld and K.
Basso, pp. 91-135. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.
Castillo, L. J.
2001 The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley. In
Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, edited by J. Pillsbury, pp. 307-332.
National Gallery of Art, Distributed by Yale University Press, Washington D.C.
Castillo, L. J. and C. Donnan
1994 Los Mochicas del Norte y los Mochicas del Sur: Una Perspectiva desde el
Valle del Jequetepeque. In Vicus, edited by K. Makowski, C. Donnan, L. J.
Castillo, M. Deiz Canseco, O. E. Revoredo, J. Murro Mena, pp 143-181.
Coleccion Arte y Tesoros de Peru, Lima.
Castro, C. and D. Oretga Morejon
1974 Relacion y declaracion del mode que este valle de Chincha y sus
comarcanos se governaven antes que oviese Ingas y despues q(ue) los vuo hasta
q(ue) los Cristianos entraron en esta tierra. Historiay Cultura 8:91-104.
Cavallaro, R.
1997 Architectural analysis and dual organization in the Andes. In Arquitectura
y Civilizacion en los Andes Prehispdnicos, edited by E. Bonnier and H. Bischof,
pp 42-61. Stadtisches Reiss-Museum Mannheim, Sociedad Arqueologica
Peruano-Alemana, Mannheim.
Cavallaro, R. and I. Shimada
1988 Some thoughts on Sican marked adobes and labor organization. American
antiquity 53:75-101.
Champion, T. (editor)
1989a Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in Archaeology. Unwin,
Hyman, London.
1989b Introduction. In Centre and Periphery: Comparative Studies in
Archaeology, edited by T. Champion, pp. 1-21. Ulwin, Hyman, London.
Chang, K.
1974 Settlement Patterns in Archaeology. Modules in Anthropology, 24.
Addison-Wesley, Menlo Park, CA.
Chase-Dunn, C. and T. Hall (editors)
1991 Core/Periphery Relationsin Precapitalist Worlds. Westview Press,
Boulder.
332
Bibliography
Chauchat, C.
1977 El paijanese de Cupisnique: problematica y metodologia de los sitios
liticos de superficie. Revista del Museo Nacional 43:13-26.
1988 Early Hunter-Gatherers on the Peruvian Coast. In Peruvian Prehistory: An
Overview ofpre-Inca and Inca Society, edited by R. Keatinge, pp. 41-66.
Cherry, J.
1993
The Archaeology of Empires. World Archaeology 23(2).
Cieza de Leon, P.
1984 Cronica del Peru. Universidad Catolica de Peru, Fondo Editorial, Lima.
Cleere, H.
1995 Cultural Landscapes as World Heritage. In Conservation and Managment
of Archaeological Sites, 2: 63-68.
Cleland, K. and I. Shimada
1992 Sican bottles: marking time in the Peruvian Bronze Age - a five-part
typology and seriation. Andean Past 3:193-235.
Coben, L.
2005 Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Carabaya Region, Peru. In
Advances in the Archaeology of the Titicaca Basin, edited by C. Stanish, A.
Cohen, and M. Aldenderfer, pp. 107-135. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press,
Los Angeles.
Cobo, B.
1997 Inca Religion and Customs. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1998 History of the Inca Empire: an account of the Indians' customs and their
origin, together with a treatise on Inca legends, history, and social institutions.
Translated by R. Hamilton. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Conklin, W. and M. Moseley
1988 The Paterns of Art and Power in the Early Intermediate Period. In
Peruvian Prehistory: An Overview ofpre-Inca and Inca Society, edited by R.
Keatinge, pp. 145-163. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Conklin, W.
1990 Architecture of the Chimu: memory, function, and image. In Northern
Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A.
Bibliography
333
Cordy-Collins, pp. 43-74. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,

Washington, D.C.
Conlee, C. and K. Schreiber
2006 The Role of Intermediate Elites in the Balkanization and Reformation of
Post-Wari Society in Nasca, Peru. In Intermediate Elites in Pre-Columbian States
and Empires, edited by C. Elson and R. Covey, pp. 94-112. University of Arizona
Press, Tucson.
Connerton, P.
1989 How Societies Remember. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Conrad, G.
1977 Chiquitoy Viejo: An Inca Administrative Center in the Chicama Valley,
Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology 4(1): 1-18.
1990 Farfan, General Pacatnamu, and the dynastic history of Chimor. In
Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley
and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 227-242. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collection, Washington, D.C.
Conrad, G. and A. Demarest
1988 Religion and Empire: the Dynamics of Aztec and Inca Expansion.
Cosgrove, D.
1984 Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape. Croom Helm, London.
Cosgrove, D. and S. Daniels
1988 The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the Symbolic Representation,
Design, and Use of Past Environments. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Costin, C. and T. Earle
1989 Status Distinction and Legitimation of Power as Reflected in Changing
Patterns of Consumption in Late Prehispanic Peru. American Antiquity 54:691714.
Covey, R.
2000 Inka administration of the far south coast of Peru. Latin American
Antiquity 11(2).
2006 Intermediate Elites in the Inka Heartland, A.D. 1000-1500. In
Intermediate Elites in Pre-Columbian States and Empires, edited by C. Elson and
R. Covey, pp. 112-135. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.
Bibliography
334
Craig, A. and I. Shimada

1986 El Nino flood deposits at Batan Grande, northern Peru. Geoarchaeology
1:29-38.
D'Altroy, T.
1987 Transitions in power: centralization of Wanka political organization under
Inka rule. Ethnohistory 34(1):78-102.
1992 Provincial Power in the Inca Empire. Smithsonian Institution, Washington
D.C.
1994 Factions in political development in the central Andes. In Factional
Competition and Political Development in the New World, edited by E. Brumfiel
and J. Fox, pp 171-187. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.
2001 Politics, Resources, and Blood in the Inka Empire. In Empires, edited by
S. Alcock, T. DAltroy, K. Morrison and C. Sinopoli, pp. 201-226. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
2002
The Incas. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
2005 Remaking the Social Landscape: Colonization in the Inka Empire. In The
Archaeology of Colonial Encounters, edited by G. Stein, pp. 263-295. SAR Press,
Albuquerque.
DAltroy, T. and R. Bishop
1990 Provincial organization of Inka ceramic production. American Antiquity
55(l):120-38.
DAltroy, T. and T. Earle
1985 Staple finance, wealth finance, and storage in the Inka political economy.
Current Anthropology 26(2): 187-206.
DAltroy, T. and C. Hastorf
1984 Distribution and contents of Inca state storehouses in the Xauxa region of
Peru. American antiquity 49(2):334-349.
DAltroy, T. and C. Hastorf (editors)
2001 Empire and Domestic Economy. Kluwer Academic, New York.
DAltroy, T., A. Lorandi, V. Williams, M. Calderari, C. Hastorf, E. DeMarrais and M.
Hagstrum
Bibliography
335
2000 Inka rule in the northern Calchaqui Valley, Argentina. Journal of Field
Archaeology 27(1): 1-26.
Day, K.
1982 Ciudadelas: Their Form and Function. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert
City, edited by M. Moseley and K. Day, pp 55-66, SAR Press, Albuquerque.
David, B. and M. Wilson (editors)
2002 Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Place. University of Hawaii
Press, Honolulu.
Demarest, A. and G. Conrad (editors)
1992 Ideology. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.
DeMarrais, E., T. Earle and L. J. Castillo
1996 Ideology, materialization, and power strategies. Current Anthropology
37(1):15-31.
Dietler, M.
1997 Iron Age in Mediterranean France: colonial encounters, entanglements,
and transformations. Journal of World Prehistory 11(3):269-358.
Dillehay, T.
1977 Tawantinsuyu integration of the Chillon Valley, Peru: a case of Inca geopolitical mastery. Journal of Field Archaeology 4(4):397-405.
2001 Town and Country in Late Moche Times: A View from two Northern
Valleys. In Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, edited by J. Pillsbury,
pp. 259-284. National Gallery of Art, Distributed by Yale University Press,
Washington D.C.
Dillehay, T., G. Calderon, M. Politis and M. De Conceicaso de Mora
1992 Earliest Hunters and gatherers of South America. Journal of World
Prehistory 6(2): 145-204.
Donnan, C.
1976 Moche Art and Iconography. Latin American Studies Publications,
University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles.
1979 Moche art of Peru: Pre-Columbian symbolic communication. Fowler
Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles.
1985 Archaeological confirmation of a Moche ceremony. Indiana 10:371-381.
Bibliography
336
1990a Assessment of the validity of the Naymlap dynasty. In Northern

Cordy-Collins, pp 243-274. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,
Washington, D.C.
1990b Chotuna friezes and the Chotuna-Dragon connection. In Northern
Cordy-Collins, pp. 275-296. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,
Washington D.C.
1997 A Chimu-Inka Ceramic-Manufacturing Center from the North Coast of
Peru. Latin American Antiquity 8(l):30-54.
2001 Moche Ceramic Portraits. In Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru,
edited by J. Pillsbury, 127-140. National Gallery of Art. Distributed by Yale
University Press, Washington D.C.
2004
Moche Portraits from Ancient Peru. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Donnan, C. and L. J. Castillo

1992 Finding the Tomb of a Moche Priestess. Archaeology 45:38-42.
1994 Excavaciones de Tumbas de Sacerdotisas Moche en San Jose de Moro,
Jequetepeque. In Moche, Propuestas y Prospectivas, actas del primer coloquio de
la cultural Moche, Trujillo de 12-16, 1993, edited by E. Mujica and S. Uceda, pp
415-424. Serie Travaux de l'lnstitut Francais d'Etudes Andines, Vol. 79, Lima.
Donnan, C. and G. Cock (editors)
1986 The Pacatnamu Papers. 1. Fowler Museum of Culture History, Univeristy
of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles.
1997 The Pacatnamu Papers: The Moche Occupation. 2. Fowler Museum of
Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles.
Donnan, C. and D. McClelland
1999 Moche Fineline Painting: its Evolution and its Artists. Fowler Museum of
Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles.
Doyle, M.
1986 Empires. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.
Duncan, J. S.
1990 The City as Text: The Politics of Landscape Interpretation in the Kandyan
Kingdom. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Bibliography
337
Dunnell, R.
1992 The notion site. In Space, Time, and Archaeological Landscapes, edited
by J. Rossignol and L. Wandsnider, pp. 21-41. Plenum Press, New York.
Dunning, N., V. Scarborough, F. Valdez, S. Luzzadder-Beach, T. Beach and J. Jones
1999 Temple mountains, sacred lakes, and fertile fields: ancient Maya
landscapes in northwestern Belize. Antiquity 73(281):650-660.
Dyson, S. (editor)
1985 Comparative Studies in the Archaeology of Colonialism British
Archaeological Reports International Series, no. 233, Oxford
Earle, T. (editor)
1991 Cheifdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Earle, T. and T. D'Altroy
1982 Storage facilities and state finance in the upper Mantaro Valley, Peru. In
Contexts for Prehistoric Exchange, edited by J. Ericson and T. Earle, pp. 265-290.
Academic Press, New York
1989 Political economy of the Inka empire: the archaeology of power and
finance. In Archaeological Thought in America, edited by C. Lamberg-Karlovsky,
pp. 182-204. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Elera, C.
1997 Cupisnique y Salinar: algunas reflexiones preliminares. Arquitecturay
Civilizacion en los Andes Prehispdnicos 2:176-201.
Eling, H.
1977 Interpretaciones preliminares del riego antiguo de Talambo en el valle de
Jequetepeque, Peru. Congreso Peruano del hombrey la cultura andina 2:401419.
1987 The Role of Irrigation Networks in Emerging Societal Complexity During
Late Prehispanic Times, Jequetepeque Valley, North Coast Peru. Ph.D.
dissertation, Univeristy of Texas.
Elson, C. and R. Covey (editors)
2006 Intermediate Elites in Pre-Columbian States and Empires. University of
Arizona Press, Tucson.
Espinoza Soriano, W.
Bibliography
338
1967 El primer informe etnologico sobre Cajamarca. Ano de 1540. Revista

Peruana de Cultura 11-12:5-41.
1975 Las mitmas huayacuntu en Quito o guarniciones para la represion armada,
siglos XV y XVI. Revista Museo Nacional 41:351 -394.
1976 Los mitmas de Nasca en Ocona, Vitor y Camana: siglo XV y XVI; una
tasa inedita de 1580 para la etnohistoria andina. Bulletin Institut Francois
d'Etudes Andines 5(l-2):85-95.
1984 Los mitmas salineros de Tarma, Chinchaycocha y Paseo, Siglos XXa.C. XXd.C. Allpanchis 24:183-250.
Evans, S.
1985 The Cerro Gordo Site: A Rural Settlement of the Aztec Period in the Basin
of Mexico. Journal of Field Archaeology 12(1):1-18.
Falconer, S.
1995 Rural Responses to Early Urbanism: Bronze Age Household and Village
Economy at Tell el-Hayyat, Jordan. Journal of Field Archaeology 22(4):399-419.
Farrington, I.
1992 Ritual geography, settlement patterns and the characterization of the
provinces of the Inka heartland. World Archaeology 23(3):368-385.
Feld, S. and K. Basso (editors)
1996 Senses of Place. SAR Press, Santa Fe.
Field, D.
1998 Round barrows and the harmonious landscape: placing Early Bronze Age
burial monuments in south-east England. Oxford Journal of Archaeology
17(3):309-326.
Fung Pineda, R.
1988 The Late Preceramic and Initial Period. In Peruvian Prehistory: An
Overview ofpre-Inca andlnca Society, edited by R. Keatinge, pp. 67-96.
Garcilaso de la Vega, E.
1966 Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru. Translated
by H. Livermore. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Gifford, C.
Bibliography
339
2003 Local Matters: Encountering the Imperial Inkas in the South Andes Ph.D.
Dissertation, Columbia University.
Given, M.
2000
230.
Agriculture, settlement and landscape in Ottoman Cyprus. Levant 32:209-
Gosden, C.
1989 Prehistoric Social Landscapes of the Arawe Islands, West New Britain
Province, Papua New Guinea. Archaeology in Oceania 24:45-58.
2005 Archaeology and Colonialism: Cultural Contact from 5,000 B.C. to the
Present. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Gosden, C. and L. Head
1994 Landscape - a usefully ambiguous concept. Archaeology in Oceania
29:113-116.
Gose, P.
1993 Segmentary state formation and the ritual control of water under the Incas.
Comparative Studies in Society and History 35(3):480-514.
Gramsch, A.
1996 Landscape archaeology: of making and seeing. Journal of European
Archaeology 4:19-38.
Grosboll, S.
1987 Ethnic boundaries within the Inca Empire: evidence from Huanuco, Peru.
In Ethnicity and Culture, edited by R. Auger, pp. 115-124. Archaeological
Association, University of Calgary, Calgary.
1993...And He Said in the Time of the Ynga, They Paid Tribute and Served the
Ynga. In Provincial Inca, edited by M. Malpass, pp. 44-76. University of Iowa
Press, Iowa City.
GroBman, A., W. Salhuana, R. Sevilla and P. Mangelsdorf
1961 Races ofMaice in Peru. National Academy of Sciences, National
Research Council, Publication 915.
Guaman Poma, F.
1980 El primer nueva coronicay buen gobierno. Siglo Veinituno, Mexico, D.F.
Hassig, R.
Bibliography
340
1988 Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control. University of

Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Hastorf, C. and T. D'Altroy
2001 The Domestic Economy, Households, and Imperial Transformations. In
Empire and Domestic Economy, edited by T. D'Altroy and C. Hastorf, pp. 1-25.
Kluwer Academic, New York.
Hastorf, C.
1990 The Effect of the Inka State on Sausa Agricultural Production and Crop
Consumption. American Antiquity 55(2):262-290.
Hayashida, F.
1995 State Pottery Production in the Inka Provinces, University of Michigan.
1999 Style, Technology, and State Production: Inka Pottery Manufacturing in
the La Leche Valley, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 10(4):337-353.
2003 Leyendo el Registro Arqueologico del Domino Inka: Reflexiones desde la
Costa Norte del Peru. Boletin de Arqueologia PUCP 7:305-319.
Hecker, G. and W. Hecker
1982 Pacatnamu: vorspanische Stadt in NordPeru, Munich.
1985 Pacatnamu y sus construcciones: Centro religioso prehispanico en la
costa norte Peruana, Frankfurt.
1991 Die Huaca 16 in Pacatnamu: eine Ausgrabung an der nordPeruanischen
Kuste. Dietrich Reimer, Berlin.
Heffernan, K.
1996 Limatambo: Archaeology, History, and the Regional Societies oflnca
Cusco. British Archaeological Reports International Series, no. 644, Oxford.
Heyerdahl, T.
1996 Tucume Banco de Credito del Peru, Lima.
Hill, E.
1999 Art of political discourse: ideology and sacrificial ritual among the
Moche. Ph.D. dissertation, University of New Mexico.
Hirsch, E.
Bibliography
341
1995 Introduction. In The Anthropology of Landscape: Perspectives on Place

and Space, edited by E. Hirsch and M. O'Hanlon, pp. 1-30. Oxford University
Press, Oxford.
Hirsch, E. and M. O'Hanlon (editors)
1995 The Anthropology of Landscape: Perspectives on Place and Space.
Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Hocquenghem, A.
1994 Los espanoles en los caminos del extremo norte del Peru en 1532.
Bulletin, Institutfrancais d'etudes andines 23(l):l-67.
Hyslop, J.
1984
The Inka road system. Academic Press, Orlando.
1990 Inka Settlement Planning. University of Texas Press, Austin.

1993 Factors Influencing the Transmission and Distribution of Inka Cultural
Materials through Tawantinsuys. In Latin American Horizons, edited by D. S.
Rice, pp. 337-356. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,
Washington D.C.
Ingold, T.
1993
The temporality of the landscape. World Archaeology 25:152-174.
Inokuchi, K.
2001 Temples and iconography : the transformational process in the figurative
expressions at Kuntur Wasi during the Formative Period in the central Andes.
Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology 3:385-431.
Jackson,J.
1994 Discovering the Vernacular Landscape. Yale University Press, New
Haven.
Jennings, J. and W. Alvarez
2001 Architecture, Local Elites, and Imperial Entanglements: The Wari Empire
and the Cotahuasi Valley of Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology 28(1/2): 143-159.
Jennings, J., K. Antrobus, S. Atencio, E. Glavich, R. Johnson, G. Loffler and C. Luu
2005 "Drinking beer in a blissful mood": alcohol production, operational chains,
and feasting in the ancient world. Current Anthropology 2:275-303.
Johnson, M.
2007 Ideas of Landscape. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Bibliography
342
Julien, C.
1978 Inca Administration in the Titicaca Basin as Reflected at the Provincial
Capital of Hatunqolla. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.
1983 Hatunqolla, a View of Inca Rule from the Lake Titicaca Region.
University of California Press, Berkeley.
1988
How Inca decimal administration worked. Ethnohistory 35(3):257-279.
1993 Finding a Fit: Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Incas. In Provincial

Inka: Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Assessment of the Impact of the Inka
State, edited by M. A. Malpass, pp. 177-233. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City.
Kaulicke, P., R. Kondo, T. Kusuda and J. Zapata
2003 Agua, Ancestros y Arqueologia del Paisaje. Boletin de Arqueologia PUCP
7:27-56.
Keatinge, R.
1974 Chimu rural administrative centers in the Moche Valley, Peru. World
Archaeology 6(l):66-82.
1977 Religious forms and secular function : the expansion of state
burueucracies as reflected in prehistoric architecture on the Peruvian north coast.
In Anthropology and the Climate of Opinion, edited by S. Freed, pp. 229-245.
New York Academy of Sciences, New York.
1980 Archaeology and development: the Tembladera sites of the Peruvian
north coast. Journal of Field Archaeology 7:467-475.
1982 The Chimu empire in a regional perspective: cultural antecedents and
continuities. In Chan Chan : Andean Desert City, edited by M. Moseley and K.
Day, pp. 197-224. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Keatinge, R. and G. Conrad
1983 Imperialist expansion in Peruvian prehistory: Chimu administration of a
conquered territory. Journal of Field Archaeology 10:255-283.
Kendall, A.
1972 A method for analysis of Inca architectural remains: introducing a list of
activity requirements to generate functional solutions to forms. In International
Congress of Americanists, 40th, Roma-Genova, 3-10 Settembre 1972. Atti del XL
Congresso Internazionale degli Americanisti, pp. 337-342 vol. 1, Genova.
Bibliography
343
1974 Architecture and Planning at the Inca Sites in the Cusichaca Area.
Baessler-Archiv, Berlin.
1985 Aspects of Inca Architecture: Description, Function and Chronology. 2
vols. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 242, Oxford.
1996 An archaeological perspective for late Intermediate Period Inca
development in the Cuzco region. Journal, Steward Anthropological Society
24(2):121-156.
Klein, O.
1967 La Ceramica Mochica: Caracteres Estilisticos y Conceptos. Scientia, no.
131. Universidad Tecnica Federico Santa Maria, Valparaiso.
Knapp, A. B. and W. Ashmore
1999 Archaeological Landscapes: Constructed, Conceptualized, Ideational. In
Archaeologies of Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives, edited by W. Ashmore
and A. B. Knapp. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Kolata, A.
1990 Urban concept of Chan Chan. In Northern Dynasties: Kingship and
Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 107-144.
Dumbarton Oaks Research Libary and Collection, Washington D.C.
1993
MA.
The Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civilization Blackwell, Maiden,
Kosok, P.
1965 Life, land, and water in ancient Peru; an account of the discovery,
exploration, and mapping of ancient pyramids, canals, roads, towns, walls, and
fortresses of coastal Peru with observations of various aspects of Peruvian life,
both ancient and modern. Long Island University Press, New York.
Kristiansen, K.
1987 Center and periphery in Bronze Age Scandinavia. In Centre and Periphery
in the Ancient World, edited by M. Rowlands, M. Larsen and K. Kristiansen, pp.
74-85. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
La Lone, D.
1982 The Inca as a Nonmarket Economy: Supply of Command Versus Supply
and Demand. In Contexts for Prehistoric Exchange, edited by J. Ericson and T.
Earle, pp. 291-316. Academic Press, New York.
344
Bibliography
1994 An Andean World System: Production Transformations under the Inka

Empire. In The Economic Anthropology of the State, edited by E. M. Brumfiel,
pp. 17-41. Society for Economic Anthropology, Monograph 11. University Press
of America, Lanham MD.
La Lone, M. and D. La Lone
1987 The Inka State in the Southern Highlands: State Administrative and
Production Enclaves. Ethnohistory 34:47-62.
Larco Hoyle, R.
1948 Cronologia Arqueologica del Norte del Peru. Sociedad Geographica
Americana, Buenos Aires.
Layton, R., and P. Ucko
1999 Introduction: Gazing on the Lanscape and Encountering the Environment.
In The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape: Shaping your Landscape,
edited by P. Ucko and R. Layton, pp. 1-20. Routledge, London; New York.
Leone, M.
1984 Interpreting ideology in historical archaeology: the William Paca garden
in Annapolis, Maryland. In Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, edited by D. Miller
and C. Tilley, pp. 25-35. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Leone, M. and P. Potter
1988 The Recovery of Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United
States. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington.
1999 Historical archaeologies of capitalism. Kluwer Academic: Plenum Press,
New York.
Levine, T.
1987 Inka Labor Service at the Regional Level: The Functional Reality.
Ethnohistory 34:14-46.
1992 Inka Storage Systems. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.
Liverani, M. (editor)
1993 Akkad: The First World Empire. Sargon, Padua.
Lothrop, S.
1926
La Centinela, an Inca ruin on the coast of Peru.
Lovell, N. (editor)
1998 Locality and Belonging. Routledge, London; New York.
Bibliography
345
Luttwak, E.
1976 The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to
the Third. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore.
Lynch, T.
1971 Preceramic transhumance in the Callejon de Huaylas, Peru. American
Antiquity 36(2): 139-148.
1974 The antiquity of man in South America. Quaternary Research 4:356-377.
Lyons, C. and J. Papadopoulos (editors)

2002 Archaeology of Colonialism. Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles.
Mackey, C.
2003 La Trasformacion Socioeconomica de Farfan Bajo el Gobierno Inka.
Boletin de Arqueologia Pucp 7:321-353.
2006 Elite Residences at Farfan: A Comparison of the Chimu and Inka
Occupations In Palaces and Power in the Americas: From Peru to the Northwest
Coast edited by J. Christie and P. Sarro, pp. 313-352. University of Texas Press,
Austin.
Mackey, C. and A. Klymyshyn
1981 Construction and labor organization in the Chimu empire. In Nawpa
Pacha, 19:99-114.
1990 Southern frontier of the Chimu empire. In Northern Dynasties: Kingship
and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 195226. Dumbarton Oaks Research Libary and Collection, Washington D.C.
MacNeish, R.
1975 Early man in the Andes. In Avenues to Antiquity, edited by B. M. Fagan,
pp. 99-109. W.H. Freeman, San Francisco.
Malpass, M.
1993 Provincial Inca: Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Assessment of the
Impact of the Inca State. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City.
Mann, M.
1986 The Sources of Social Power. Vol. 1, A History of Power to A.D. 1760.
Bibliography
346
McEwan, C. and M. van de Guchte

1992 Ancestral time and sacred space in Inca state ritual. In Ancient Americas:
Art from Sacred Landscapes, edited by R. F. Townsend, pp. 358-371. Art Institute
of Chicago, Chicago.
McGuire, R.
1988 Dialogues with the Dead: Ideology and the Cemetery. In The Recovery of
Meaning in Historical Archaeology, edited by M. Leone and P. Potter, pp. 435480. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C.
McGuire, R. and R. Paynter (editors)
1991 The Archaeology of Inequality. Blackwell, Maiden MA.
Means, P.
1931 Ancient Civilizations in the Andes. Charles Scriber's Sons, New York.
Menzel, D.
1964
Style and Time in the Middle Horizon. Nawpa Pacha 2:1-105.
1969 New Data on the Huari Empire in the Middle Horizon 2 A. Nawpa Pacha
6:47-114.
Miles, D.
1981 Social landscape: pattern and purpose? British Archaeological Reports,
International Series, no. 87, pp. 9-18, Oxford.
Miller, D. and C. Tilley (editors)
1984 Ideology, Power, and Prehistory. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Moore, J.
1981 Chimu socio-economic organization: preliminary data from Manchan,
Casma Valley, Peru. In Nawpa Pacha, 19:115-128.
1989 Pre-Hispanic Beer in Coastal Peru: Technology and Social Context of
Prehistoric Production. American Anthropologist 91(3):682-695.
1992 Pattern and Meaning in Prehistoric Peruvian Architecture: The
Architecture of Social Control in the Chimu State Pattern and Meaning in
Prehistoric Peruvian Architecture: The Architecture of Social Control in the
Chimii State Latin American Antiquity 3(2):95-113.
1996 Architecture and Power in the Ancient Andes : the Archaeology of Public
Buildings Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Bibliography
347
Morkot, R.
2001 Egypt and Nubia. In Empires, edited by S. Alcock, T. D'Altroy, K.
Morrison and C. Sinopoli, pp. 227-251. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Morris, C.
1970 Huanuco Viejo: an Inca administrative center. American Antiquity
35(3):344-362.
1971 The Identification of Function in Inca Architecture and Ceramics. Adas y
Memorias delXXXIXCongreso Internacional de Americanistas 3:135-144.
1982 The Infrastructure of Inka Control in the Peruvian Central Highlands. In
The Inca and Aztec States, 1400-1800: Anthropology and History, edited by G.
Collier, R. Rosaldo and J. Wirth, pp. 153-171. Academic Press, New York.
1998 Inka Strategies of Incorporation and Governance. In Archaic States, edited
by G. Feinman and J. Marcus, pp. 293-309. School of American Research Press,
Santa Fe.
Morris, C. and R. Covey
2006 The Management of Scale or the Creation of Scale: Administrative
Processes in Two Inka Provinces. In Intermediate Elites in Pre-Columbian States
and Empires, edited by C. Elson and R. Covey, pp. 136-153. University of
Arizona Press, Tucson.
Morris, C. and D. Thompson
1985 Huanuco Pampa: an Inca City and its Hinterland. Thames and Hudson,
London.
Morrison, K.
1994 States of theory and states of Asia: Regional perspectives on states in
Asia. Asian Perspectives 33(2): 183-196.
1995 Fields of Victory: Vijayanagara and the Course of Intensification.
University of California Archaeological Research Facility, Berkeley, CA.
2001 Local Processes and Imperial Strategies in Vijayanagara. In Empires,
edited by S. Alcock, T. D'Altroy, K. Morrison and C. Sinopoli, pp. 252-278.
Morrison, K. and M. Lycett
1994 Centralized Power, Centralized Authority? Ideological Claims and
Archaeological Patterns. Asian Perspectives 33:327-350.
348
Bibliography
Moseley, M. and K. Day (editors)

1982 Chan Chan : Andean Desert City. University New Mexico Press,
Albuquerque.
Moseley, M. and E. Deeds
1982 The land in front of Chan Chan: agrarian expansion, reform, and collapse
in the Moche Valley. In Chan Chan : Andean Desert City edited by M. Moseley
and K. Day, pp. 25-53. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Moseley, M.
1975 The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization. Cummings Pub. Co.,
Menlo Park, Calif.
1983 Good old days were better: agrarian collapse and tectonics. American
Anthropologist 85:773-799.
Moseley, M. and A. Cordy-Collins (editors)
1990 The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor. Dumbarton
Oaks Research Library, Washington, D.C.
Muir, R.
1999 Approaches to Landscape. Macmillan, Basingstoke, England.
2000 The new Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History.
University of Exeter Press, Exeter.
Murra, J.
1960 Rite and crop in the Inca state, la Diamond, Stanley, editor: Culture in
history; essays in honor ofPaulRadin, pp. 393-407. New York.
1962 Cloth and its functions in the Inca state. American anthropologist
64(4):710-728.
1975 Formaciones economicas y politicas del mundo andino. Instituto de
Estudios Peruanos, Lima.
1980
The Economic Organization of the Inca State. JAI Press, Greenwich, CT.
Murry, T.
2004 The Archaeology of Contact in Settler Societies. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge.
Murua, F.
Bibliography
349
1962 Historia general del Peru, origen y descendencia de los Incas. Bibliotheca
Americana Ventus, Madrid.
Nash, G.
1997 Semiotics of landscape: archaeology of mind. British Archaeological
Reports International Series, No. 661, Oxford
Netherly, P.
1977 Local Level Lords on the North Coast of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell
University.
1984 The Managment of Late Andean Irrigation Systems on the North Coast of
Peru. American Antiquity 49(2):227-254.
1988 El reino de Chimor en el Tawantinsuyu. In Lafrontera del Estado Inka,
British Archaeological Reports International Series 442, edited by P. Netherly and
T. Dillehay, pp. 105-129, Oxford.
1990 Out of many, one: the organization of rule in the North Coast polities. In
and A Cordy-Collins, pp. 461-487. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collection, Washington, D.C
Nicholson, G.
1960 Maize Types and Chicha Manufacture in Peru. Economic Botany
14(4):290-299.
Niles, S.
1992 Inca architecture and the sacred landscape. In Ancient Americas: Art from
Sacred Landscapes, edited by R. Townsend, pp. 356-357. Art Institute of
Chicago, Chicago and Munich.
1999
The Shape of Inca History. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City.
Olwig, K.
1996 The substantive nature of landscape. The Annals of the Association of
American Geographers 86:630-653.
Onuki, Y.
1997 Ocho tumbas especiales de Kuntur Wasi. In La Muerte en el Antiguo
Peru: Contextos y Conceptos Funerarios edited by P. Kaulike, pp. 79-114.
Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, Fondo Editorial, Lima
Ortloff, C , R. Feldman and M. Moseley
Bibliography
350
1985 Hydraulic engineering and historical aspects of the pre-Columbian

intravalley canal systems of the Moche Valley, Peru. Journal of Field
Archaeology 12:77-98.
Ossa, P.
1978 Paijdn in Early Andean Prehistory: the Moche Valley Evidence.
Occasional papers of the Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta,
Edmonton.
Ossa, P. and M. Moseley
1971 La Cumbre; a preliminary report on research into the early lithic
occupation of the Moche Valley, Peru. Nawpa Pacha 9:1-16.
Parker, B.
Archaeological Manifestations of Empire: Assyria's Imprint on Southeastern
Anatolia. American Journal of Archaeology, 107(4): 525-557.
Parsons, M.
1970 Preceramic subsistence on the Peruvian coast. American Antiquity
35(3):292-204.
Patrick, H.
1973
Royal Road of the Inca. Americas 35(10):28-37.
Patterson, T.
1991 The Inca Empire: the Formation and Disintegration of a Pre-capitalist
State. St. Martin's Press, New York.
Paynter, R. and R. McGuire
1991 The Archaeology of Inequality: Material Culture, Domination, and
Resistance. In The Archaeology of Inequality, edited by R. McGuire and R.
Paynter, pp. 1-27. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Pease , F.
1969 Simbolismo de centro en el Inca Garcilaso. In Mesa Redonda de Ciencias
Prehistoricas y Antropologicas, pp. 205-211. Universidad Catolica del Peru,
Lima.
1981 The Inka and political power in the Andes. In Kingship in Asia and early
America, edited by A. Basham, pp. 243-256. El Colegio de Mexico, Mexico City.
Penning-Rosewell, E.
351
Bibliography
1986 Themes, Speculations and an Agenda for Landscape Research. In

Landscape Meanings and Values, edited by C. Penning-Rosewell and D.
Lowenthal, pp. 114-28. Allen and Unwin, London.
Polanyi, K.
1957 The Ecomony as Instituted Process. In Trade and Market in the Early
Empires, edited by K. Polanyi, C. Arensberg and H. Pearson, pp. 243-70. Free
Press, New York.
Polanyi, K., C. Arensberg and H. Pearson (editors)
1957 Trade and Market in the Early Empires. Free Press, New York.
Polo de Ondegardo, J.
1916 Relacion de los fundamentos acerca del notable dano que resulta de no
guardar a los indios sus fuertes. In Coleccion de Libros y Documentos Referentes
a la Historia del Peru, edited by H. Urteaga, pp. 45-188. vol. 3. Sanmarti, Lima.
1917 La Relacion del linaje de los Incas y como entendieron ellos sus
conquistas. In Libros y Documentos Referentes a la Historia del Peru, edited by
H. Urteaga, pp. 45-94. vol. 4. Sanmarti, Lima.
Postgate, J.
1992
63.
The Land of Assur and the Yoke of Assur. World Archaeology 23(3):247-
Pozorski, S. and T. Pozorski

1987 Early Settlement and Subsistence in the Casma Valley, Peru University of
Iowa Press, Iowa City.
Pozorski, S.
1979 Prehistoric Diet and Subsistence of the Moche Valley, Peru. World
Archaeology 11(2):163-184.
Pozorski, T. and S. Pozorski
1987 Chavin, the Early Horizon and the Initial Period. In The Origin and
Development of the Andean State, edited by J. Haas, S. Pozorski and T. Pozorski.
Protzen, J. and R. Batson
1993 Inca Architecture and Construction at Ollantaytambo. Oxford University
Press, New York.
Raffino, R. and A. Nielsen
Bibliography
352
1993 Inka, arqueologia, historiay urbanismo del altiplano andino. Corregidor,

Buenos Aires.
Ramirez, S.
1990 The Inca conquest of the North Coast: a historians point of view. In The
and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 507-538. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library,
Washington D.C.
1994 Myths and legends as fiction or fact: a historian's assessment of the
traditions of north coastal Peru. Latin American Indian Literatures Journal
10(2): 156-170.
1996 The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in
Sixteenth-Century Peru. Stanford University Press, Palo Alto.
Ravines, R.
1982 Arqueologia del valle medio del Jequetepeque. Proyecto de Rescate
Arqueologico Jequetepeque, Lima.
1983 Cajamarca : arquitectura religiosay civil Instituto Nacional de Cultura,
Lima.
1985
Sobre la arqueologia del norte del Peru. Revista andina 3(1): 191-211.
1997 Pachacamac : santuario universal Editorial Los Pinos, Lima.

Ravines, R. and K. Stothert
1976 Un entierro comun del horizonte tardio en la costa central del Peru. Lima,
Museo Nacional. Revista 42:153-205.
Reinhard, J.
1985 Sacred Mountains: an Ethno-archaeological Study of High Andean Ruins.
Mountain Research and Development 5(4):299-317.
1993 Llullaillac: an Investigation of the World's Highest Archaeological Site.
Latin American Indian Literatures Journal 9(1): 31-65
1998a Discovering the Inca Ice Maiden: my adventures on Ampato. National
Geographic Society, Washington D.C.
1998b The temple of blindness: an investigation of the Inca shrine of
Ancocagua. Andean Past 5:89-108.
Bibliography
353
1999 Frozen in Time. National Geographic Magazine 196 (5): 36-55.

Richardson, J, A. Heaps de Pefla, E. Decima Zamecnik and M. McConaughy
1990 Northern frontier of the kingdom of Chimor: the Piura, Chira, and Tumbez
valleys. In Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M.
Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins, pp. 419-445. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library,
Washington, D.C.
Rick, J. W.
1984 Sedentary prehistoric hunters of the Peruvian altiplano. Revista de
Prehistoria 6:411-34.
Rosas Rintel, M.
2007 Nuevas perspectivas acerca del colapso Moche en el Bajo Jequetepeque.
Bulletin de llnstitutFrangais d'Etudes Andines 36(2):221-240.
Rossignol, J. and L. Wandsnider (editors)
1992 Space, Time, and Archaeological Landscapes. Plenum Press, New York.
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M.
1977 Etniay sociedad: costa Peruana prehispdnica 4. Instituto de Estudios
Peruanos, Lima.
1989a Costa Peruana prehispdnica. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima.
1989b Organizacion economica en los Andes 6. Hisbol, La Paz, Bolivia.
1990 Ethnohistorical considerations about the Chimor. In Northern Dynasties:
Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins,
pp. 447-460. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, Washington, D.C.
1999 History of the Inca Realm. Translated by H. Iceland. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
Rowe, J.
1946 Inca culture at the time of the Spanish conquest. In Handbook of South
American Indians, vol. 2. edited by J. Steward, pp. 183-330. Smithsonian
Institution Press, Washington, D.C.
1948
The kingdom of Chimor. Acta americana. 6:26-59.
1958 Inca religion. In Reader in Comparative Religion, edited by W. Lessa and

E. Vogt, pp. 540-553. Hamilton Publishing, Evanston, 111.
Bibliography
354
1982 Inca policies and institutions relating to the cultural unification of the
empire. In Inca and Aztec states 1400-1800, edited by G. Collier, R. Rosaldo and
J. Wirth, pp. 93-118. Academic Press, New York.
Rowlands, M.
1993 The Role of Memory in the Transmission of Culture. World Archaeology
25(2):141-51.
Salomon, F.
1986 Native Lords of Quito in the Age of the Incas. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge.
Sancho de la Hoz, P.
1917 Relacion. In [1532-1533] Coleccion de Libros y Documentos Referentes a
la Historia del Peru., edited by H. Urteaga, pp. 122-202. vol. 5. Sanmarti, Lima.
Sanders, W. T.
1977 Environmental Heterogeneity and the Evolution of Lowland Maya
Civilization. In The Origins of Maya Civilization, edited by R. Adams, pp. 28797. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Sapp, W.
2002 The Impact of Imperial Conquest at the Palace of a Local Lord in the
Jequetepeque Valley, Northern Peru. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California
at Los Angeles.
Sarmiento de Gamboa, P.
1960 Historia de los Incas. In Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, pp. 193-297.
vol. 135. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid.
Sauer, C.
1963 The Morphology of Landscape. In Land and Life: A Selection of the
Writings of Carl Sauer, edited by J. Leighley. University of California Press,
Berkeley, CA.
Schama, S.
1995 Landscape and Memory. Knopf, New York.
Schreiber, K.
1987 Conquest and consolidation: a comparison of the Wari and Inka
occupations of a highland Peruvian valley. American Antiquity 52(2):266-284.
1992 Wari Imperialism in Middle Horizon Peru. Museum of Anthropology,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
355
Bibliography
Schreiber, K. and J. Lancho Rojas

2003 Irrigation and Society in the Peruvian Desert: the Puquios ofNasca
Lexington Books, Lanham, MD.
Sherbondy, J.
1992 Water Ideology in Inca Ethnogenesis. In Andean Cosmologies Through
Time, edited by R. Dover, K. Seibold, and J. McDowell, pp. 46-66. Indiana
University Press, Bloomington.
Sherratt, A.
1996 "Settlement patterns" or "landscape studies"? Reconciling reason and
romance. Archaeological Dialogues 3:140-59.
Shimada, I.
1976 Socioeconomic Organization at Moche V Pampa Grande, Peru: Prelude
to a Major Transformation to Come. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Arizona.
1994 Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. University of Texas Press,
Austin.
1997 Organizational Significance of Marked Bricks and Associated
Construction Features on the North Peruvian Coast. In Archaeologica Peruana 2:
Arquitectura y Civilizacion en los Andes Prehispanicos, edited by E. Bonnier and
H. Bischof, pp. 63-90. Stadtisches Reiss-Museum Mannheim, Sociedad
Arqueologica Peruano-Alemana, Mannheim.
Shimada, I. and A. Maguina
1994 Nueva vision sobre la cultura Gallinazo y su relacion con la cultura
Moche. In Moche, Propuestas y Prospectivas, actas del primer coloquio de la
cultural Moche, Trujillo de 12-16, 1993, edited by E. Mujica and S. Uceda, pp 3158. Serie Travaux de l'lnstitut Francais d'Etudes Andines, Vol. 79, Lima.
Shimada, I., L. Thompson, E. Mosley-Thompson and C. Schaaf

1991 Cultural impacts of severe droughts in the prehistoric Andes: application
of a 1,500-year ice core precipitation record. World Archaeology 22(3): 247-270.
Sinopoli, C.
1994
180.
The Archaeology of Empires. Annual Review of Anthropology 23:159-
Sinopoli, C. and K. Morrison
Bibliography
356
1995 Dimensions of Imperial Control, the Vijayanagra Capitol. American

Anthropologist 97:83-96.
Smith, A.
1999 The Making of an Urartian Landscape in Southern Transcaucasia: A Study
of Political Architectonics. American Journal of Archaeology, 103(1): 45-71.
Smith, C. and H. Wobst (editors)
2005 Indigenous Archaeologies : Decolonizing Theory and Practice Routledge,
London; New York.
Smith, M.
1996
The Aztecs. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
1987 The Expansion of the Aztec Empire: A Case Study in the Correlation of
Diachronic Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Data. American Antiquity
52(l):37-54.
Smith, M. and F. Berdan
1992 Archaeology and the Aztec Empire. World Archaeology 23:353-367.
Smith, M. and L. Montiel
2001 The archaeological study of empires in pre-Hispanic central Mexico.
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 20(3):245-284.
Smith, M. and T. Price
1994 Aztec-Period Agricultural Terraces in Morelos, Mexico: Evidence for
Household-Level Agricultural Intensification. Journal of Field Archaeology
21(2): 169-179.
Smith, M. and K. Schreiber
2005 New world states and empires : economic and social organization. Journal
of archaeological research 3:189-229.
Spalding, K.
1982 Exploitation as an economic system: the state and the extraction of surplus
in colonial Peru. In Inca and Aztec states, 1400-1800, pp. 321-342. Academic
Press, New York.
Stanish, C.
1992 Ancient Andean Political Economy. University of Texas Press, Austin.
1997 Nonmarket Imperialism in the Prehispanic Americas: The Inka
Occupation of the Titicaca Basin. Latin American Antiquity 8(3): 195-216.
Bibliography
357
Stein, G. (editor)
2005 The Archaeology of Colonial Encounters. SAR Press, Albuquerque.
Steinsapir, A.
1999 Landscape and the Sacred: The Sanctuary Dedicated to Holy, Heavenly
Zeus Baetocaece. Near Eastern Archaeology, 62(3): 182-194.
Steward, J.
1955
Theory of Culture Change. University of Illinios Press, Urbana.
Stoddart, S. and E. Zubrow

1999 Changing places. Antiquity 73(281):686-688.
Stoler, A.
1989 Rethinking colonial categories: European communities in Sumatra and the
boundaries of rule. Comparative Studies in Society and History 31(1): 134-161.
Swenson, E.
2003 Cities of violence: sacrifice, power and urbanization in the Andes. Journal
of Social Archaeology 2:256-296.
2006 Competitive feasting, religious pluralism and decentralized power in the
Late Moche period. Andean archaeology 3(2006): 112-143.
2007 Local ideological strategies and the politics of ritual space in the Chimu
empire. Archaeological Dialogues 14(l):61-90.
Tacon, P.
1994 Socialising landscapes: the long-term implications of signs, symbols and
marks on the land. Archaeology in Oceania 29(3): 117-129.
Terada, K.
1985 Early ceremonial architecture in the Cajamarca Valley. In Early
Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes edited by C. Donnan, pp. 191-208.
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, Washington D.C.
Terada, K. and Y. Onuki (editors)
1982 Excavations at Huacaloma in the Cajamarca Valley, 1979. University of
Tokyo Press, Tokyo.
1985 The Formative Period in the Cajamarca Basin, Peru: Excavations at
Huacaloma and Layzon. University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo.
Bibliography
358
Thomas, J.
1993 The politics of vision and the archaeologies of landscape. In Landscape:
Politics and Perspectives, edited by B. Bender, pp. 19-48. Berg, Oxford.
1996
Time, Culture and Identity. Routledge, London; New York.
Tilley, C.
1994 A Phenomemology of Landscape. Berg, Oxford.
1995 Rocks as resources: landscapes and power. Cornish Archaeology 34:5-57.
Tobler, W.
1993 Three Presentations on Geographical Analysis and Modeling : NonIsotropic Geographic Modeling; Speculations on the Geometry of Geography;
and Global Spatial Analysis. NCGIA University of California, Santa Barbara,
Calif.
Topic, J.
1980 Excavaciones en los barrios populares de Chanchan. In Chanchan, edited
by R. Ravines, pp. 267-82. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima.
1982 Lower-class social and economic organization at Chan Chan. In Chan
Chan : Andean Desert City edited by M. Moseley and K. Day, pp. 145-175.
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
1990 Craft production in the kingdom of Chimor. In Northern Dynasties:
Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins,
pp. 145-76. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, Washington D.C.
Topic, J. and M. Moseley
1983 Chan Chan: a case study of urban change in Peru. Nawpa Pacha 21:153182.
Topic, T.
1977 Excavations at Moche. Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University.
1990 Territorial Expansion and the Kingdom of Chimor. In Northern Dynasties:
Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, edited by M. E. Moseley and A. CordyCollins, pp. 177-94. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library Washington, D.C.
Trimborn, H.
1980 Die Pyramiden von Tiicume (Departamento de Lambayeque, Peru).
Indiana 6:349-360.
Bibliography
359
Tschauner, H.
2001 Socioeconomic and Political Organization in the Late Prehispanic
Lambayeque Sphere, Northern North Coast of Peru. Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard
University.
2006 Chimu craft specialization and political economy: a view from the
provinces. Andean Archaeology 3:171 -196.
Tuan, Y.
1974 Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes and Values.
Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
1977 Space and Place: The Perpective of Experience. University of Minnesota
Press, Minneapolis.
Uceda, S. and J. Canziani Amico
1993 Evidencias de grandes precipitaciones en diversas etapas constructivas de
la Huaca de la Luna, costa norte del Peru. Bulletin, Institut frangais d'etudes
andines 22(1): 313-343.
Uceda, S. and E. Mujica B.
1994 Moche: propuestas y perspectivas: actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la
Cultura Moche, Trujillo 12-16. de abril, 1993. Serie Travaux de l'lnstitut Francais
d'Etudes Andines, Vol. 79, Lima.
Uceda, S., E. Mujica B. and R. Morales
1997 Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995: Proyecto Arqueologico
Huacas del Sol y de la Luna. 1 ed. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad
Nacional de La Libertad, Trujillo.
1998 Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1996: Proyecto Arqueologico
Huacas del Sol y de la Luna. 1 ed. Universidad Nacional de la Libertad, Facultad
de Ciencias Sociales, Trujillo.
Ucko, P. and R. Layton (editors)
1999 The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscape: Shaping your
Landscape. Routledge, London; New York.
Uhle, M.
1903 Pachacamac; report of the William Pepper, M.D., LL. D., Peruvian
expedition of 1896, by Dr. Max Uhle; plan of the city and twenty-one plates in
phototype. The Department of Archaeology of the University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia.
Bibliography
Urton, G.
1978
167.
360
"Orientation in Quechua and Incaic Astronomy." Ethnology 17(2): 157-
1988 "La arquitectura publica como texto social: La historia de un muro de

adobe en Pacariqtambo, Peru (1915-1985)." Revista Andina 6(1):225-261.
1989 "La historia de un mito: Pacariqtambo y el origende los Incas." Revista
Andina 7(1): 129-196.
Van de Guchte, M.
1984 Ciclo mitico andino de la Piedra Cansada. Revista andina 2(2):539-556.
1999 The Inca Cognition of Landscape: Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and the
Aesthetic of Alterity. In Archaeologies oflandscape: Contemporary
Perspectives, edited by W. Ashmore and A. Knapp, pp. 149-168. Blackwell,
Maiden, MA.
van Dommelen, P.
1997 Colonial constructs: colonialism and archaeology in the Mediterranean.
World Archaeology 28(3):305-323.
1998 On Colonial Grounds: a Comparative Study of Colonialism and Rural
Settlement in First Millennium BC west central Sardinia. Faculty of Archaeology,
University of Leiden, Leiden.
Van Dyke, R. and S. Alcock (editors)
2004 Archaeologies of Memory. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
2004 Archaeologies of Memory: An Introduction. In Archaeologies of Memory,
edited by R. Van Dyke and S. Alcock, pp. 1-13. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Wachtel, N.
1982 The mitimas of the Cochabamba Valley: the colonization policy of
Huayna Capac. In Inca and Aztec states, 1400-1800, edited by G. Collier, R.
Rodaldo and J. Wirth, pp. 199-235. Academic Press, New York.
Wallerstein, I.
1974 The Modern World System I. Academic Press, New York.
Willey, G.
1953 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Vim Valley Bulletin 155. Bureau of
American Ethnology, Washington D.C.
Bibliography
361
1954 Early Ancon and Early Supe Culture, Chavin Horizon Sites of the Central
Peruvian Coast. Columbia University Press, New York.
1976 Peruvian settlement and socio-economic patterns. In Civilizations of
ancient America: selected papers of the XXUCth International Congress of
Americanists, 1949, edited by S. Tax, pp. 195-200. Krauss Reprint, New York
Wilson, D.
1988 Prehistoric Settlement Patterns of the Santa Valley, Peru. Smithsonian
Institute, Washington DC.
1995 Prehispanic settlement patterns in the Casma Valley, north coast of Peru:
preliminary results to date. In Current Research in Andean Antiquity, edited by A.
Zighelboim and C. Barnes, pp. 189-227.
Wolf, E.
1982 Europe and the People Without History. University of California Press,
Berkeley and Los Angeles.
Wright, H.
1977 Toward an Explanation of the Origin of the State. In Explanation in
Prehistoric Change, edited by J. Hill, pp. 215-230. University of New Mexico
Press, Albuquerque.
Wurst, L.
1991 "Employees Must be of Moral and Temperate Habits": Rural and Urban
Elite Ideologies. In The Archaeology of Inequality, edited by R. McGuire and R.
Paynter, pp. 125-149. Blackwell, Maiden, MA.
Yamin, R. and K. Metheny (editors)
1996 Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American
Historical Landscape. University of Tennessee Press, Knoxville.
Zuidema, R.
1964 The Ceque System ofCuzco: The Social Organization of the Capital of the
Incas. E. J. Brill, Leiden.
1977 The Inca kinship system: a new theoretical view. Special publication of
the American Anthropological Association 7:240-292.
1977 The relationship between mountains and coast in ancient Peru. Translation
series 17:359-371.
Bibliography
362
1982 Myth and history in ancient Peru. In Logic of Culture, edited by I. Rossi,
pp. 150-175. J.F. Bergin Publishers, South Hadley.
1992 Andean model for the study of Chavin iconography. Journal, Steward
Anthropological Society 20(l-2):37-54.

Kremkau Late Horizon Jequetpeque

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Kremkau Late Horizon Jequetpeque

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Late Horizon Imperial Landscapes in the

Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

UMI Number: 3400597

All rights reserved

Inka archaeology on the North Coast of Peru

The Archaeology of the Inka Empire

Chapter 2 : The Archaeology of Empires and Landscape

The Inka Empire and the North Coast of Peru

The Archaeology of Landscape

Chapter 3 : The Setting and Research Design

Chinchasuyu and the Incorporation of the Coast

The Cultural History of the North Coast

History of Research in the Jequetepeque

The Initial Period and Early Horizon

The Early Intermediate Period

The Middle Horizon

Late Intermediate Period

The Chaman Valley Survey Project

Fieldwork and Analysis

Site Excavation and Data Recovery

Faunal and Botanical Remains

Chimu Settlement Patterns in the Jequetepeque Valley

Settlement Patterns and Movement in the Chaman Valley

Chapter 5 : The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 1

Surface Collection Sites

Sites 67, 68, and 69

Domestic and Political Economy

Assessing site function

The Domestic and Political Economies

Chapter 6 : The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 2

Chapter 7 : Jequetepeque Valley Settlement Patterns during the Late Horizon

The Inka Occupation of Conquered Provinces

Settlement Pattern Changes during the Late Horizon

Late Horizon Sites with no Late Horizon Remodeling

Sites in the Northern Margin

Sites Marking Inka Territory

The Late Horizon Occupation of Farfan

Other Late Horizon Sites

Chapter 8 : Inka Imperial Strategies in the Jequetepeque Valley

The Nature of Late Horizon Changes in the Jequetepeque

Major Transformations in the Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon

Inka Landscapes: Land, Water, and Imperial Control

Local Power and Identity

Conclusions: Landscape and Empires

Imperialization and Local Elites

Figure 5. 12 Frequency of Ceramic Types from Feature 13, Site 46 Area 5

Table 6. 1 Counts of faunal and botanical taxa at Site 32

To my parents and my wife, for all of their support

govern subject societies without drastically

Inka archaeology on the North Coast of Peru

The Archaeology of the Inka Empire

The rapid expansion of the empire and its impressive

organizational capacity have impressed scholars and laymen alike.

Economic power refers to the ability to control access to resources, labor,

Several studies of ancient and modern empires have

However, elements of market economies, such as currency, traders,

They built vast provincial

Jequetepeque, controlling only a few key centers.

Rather, their locations were probably more significant because of their

Chapter 5: The Structure and Layout of Sites in Research Area 1

Chapter 2: The Archaeology of Empires and Landscape

Chapter 2: The Archaeology of Empires and Landscapes

Much of this section focuses on strategies